An account of the particularities of the imployments of
the English men left in Virginia
by Sir Richard Greenevill under the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of
the same, from the 17. of August 1585. until the 18.
of June 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey:
sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.
THAT I may proceede with order in this discourse, I
thinke it requisite to divide in into two parts. The first
shall declare the particularities of such parts of the
Countrey within the maine, as our weake number, and
supply of things necessarie did inable us to enter into
the discovery of.
The second part shall set downe the reasons generally
moving us to resolve on our departure at the instant
with the Generall Sir Francis Drake, and our common
request for passage with him, when the barkes, pinnesses,
and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him
to bee left in the Countrey, for the supply of such, as
for a further time meant to have stayed there, were caryed
away with tempest and foule weather: In the beginning
whereof shall bee declared the conspiracie of Pemisapan,
with the Savages of the maine to have cut us off, &c.
The first part declaring the particularities of the Countrey
of Virginia.
FIRST therefore touching the particularities of the Countrey, you shall understand that our discoverie of the
same hath beene extended from the
Iland of Roanoak,
(the same having bene the place of our settlement or
inhabitation) into the South, into the North, into the
Northwest, and into the West.
The uttermost place to the Southward of any discovery
was Secotan
, being by estimation fourescore miles distant
from Roanoak
. The passage from thence was through
a broad sound within the mayne, the same being without
kenning of lande, and yet full of flats and shoalds: we
had but one boate with foure oares to passe through the
same, which boate could not carry above fifteene men
with their furniture, baggage, and victuall for seven dayes
at the most: and as for our pinnesse, besides that she
drew too deep water for that shallow sound, she would
not stirre for an oare: for these and other reasons (winter
also being at hand) we thought good wholly to leave the
discovery of those parts untill our stronger supply.
To the Northward our furthest discovery was to the
Chesepians, distant from Roanoak
about 130. miles, the
passage to it was very shallow and most dangerous, by
reason of the bredth of the sound, and the little succour
that upon any flawe was there to be had.
But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians (being
distant fifteene miles from the shoare) was for pleasantnes
of seate, for temperature of Climate, for fertilitie of soyle,
and for the commoditie of the Sea, besides multitude of
Beares (being an excellent good victuall) with great woods
of Sassafras, and Wallnut trees, is not to be excelled by
any other whatsoever.
There be sundry Kings, whom they call Weroances,
and Countreys of great fertility adjoyning to the same,
as the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and Opossians, which all
came to visite the Colonie of the English, which I had
for a time appointed to be resident there.
To the Northwest the farthest place of our discovery
was to Chawanook distant from Roanoak
about 130.
miles. Our passage thither lyeth through a broad sound,
but all fresh water, and the chanell of a great depth,
navigable for good shipping, but out of the chanell full
of shoalds.
The Townes about the waters side situated by the way
are these following: Passaquenoke The womans Towne,
Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, & Metackwem:
all these being under the jurisdiction of the king of
Weapomeiok, called Okisco: from Muscamunge we enter
into the River, and jurisdiction of Chawanook: There
the River beginneth to straighten untill it come to
Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the
Thames
betewene Westminster
, and Lambeth
.
Betwene Muscamunge and Chawanook upon the left
hand as wee passe thither, is a goodly high land, and
there is a Towne which we called The blinde Towne,
but the Savages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very
goodly corne field belonging unto it: it is subject to
Chawanook.
Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Province & Seigniorie
lying upon that River, and the very Towne it selfe is
able to put 700. fighting men into the fielde, besides the
force of the Province it selfe.
The King of the sayd Province is called Menatonon,
a man impotent in his lims, but otherwise for a Savage,
a very grave and wise man, and of a very singular good
discourse in matters concerning the state, not onely of
his owne Countrey, and the disposition of his owne men,
but also of his neighbours round about him as well farre
as neere, and of the commodities that eache Countrey
yeeldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two
dayes that we were together, he gave mee more understanding and light of the Countrey then I had received
by all the searches and Savages that before I or any of
my companie had had conference with: it was in March
last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me, that
going three dayes journey in a Canoa, up his
River of
Chawanook, and then descending to the land, you are
within foure dayes journey to passe over land Northeast
to a certaine Kings countrey, whose Province lyeth upon
the Sea, but his place of greatest strength is an Island
situate, as hee described unto mee, in a Bay, the water
round about the Island very deepe.
Out of this Bay hee signified unto mee, that this King
had so great quantitie of Pearle, and doeth so ordinarily
take the same, as that not onely his owne skinnes that
hee weareth, and the better sort of his gentlemen and
followers are full set with the sayd Pearle, but also his
beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that hee
hath such quantitie of them, that it is a wonder to
see.
He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at
Chawanook two yeeres before, & brought him certaine
Pearle, but the same of the worst sort, yet was he faine
to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate, as he
thought. Hee gave mee a rope of the same pearle, but
they were blacke, and naught, yet many of them were
very great, and a few amongst a number very orient and
round, all which I lost with other things of mine, comming aboord Sir Francis Drake his Fleete: yet he tolde
me that the sayd King had great store of Pearle that
were white, great, and round, and that his blacke Pearle
his men did take out of shallow water, but the white
Pearle his men fished for in very deepe water.
It seemed to me by his speach, that the sayd King
had traffique with white men that had clothes as we
have, for these white Pearle, and that was the reason
that hee would not depart with other then with blacke
Pearles, to those of the same countrey.
The king of Chawanook promised to give me guids
to go over land into that kings countrey whensoever I
would: but he advised me to take good store of men
with me, and good store of victuall, for he said, that
king would be loth to suffer any strangers to enter into
his Countrey, and especially to meddle with the fishing
for any Pearle there, and that hee was able to make a
great many of men into the field, which he sayd would
fight very well.
Hereupon I resolved with my selfe, that if your supplie
had come before the ende of Aprill, and that you had
sent any store of boates or men, to have had them made
in any reasonable time, with a sufficient number of men
and victuals to have found us untill the new corne were
come in, I would have sent a small barke with two
pinnesses about by Sea to the Northward to have found
out the Bay he spake of, and to have sounded the barre
if there were any, which should have ridden there in the
sayd Bay about that Iland, while I with all the small
boates I could make, and with two hundred men would
have gone up to the head of the
river of Chawanook
with the guids that Menatonon would have given me,
which I would have bene assured should have beene of
his best men, (for I had his best beloved sonne prisoner
with me) who also should have kept me companie in an
handlocke with the rest, foote by foote, all the voyage
over land.
My meaning was further at the head of the River in
the place of my descent where I would have left my
boates, to have raised a sconse with a small trench, and
a pallisado upon the top of it, in the which, and in the
guard of my boates I would have left five and twentie,
or thirtie men, with the rest would I have marched with
as much victuall as every man could have caried, with
their furniture, mattocks, spades and axes, two dayes
journey. In the ende of my march upon some convenient
plot would I have raised another sconse according to
the former, where I would have left fifteene or twentie.
And if it would have fallen out conveniently, in the way
I would have raised my saide sconse upon some Corne
fielde, that my company might have lived upon it.
And so I would have holden this course of insconsing
every two dayes march, untill I had bene arrived at the
Bay or Port hee spake of: which finding to bee worth
the possession, I would there have raised a maine fort,
both for the defence of the harborough, and our shipping
also, and would have reduced our whole habitation from
Roanoak
and from the harborough and port there (which
by proofe is very naught) unto this other beforementioned,
from whence, in the foure dayes march before specified,
could I at al times returne with my company back unto
my boates riding under my sconse, very neere whereunto
directly from the West runneth a most notable River,
and in all those parts most famous, called the
River of
Moratoc. This River openeth into the broad Sound of
Weapomeiok. And whereas the
River of Chawanook,
and all the other Sounds, and Bayes, salt and fresh, shewe
no current in the world in calme weather, but are mooved
altogether with the winde: This
River of Moratoc hath
so violent a current from the West and Southwest, that
it made me almost of opinion that with oares it would
scarse be navigable: it passeth with many creekes and
turnings, and for the space of thirtie miles rowing, and
more, it is as broad as the Thames
betwixt Green-wich
and the Isle of dogges, in some place more, and in some
lesse: the current runneth as strong, being entred so
high into the River, as at London
bridge upon a vale
water.
And for that not onely Menatonon, but also the Savages
of Moratoc themselves doe report strange things of the
head of that River, and that from Moratoc it selfe, which
is a principall Towne upon that River, it is thirtie dayes
as some of them say, and some say fourtie dayes voyage
to the head thereof, which head they say springeth out
of a maine rocke in that abundance, that forthwith it
maketh a most violent streame: and further, that this
huge rock standeth so neere unto a Sea, that many times
in stormes (the winde comming outwardly from the sea)
the waves thereof are beaten into the said fresh streame,
so that the fresh water for a certaine space, groweth
salt and brackish: I tooke a resolution with my selfe,
having dismissed Menatonon upon a ransome agreed for,
and sent his sonne into the Pinnesse to Roanoak
, to
enter presently so farre into that River with two double
whirries, and fourtie persons one or other, as I could
have victuall to cary us, until we could meete with more
either of the Moratoks, or of the Mangoaks, which is
another kinde of Savages, dwelling more to the Westward
of the said River: but the hope of recovering more victuall
from the Savages made mee and my company as narrowly
to escape starving in that discoverie before our returne,
as ever men did, that missed the same.
For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Wingina
upon the death of his brother Granganimo, had given
both the Choanists, and Mangoaks worde of my purpose
touching them, I having bene inforced to make him
privie to the same, to bee served by him of a guide to
the Mangoaks, and yet hee did never rest to solicite
continually my going upon them, certifying mee of a
generall assembly even at that time made by Menatonon
at
Chawanook of all his Weroances, and allies to the
number of three thousand bowes, preparing to come upon
us at Roanoak
, and that the Mangoaks also were joyned
in the same confederacie, who were able of themselves
to bring as many more to the enterprise: And true it
was that at that time the assembly was holden at
Chawanook about us, as I found at my comming thither, which
being unlooked for did so dismay them, as it made us
have the better hand at them. But this confederacie
against us of the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether
and wholly procured by Pemisapan himselfe, as Menatonon
confessed unto me, who sent them continual word, that
our purpose was fully bent to destroy them: on the other
side he told me, that they had the like meaning towards
us.
Hee in like sort having sent worde to the Mangoaks
of mine intention to passe up into their River, and to
kill them (as he saide) both they and the Moratoks, with
whom before wee were entred into a league, and they
had ever dealt kindly with us, abandoned their Townes
along the River, and retired themselves with their Crenepos, and their Corne within the maine: insomuch as having
passed three dayes voyage up the River, wee could not
meete a man, nor finde a graine of Corne in any their
Townes: whereupon considering with my selfe that wee
had but two dayes victuall left, and that wee were then
160. miles from home, besides casualtie of contrary windes
or stormes, and suspecting treason of our owne Savages
in the discoverie of our voyage intended, though wee had
no intention to bee hurtfull to any of them, otherwise
then for our copper to have had corne of them: I at
night upon the Corps of guard, before the putting foorth
of Centinels, advertised the whole company of the case
wee stoode in for victuall, and of mine opinion that we
were betrayed by our owne Savages, and of purpose
drawen foorth by them upon vaine hope to be in the ende
starved, seeing all the Countrey fled before us, and therefore while wee had those two dayes victuall left, I thought
it good for us to make our returne homeward, and that
it were necessary for us to get the other side of the
Sound of Weopomeiok in time, where wee might be
relieved upon the weares of Chypanum, and the womens
Towne, although the people were fled.
Thus much I signified unto them, as the safest way:
neverthelesse I did referre it to the greatest number of
voyces, whether wee should adventure the spending of
our whole victuall in some further viewe of that most
goodly River in hope to meete with some better happe,
or otherwise to retire our selves backe againe. And for
that they might be the better advised, I willed them to
deliberate all night upon the matter, and in the morning
at our going aborde to set our course according to the
desires of the greatest part. Their resolution fully and
wholy was (and not three founde to bee of the contrary
opinion) that whiles there was left but one halfe pinte
of Corne for a man, wee should not leave the search of
that River, and that there were in the companie two
Mastives, upon the pottage of which with Sassafras leaves
(if the worst fell out) the company would make shift to
live two dayes, which time would bring them downe the
current to the mouth of the River, and to the entrie of
the Sound, and in two dayes more at the farthest they
hoped to crosse the Sound and to bee relieved by the
weares, which two dayes they would fast rather then be
drawen backe a foote till they had seen the Mangoaks,
either as friendes or foes. This resolution of theirs did
not a little please mee, since it came of themselves,
although for mistrust of that which afterwards did
happen, I pretended to have bene rather of the contrary
opinion.
And that which made me most desirous to have some
doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to have had one or two of them prisoners, was, for
that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey, that
there is a Province to the which the said Mangoaks have
recourse and trafique up that
River of Moratoc, which
hath a marvellous and most strange Minerall. This Mine
is so notorious amongst them, as not onely to the Savages
dwelling up the said river, and also to the Savages of
Chawanook, and all them to the Westward, but also to
all them of the maine: the Countreis name is of fame,
and is called Chaunis Temoatan.
The Minerall they say is Wassador, which is copper,
but they call by the name of Wassador every mettall
whatsoever: they say it is of the colour of our copper,
but our copper is better then theirs: and the reason is
for that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis
Temoatan is very soft, and pale: they say that they take
the saide mettall out of a river that falleth very swift
from hie rockes and hils, and they take it in shallow
water: the maner is this. They take a great bowle by
their description as great as one of our targets, and
wrappe a skinne over the hollow part thereof, leaving
one part open to receive in the minerall: that done, they
watch the comming downe of the current, and the change
of the colour of the water, and then suddenly chop downe
the said bowle with the skinne, and receive into the same
as much oare as will come in, which is ever as much
as their bowle will holde, which presently they cast into
a fire, and foorthwith it melteth, and doeth yeelde in five
parts, at the first melting, two parts of metall for three
parts of oare. Of this metall the Mangoaks have so
great store, by report of all the Savages adjoyning, that
they beautifie their houses with great plates of the same:
and this to be true, I received by report of all the
countrey, and particularly by yong Skiko, the King of
Chawanooks sonne my prisoner, who also himselfe had
bene prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set downe all the
particularities to me before mentioned: but hee had not
bene at Chawnis Temoatan himselfe: for hee said, it was
twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks, to
the said
Mineral Countrey, and that they passed through
certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks, before they came to the said Countrey.
Upon report of the premisses, which I was very inquisitive in all places where I came to take very particular
information of, by all the Savages that dwelt towards
those parts, and especially of Menatonon himselfe, who
in every thing did very particularly informe mee, and
promised me guides of his owne men, who should passe
over with me, even to the said Country of Chaunis
Temoatan (for overland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey from Sunne rising to
Sunne setting, whereas by water it is seven dayes with
the soonest:) These things, I say, made me very desirous
by all meanes possible to recover the Mangoaks, and
to get some of that their copper for an assay, and therefore I willingly yeelded to their resolution: But it fell
out very contrary to all expectation, and likelyhood: for
after two dayes travell, and our whole victuall spent,
lying on shoare all night, wee could never see man, onely
fires we might perceive made alongst the shoare where
we were to passe, and up into the Countrey, untill the
very last day. In the evening whereof, about three of
the clocke wee heard certaine Savages call as we thought,
Manteo, who was also at that time with me in the boat,
whereof we all being very glad, hoping of some friendly
conference with them, and making him to answere them,
they presently began a song, as we thought, in token
of our welcome to them: but Manteo presently betooke
him to his piece, and tolde mee that they meant to fight
with us: which worde was not so soone spoken by him,
and the light horseman ready to put to shoare, but there
lighted a vollie of their arrowes amongst them in the
boat, but did no hurt (God be thanked) to any man.
Immediatly, the other boate lying ready with their shot
to skoure the place for our hand weapons to lande upon,
which was presently done, although the land was very
high and steepe, the Savages forthwith quitted the shoare,
and betooke themselves to flight: wee landed, and having
faire and easily followed for a smal time after them, who
had wooded themselves we know not where: the Sunne
drawing then towards the setting, and being then assured
that the next day if wee would pursue them, though we
might happen to meete with them, yet wee should be
assured to meete with none of their victuall, which we
then had good cause to thinke of: therefore choosing
for the company a convenient ground in safetie to lodge
in for the night, making a strong Corps of guard, and
putting out good Centinels, I determined the next morning before the rising of the Sunne to be going backe
againe, if possibly we might recover the mouth of the
river, into the broad sound, which at my first motion I
found my whole company ready to assent unto: for they
were nowe come to their Dogges porredge, that they
had bespoken for themselves if that befell them which
did, and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape.
The ende was, we came the next day by night to the
Rivers mouth within foure or five miles of the same,
having rowed in one day downe the current, as much
as in foure dayes wee had done against the same: we
lodged upon an Iland, where we had nothing in the world
to eate but pottage of Sassafras leaves, the like whereof
for a meate was never used before as I thinke. The
broad sound wee had to passe the next day all fresh and
fasting: that day the winde blew so strongly, and the
billow so great, that there was no possibilitie of passage
without sinking of our boates. This was upon Easter
eve, which was fasted very truely. Upon Easter day in
the morning the winde comming very calme, we entred
the sound, and by foure of the clocke we were at
Chipanum, whence all the Savages that we had left there
were fled, but their weares did yeelde us some fish, as
God was pleased not utterly to suffer us to be lost: for
some of our company of the light horsemen were farre
spent. The next morning wee arrived at our home
Roanoak
.
I have set downe this Voyage somewhat particularly,
to the ende it may appeare unto you (as true it is) that
there wanted no great good will from the most to the
least amongst us, to have perfited this discoverie of the
Mine: for that the discovery of a good Mine, by the
goodnesse of God, or a passage to the
South-sea, or
some way to it, and nothing els can bring this Countrey
in request to be inhabited by our nation. And with the
discovery of either of the two above shewed, it will bee
the most sweete and healthfullest climate, and therewithall
the most fertile soyle (being manured) in the world: and
then will Sassafras, and many other rootes and gummes
there found make good marchandise and lading for shipping, which otherwise of themselves will not be worth
the fetching.
Provided also, that there be found out a better harborough then yet there is, which must be to the Northward, if any there bee, which was mine intention to
have spent this Summer in the search of, and of the
Mine of Chawnis Temoatan: the one I would have done,
if the barkes that I should have had of Sir Francis
Drake, by his honourable courtesie, had not bene driven
away by storme: the other if your supply of more men,
and some other necessaries had come to us in any convenient sufficiencie. For this river of Moratico promiseth
great things, and by the opinion of M. Hariots the head
of it by the description of the Countrey, either riseth
from the bay of Mexico
, or els from very neere unto the
same, that openeth out into the
South sea.
And touching the Minerall, thus doeth M. Youghan
affirme, that though it be but copper, seeing the Savages
are able to melt it, it is one of the richest Minerals in
the world.
Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward,
as before is saide, and from thence foure dayes overland,
to the
River of Choanoak sconses being raised, from
whence againe overland through the province of Choanoak
one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks
up the river of Moratico by the way, as also upon the
said River for the defence of our boats like sconses being
set, in this course of proceeding you shall cleare your
selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds
before mentioned, and gaine within foure dayes travell
into the heart of the maine 200. miles at the least, and
so passe your discovery into that most notable countrey,
and to the likeliest parts of the maine, with farre greater
felicitie then otherwise can bee performed.
Thus Sir, I have though simply, yet truely set downe
unto you, what my labour with the rest of the gentlemen,
and poore men of our company (not without both paine
and perill, which the Lord in his mercy many wayes
delivered us from) could yeeld unto you, which might
have bene performed in some more perfection, if the
Lord had bene pleased that onely that which you had
provided for us had at the first bene left with us, or that
hee had not in his eternall providence now at the last
set some other course in these things, than the wisedome
of man coulde looke into, which truely the carying away
by a most strange & unlooked for storme of all our provision, with Barks, Master, Mariners, and sundry also
of mine owne company, al having bene so courteously
supplied by the generall Sir Francis Drake, the same
having bene most sufficient to have performed the greatest
part of the premisses, must ever make me to thinke the
hand of God onely (for some his good purpose to my
selfe yet unknowen) to have bene in the matter.
The second part touching the conspiracie of Pemisapan,
the discovery of the same, and at the last, of our
request to depart with Sir Francis Drake for England
.
ENSENORE a Savage father to Pemisapan being the onely
friend to our nation that we had amongst them, and
about the King, died the 20. of April 1586. He alone
had before opposed himselfe in their consultations against
all matters proposed against us, which both the King
and all the rest of them after Grangemoes death, were
very willing to have preferred. And he was not onely
by the meere providence of God during his life, a meane
to save us from hurt, as poysonings and such like, but
also to doe us very great good, and singularly in this.
The King was advised and of himselfe disposed, as a
ready meane to have assuredly brought us to ruine in
the moneth of March 1586. himselfe also with all his
Savages to have runne away from us, and to have left
his ground in the Iland unsowed: which if hee had done,
there had bene no possibilitie in common reason, (but
by the immediate hande of God) that wee coulde have
bene preserved from starving out of hande. For at that
time wee had no weares for fish, neither coulde our men
skill of the making of them, neither had wee one graine
of Corne for seede to put into the ground.
In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against
the Chaonists, and Mangoaks, they had raised a brute
among themselves, that I and my company were part
slaine, and part starved by the Chaonists, and Mangoaks.
One part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were
like to be starved, but the other false.
Neverthelesse untill my returne it tooke such effect in
Pemisapans breast, and in those against us, that they
grew not onely into contempt of us, but also (contrary to
their former reverend opinion in shew, of the Almightie
God of heaven, and Jesus Christ whom wee serve and
worship, whom before they would acknowledge and confesse the only God) now they began to blaspheme, and
flatly to say, that our Lorde God was not God, since hee
suffered us to sustaine much hunger, and also to be killed
of the Renapoaks, for so they call by that generall name
all the inhabitants of the whole maine, of what province
soever. Insomuch as olde Ensenore, neither any of his
fellowes, could for his sake have no more credite for us:
and it came so farre that the king was resolved to have
presently gone away as is aforesaid.
But even in the beginning of this bruite I returned,
which when hee sawe contrary to his expectation, and the
advertisement that hee had received: that not onely my
selfe, and my company were all safe, but also by report of
his owne 3. Savages which had bene with mee besides
Manteo in that voyage, that is to say, Tetepano, his
sisters husband Eracano, and Cossine, that the Chanoists
and Mangoaks (whose name and multitude besides their
valour is terrible to all the rest of the provinces) durst
not for the most part of them abide us, and that those
that did abide us were killed, and that we had taken
Menatonon prisoner, and brought his sonne that he best
loved to Roanoak
with mee, it did not a little asswage all
devises against us: on the other side, it made Ensenores
opinions to bee received againe with greater respects.
For he had often before tolde them, and then renewed
those his former speeches, both to the king and the rest,
that wee were the servants of God, and that wee were
not subject to bee destroyed by them: but contrarywise,
that they amongst them that sought our destruction,
should finde their owne, and not bee able to worke ours,
and that we being dead men were able to doe them more
hurt, then now we could do being alive: an opinion very
confidently at this day holden by the wisest amongst
them, and of their old men, as also, that they have bene
in the night, being 100. miles from any of us, in the aire
shot at, and stroken by some men of ours, that by sicknesse had died among them: and many of them holde
opinion, that we be dead men returned into the world
againe, and that wee doe not remaine dead but for a
certaine time, and that then we returne againe.
All these speeches then againe grewe in ful credite with
them, the King, and all, touching us, when hee sawe the
small troupe returned again, and in that sort from those
whose very names were terrible unto them: But that
which made up the matter on our side for that time was
an accident, yea rather (as all the rest was) the good
providence of the Almightie for the saving of us, which
was this.
Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd
journey, Menatonon sent a messenger to visite his sonne
the prisoner with me, and sent me certaine pearle for
a present, or rather, as Pemisapan tolde mee, for the
ransome of his sonne, and therefore I refused them:
but the greatest cause of his sending then, was to signifie
unto mee, that hee had commaunded Okisko King of
Weopomiok, to yeelde himselfe servant, and homager, to
the great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir
Walter Raleigh: to perfourme which commandement
received from Menatonon, the sayde Okisko joyntly with
this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his
principallest men to Roanoak
to Pemisapan, to signifie
that they were ready to perfourme the same, and so had
sent those his men to let mee knowe that from that time
forwarde, hee, and his successours were to acknowledge
her Majestie their onely Soveraigne, and next unto her,
as is aforesayd.
All which being done, and acknowledged by them all,
in the presence of Pemisapan his father, and all his
Savages in counsell then with him, it did for the time
thorowly (as it seemed) change him in disposition toward
us: Insomuch as foorthwith Ensenore wanne this resolution of him, that out of hand he should goe about, and
withall, to cause his men to set up weares foorthwith for
us: both which he at that present went in hande withall,
and did so labour the expedition of it, that in the end of
April he had sowed a good quantitie of ground, so much
as had bene sufficient, to have fed our whole company
(God blessing the grouth) and that by the belly, for a
whole yere: besides that he gave us a certaine plot of
ground for our selves to sowe. All which put us in
marvellous comfort, if we could passe from Aprill untill
the beginning of July, (which was to have bene the
beginning of their harvest,) that then a newe supply out
of England
or els our owne store would well ynough
maintaine us: All our feare was of the two moneths
betwixt, in which meane space if the Savages should not
helpe us with Cassavi, and Chyna, and that our weares
should faile us, (as often they did,) we might very well
starve, notwithstanding the growing corne, like the starving horse in the stable, with the growing grasse, as the
proverbe is: which wee very hardly had escaped but onely
by the hand of God, as it pleased him to try us. For
within few dayes after, as before is saide, Ensenore our
friend died, who was no sooner dead, but certaine of our
great enemies about Pemisapan, as Osacan a Weroance,
Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally, were in hand
againe to put their old practises in ure against us, which
were readily imbraced, and all their former devises
against us, reneued, and new brought in question. But
that of starving us, by their forbearing to sow, was
broken by Ensenore in his life, by having made the
King all at one instant to sow his ground, not onely in
the Iland, but also at
Dasamonquepeio in the maine,
within two leagues over against us. Neverthelesse there
wanted no store of mischievous practises among them,
and of all they resolved principally of this following.
First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Mandoages should bee mooved, and with great quantitie of
copper intertained to the number of 7. or 8. hundreth
bowes, to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered. They
of Weopomeiok should be invited to a certaine kind of
moneths minde which they doe use to solemnise in their
Savage maner for any great personage dead, and should
have bene for Ensenore. At this instant also should the
Mandoaks, who were a great people, with the Chesepians
& their friends to the number of 700. of them, be armed
at a day appointed to the maine of Dasamonquepeio,
and there lying close at the signe of fiers, which should
interchangeably be made on both sides, when Pemisapan
with his troupe above named should have executed me,
and some of our Weroances (as they called all our principall officers,) the maine forces of the rest should have
come over into the Iland, where they ment to have dispatched the rest of the company, whom they did imagine
to finde both dismayed and dispersed abroad in the Island,
seeking of crabs and fish to live withall. The maner of
their enterprise was this.
Tarraquine and Andacon two principall men about
Pemisapan, and very lustie fellowes, with twentie more
appointed to them had the charge of my person to see
an order taken for the same, which they ment should in
this sort have been executed. In the dead time of the
night they would have beset my house, and put fire in
the reedes that the same was covered with: meaning (as
it was likely) that my selfe would have come running
out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, upon
the instant whereof they would have knocked out my
braines.
The same order was given to certaine of his fellowes,
for M. Heriots: so for all the rest of our better sort, all
our houses at one instant being set on fire as afore is
saide, and that as well for them of the fort, as for'us at
the towne. Now to the ende that we might be the fewer
in number together, and so bee the more easily dealt
withall (for in deed tenne of us with our armes prepared,
were a terrour to a hundred of the best sort of them,)
they agreed and did immediatly put it in practise, that
they should not for any copper sell us any victuals whatsoever: besides that in the night they should sende to
have our weares robbed, and also to cause them to bee
broken, and once being broken never to be repaired againe
by them. By this meanes the King stood assured, that
I must bee enforced for lacke of sustenance there, to
disband my company into sundry places to live upon shell
fish, for so the Savages themselves doe, going to Hatorask, Croatoan, and other places, fishing and hunting,
while their grounds be in sowing, and their corne growing: which failed not his expectation. For the famine
grew so extreeme among us, or weares failing us of fish,
that I was enforced to sende Captaine Stafford with 20.
with him to Croatoan my
Lord Admirals Iland to serve
two turnes in one, that is to say, to feede himselfe and
his company, and also to keepe watch if any shipping
came upon the coast to warne us of the same. I sent
M. Pridiox with the pinnesse to Hatorask, and ten with
him, with the Provost Marshal to live there, and also to
wait for shipping: also I sent every weeke 16. or 20.
of the rest of the company to the maine over against
us, to live of Casada and oysters.
In the meane while Pemisapan went of purpose to
Dasamonquepeio for three causes: The one to see his
grounds there broken up, and sowed for a second crop:
the other to withdrawe himselfe from my dayly sending
to him for supply of victuall for my company, for hee
was afraid to deny me any thing, neither durst hee in
my presence but by colour and with excuses, which I was
content to accept for the time, meaning in the ende as I
had reason, to give him the jumpe once for all: but in
the meane whiles, as I had ever done before, I and mine
bare all wrongs, and accepted of all excuses.
My purpose was to have relied my selfe with Menatonon, and the Chaonists, who in trueth as they are more
valiant people and in greater number then the rest, so
are they more faithfull in their promises, and since my
late being there had given many tokens of earnest desire
they had to joyne in perfect league with us, and therefore
were greatly offended with Pemisapan and Weopomeiok
for making him beleeve such tales of us.
The third cause of this going to Dasamonquepeio was
to dispatch his messengers to Weopomeiok, and to the
Mandoages as aforesaid: all which he did with great
imprest of copper in hand, making large promises to them
of greater spoile.
The answere within few dayes after came from Weopomeiok, which was devided into two parts. First for
the King Okisko, who denied to be of the partie for
himselfe, or any of his especiall followers, and therefore
did immediatly retire himselfe with his force into the
maine: the other was concerning the rest of the said
province who accepted of it: and in like sort the Mandoags received the imprest.
The day of their assembly aforesaid at Roanoak
was
appointed the 10. of June: all which the premises were
discovered by Skyco, the King Menatonon his sonne my
prisoner, who having once attempted to run away, I laid
him in the bylboes, threatning to cut off his head, whom
I remitted at
Pemisapans request: whereupon hee being
perswaded that hee was our enemie to the death, he did
not onely feed him with himselfe, but also made him
acquainted with all his practises. On the other side, the
yong man finding himselfe as well used at my hande, as
I had meanes to shew, and that all my company made
much of him, he flatly discovered al unto me, which also
afterwards was reveiled unto me by one of Pemisapans
owne men, that night before he was slaine.
These mischiefes being all instantly upon me and my
company to be put in execution, it stood mee in hand
to study how to prevent them, and also to save all others,
which were at that time as aforesaid so farre from me:
whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspition out of
his head, that I meant presently to go to Croatoan, for
that I had heard of the arrivall of our fleete, (though I
in trueth had neither heard nor hoped for so good adventure,) and that I meant to come by him, to borrow of his
men to fish for my company, & to hunt for me at
Croatoan,
as also to buy some foure dayes provision to serve for
my voyage.
He sent me word that he would himselfe come over
to Roanoak
, but from day to day he deferred, onely to
bring the Weopomeioks with him & the Mandoags, whose
time appointed was within eight dayes after. It was the
last of May 586 when all his owne Savages began to
make their assembly at Roanoak
, at his commandement
sent abroad unto them, and I resolved not to stay longer
upon his comming over, since he meant to come with
so good company, but thought good to go and visit him
with such as I had, which I resolved to do the next day:
but that night I meant by the way to give them in the
Island a canvisado, and at the instant to seize upon all
the canoas about the Island, to keepe him from advertisements.
But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to
them: the occasion was this. I had sent the Master of
the light horseman, with a few with him, to gather up
all the canoas in the setting of the Sun, & to take as
many as were going from us to Dasamonquepeio, but
to suffer any that came from thence, to land. He met
with a Canoa going from the shore, and overthrew the
Canoa, and cut off two Savages heads: this was not
done so secretly but he was discovered from the shore;
wherupon the cry arose: for in trueth they, privy to their
owne villanous purposes against us, held as good espiall
upon us, both day and night, as we did upon them.
The allarme given, they tooke themselves to their
bowes, and we to our armes: some three or foure of
them at the first were slaine with our shot: the rest fled
into the woods. The next morning with the light horsman & one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the
Chesepians, and the Sergeant major, I went to Dasamonquepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by
one of his owne Savages that met me at the shore, that
I was going to Croatoan, and meant to take him in the
way to complaine unto him of Osocon, who the night
past was conveying away my prisoner, whom I had there
present tied in an handlocke. Heereupon the king did
abide my comming to him, and finding my selfe amidst
seven or eight of his principall Weroances and followers,
(not regarding any of the common sort) I gave the watch
word agreed upon, (which was, Christ our victory) and
immediatly those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the
mercy of God for our deliverance, that which they had
purposed for us. The king himselfe being shot thorow
by the Colonell with a pistoll, lying on the ground for
dead, & I looking as watchfully for the saving of Manteos
friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should
escape, suddenly he started up, and ran away as though
he had not bene touched, insomuch as he overran all
the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks
by mine Irish boy with my petronell. In the end an
Irish man serving me, one Nugent, and the deputy
provost, undertooke him; and following him in the
woods, overtooke him: and I in some doubt least we
had lost both the king & my man by our owne negligence
to have beene intercepted by the Savages, wee met him
returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his
hand.
This fell out the first of June 1586, and the eight of
the same came advertisement to me from captaine
Stafford
, lying at my lord
Admirals Island, that he had
discovered a great fleet of three and twenty sailes: but
whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet
discerne. He advised me to stand upon as good guard
as I could.
The ninth of the sayd moneth he himselfe came unto
me, having that night before, & that same day travelled
by land twenty miles: and I must truely report of him
from the first to the last; hee was the gentleman that
never spared labour or perill either by land or water,
faire weather or foule, to performe any service committed
unto him.
He brought me a letter from the Generall Sir Francis
Drake, with a most bountifull and honourable offer for
the supply of our necessities to the performance of the
action wee were entred into; and that not only of
victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barks, pinnesses, and boats; they also by him to be victualled,
manned, and furnished to my contentation.
The tenth day he arrived in the road of our bad harborow: and comming there to an anker, the eleventh day
I came to him, whom I found in deeds most honourably
to performe that which in writing and message he had
most curteously offered, he having aforehand propounded
the matter to all the captaines of his fleet, and got their
liking and consent thereto.
With such thanks unto him and his captaines for his
care both of us and of our action, not as the matter
deserved, but as I could both for my company and my
selfe, I (being aforehand prepared what I would desire)
craved at his hands that it would please him to take
with him into England
a number of weake and unfit
men for my good action, which I would deliver to him;
and in place of them to supply me of his company with
oare-men, artificers, and others.
That he would leave us so much shipping and victuall,
as about August then next following would cary me and
all my company into England
, when we had discovered
somewhat, that for lacke of needfull provision in time
left with us as yet remained undone.
That it woulde please him withall to leave some
sufficient Masters not onely to cary us into England
, when
time should be, but also to search the coast for some
better harborow, if there were any, and especially to
helpe us to some small boats and oare-men.
Also for a supply of calievers, hand weapons, match
and lead, tooles, apparell, and such like.
He having received these my requests, according to
his usuall commendable maner of government (as it was
told me) calling his captaines to counsell; the resolution
was that I should send such of my officers of my company as I used in such matters, with their notes, to goe
aboord with him; which were the Master of the victuals,
The Keeper of the store, and the Vicetreasurer: to whom
he appointed forthwith for me The Francis, being a very
proper barke of 70 tun, and tooke present order for
bringing of victual aboord her for 100 men for foure
moneths, with all my other demands whatsoever, to the
uttermost.
And further, he appointed for me two pinnesses, and
foure small boats: and that which was to performe all
his former liberality towards us, was that he had gotten
the full assents of two of as sufficient experimented
Masters as were any in his fleet, by judgement of them
that knew them, with very sufficient gings to tary with
me, and to imploy themselves most earnestly in the
action, as I should appoint them, untill the terme which
I promised of our returne into England
againe. The
names of one of those Masters was Abraham Kendall,
the other Griffith Herne.
While these things were in hand, the provision aforesayd being brought, and in bringing aboord, my sayd
Masters being also gone aboord, my sayd barks having
accepted of their charge, and mine owne officers, with
others in like sort of my company with them (all which
was dispatched by the sayd Generall the 12 of the sayde
moneth) the 13 of the same there arose such an unwoonted
storme, and continued foure dayes, that had like to have
driven all on shore, if the Lord had not held his holy
hand over them, and the Generall very providently foreseene the woorst himselfe, then about my dispatch putting
himselfe aboord: but in the end having driven sundry
of the fleet to put to Sea the Francis also with all my
provisions, my two Masters, and my company aboord,
she was seene to be free from the same, and to put cleere
to Sea.
This storme having continued from the 13 to the 16
of the moneth, and thus my barke put away as aforesayd,
the Generall comming ashore made a new proffer unto
me; which was a ship of 170 tunne, called The Barke Bonner, with a sufficient Master and guide to tary with
me the time appointed, and victualled sufficiently to cary
me and my company into England
, with all provisions
as before: but he tolde me that he would not for any
thing undertake to have her brought into our harbour,
and therefore he was to leave her in the road, and to
leave the care of the rest unto my selfe, and advised me
to consider with my company of our case, and to deliver
presently unto him in writing what I would require him
to doe for us: which being within his power, he did
assure me aswell for his Captaines as for himselfe, should
be most willingly performed.
Heereupon calling such Captaines and gentlemen of my
company as then were at hand, who were all as privy
as my selfe to the Generals offer: their whole request
was to me, that considering the case that we stood in,
the weaknesse of our company, the small number of the
same, the carying away of our first appointed barke, with
those two especiall Masters, with our principall provisions
in the same, by the very hand of God as it seemed,
stretched out to take us from thence; considering also,
that his second offer, though most honourable of his
part, yet of ours not to be taken, insomuch as there was
no possibility for her with any safety to be brought into
the harbour: seeing furthermore, our hope for supply
with Sir Richard Greenvill, so undoubtedly promised us
before Easter, not yet come, neither then likely to come
this yeere, considering the doings in England
for Flanders
,
and also for America
, that therefore I would resolve my
selfe with my company to goe into England
in that fleet,
and accordingly to make request to the Generall in all
our names, that he would be pleased to give us present
passage with him. Which request of ours by my selfe
delivered unto him, hee most readily assented unto: and
so he sending immediatly his pinnesses unto our Island
for the fetching away of a few that there were left with
our baggage, the weather was so boisterous, & the pinnesses so often on ground, that the most of all we had,
with all our Cards, Books and writings were by the
Sailers cast overboord, the greater number of the fleet
being much agrieved with their long and dangerous abode
in that miserable road.
From whence the Generall in the name of the Almighty,
weying his ankers (having bestowed us among his fleet)
for the reliefe of whom hee had in that storme susteined
more perill of wracke then in all his former most honourable actions against the Spanyards, with praises unto
God for all, set saile the nineteenth of June 1586, and
arrived in Portsmouth
the seven and twentieth of July
the same yeere.