Iii.
But many of the leading journals of the Republican party affected to lament the delivery of the speech, apprehensive it would injure their prospects in the Presidential campaign that was not far off. But they had occasion ere long to talk in a different strain.
It was fast becoming evident that the day of compromise and soft words had gone by forever—that what
Mr. Seward had denominated the ‘Irrepressible Conflict,’ was at hand—that the gathering storm was soon to burst—that the loud threats of Secessionists meant something—that the feeling of the Slavery leaders in Congress was rapidly getting beyond all limits of control—that they were determined to place Slavery once more on a solid basis of political power, or break up the
Union.
They had everywhere grown desperate; their insatiate malice could no longer be appeased except with
Sumner's blood; and all the while they were known, not only to have the sympathy of pro-Slavery men at the
North, in both the old parties, but the reiterated assurances and guarantees of their leaders that they could rely upon the
North in any attempt, no
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matter how desperate, they might make, to crush out Abolitionism.
In fact, many of the
Democratic papers at the
North seemed anxious to rival their brethren in the
South—everywhere the strife was to out-Herod
Herod—and this continued so until the explosion at last took place, when the Secessionists found of a truth, that they
had aid, comfort, abettors, and fellowcon-spirators all through the
North, especially in the chief cities, which, in the beginning of the
Rebellion, swarmed with angry and unscrupulous men, ready to do the bidding of Slavery and Secession.
But a great change had been coming over the public mind in the
Free States—a mighty revolution was going on—Slavery was becoming so hateful and odious, that at last the manhood of the
North was roused, never to sleep again until some effectual check was given to the aggressions of Slavery and the insolence of its champions.
