[141] But I am to regard it now chiefly as an infringement of the Constitution. And here its outrages, flagrant as manifold, assume the deepest dye and broadest character only when we consider that by its language it is not restrained to any special race or class, to the African or to the person with African blood; but that any inhabitant of the United States, of whatever complexion or condition, may be its victim. Without discrimination of color even, and in violation of every presumption of freedom, the Act surrenders all, who may be claimed as ‘owing service or labor’ to the same tyrannical proceedings. If there be any, whose sympathies are not moved for the slave, who do not cherish the rights of the humble African, struggling for divine Freedom, as warmly as the rights of the white man, let him consider well that the rights of all are equally assailed. ‘Nephew,’ said Algernon Sidney in prison, on the night before his execution, ‘I value not my own life a chip; but what concerns me is, that the law which takes away my life may hang every one of you, whenever it is thought convenient.’ Though thus comprehensive in its provisions and applicable to all, there is no safeguard of Human Freedom which the monster Act does not set at naught. It commits this great question—than which none is more sacred in the law—not to a solemn trial; but to summary proceedings. It commits this question—not to one of the high tribunals of the land—but to the unaided judgment of a single petty magistrate. It commits this question to a magistrate appointed, not by the President with the consent of the Senate, but by the Court; holding his office, not during good behavior, but merely during the will of the Court; and receiving, not a regular salary, but fees according to each individual case. It authorizes judgment on ex parte evidence, by affidavits, without the sanction of cross-examination. It denies the writ of Habeas Corpus, ever known as the Palladium of the citizen. Contrary to the declared purposes of the framers of the Constitution, it sends the fugitive back ‘at the public expense.’ Adding meanness to the violation of the Constitution, it bribes the Commissioner by a double stipend to pronounce against Freedom. . If he dooms a man to Slavery, the reward is ten dollars; but, saving him to Freedom, his dole is five dollars. The Constitution expressly secures the ‘free exercise of religion;’ but this Act visits with unrelenting penalties the faithful men and
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