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[237] within its jurisdiction the principle of emancipation, and, under its touch of magic power, changed a slave into a freeman. Similar decisions followed in other places. In 1776, the whole number of blacks, both free and slave, sprinkled thinly over ‘hardy’ Massachusetts, was five thousand two hundred and forty-nine, being to the whites as one is to sixty-five; while in ‘slaveholding’ South Carolina the number of negro slaves, at that time, was not far from one hundred thousand, being nearly one slave for every freeman, thus rendering that Colony anything but ‘hardy.’ At last, in 1780, even before the triumph of Yorktown had led the way to that peace which set its seal upon our National Independence, Massachusetts, animated by the struggles of the Revolution, and filled by the sentiments of Freedom, placed in front of her Bill of Rights the emphatic words, that ‘all men are born free and equal,’ and by this declaration exterminated every vestige of Slavery within her borders. All hail, then, to Massachusetts, the just and generous Commonwealth in whose behalf I have the honor to speak.

Thus, sir, does the venerable Senator err when he presumes to vouch Massachusetts for Slavery, and to associate this odious institution with the names of her great patriots.

But the venerable Senator errs yet more, if possible, when he attributes to ‘slaveholding’ communities a leading part in those contributions of arms and treasure by which independence was secured. Here are his exact words, as I find them in the Globe, revised by himself:

‘Sir, when blood was shed upon the plains of Lexington and Concord, in an issue made by Boston, to whom was an appeal made, and from whom was it answered? The answer is found in the acts of slaveholding States—animis opibusque parati. Yes, sir, the independence of America, to maintain republican liberty, was won by the arms and treasure, by the patriotism and good faith of slaveholding communities.’

Mark the language, sir, as emphasized by himself. Surely, the Senator with his silver-white locks, all fresh from the outrage of the Nebraska Bill, cannot stand here and proclaim ‘the good faith of slaveholding communities,’ except in irony. Yes, sir, in irony. And let me add, that when this Senator presumes to say that American Independence ‘was won by the arms and treasure of slaveholding communities,’ he speaks either in irony or in ignorance.

The question which the venerable Senator from South Carolina here opens, by his vaunt, I have no desire to discuss; but, since it is presented,

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