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[26] against such action by his parole. Grant indorsed both of these documents, the first with an earnest recommendation that the pardon should be granted, the second with a distinct declaration that the officers and men paroled at Appomattox could not be tried for treason so long as they observed the terms of their paroles.

He went in person to discuss these papers with the President. But Andrew Johnson was not satisfied; he wanted, he said, ‘to make treason odious.’

‘When can these men be tried?’ he asked.

‘Never,’ said Grant, ‘unless they violate their paroles.’

The President still insisted, and his Attorney-General wrote an official letter opposing Grant's contention. Finally Grant declared that he would resign his commission in the army unless the terms he had granted were confirmed. I remember well the day when this occurred. He returned from the Cabinet chamber to his own headquarters and described the interview. When he recited his language he added:

‘And I will keep my word. I will not stay in the army if they break the pledges that I made.’

Then the resolution of the President gave way, for he found a will more stubborn, or at least more potent with the people, than his own, and orders were issued to discontinue the proceedings against Lee.

The great antagonists met only once after the scenes at Appomattox Court House. It was in May, 1869, soon after the first inauguration of Grant. Lee was in Washington about some business connected with railroads, and thought it his duty to call on the President. He was received in the Cabinet chamber when no one was present but Mr. Motley, who had been recently appointed Minister to England. General Grant and Motley both described the interview to me. Motley said both men were simple and dignified, but he thought there was a shade of constraint in the manner of Lee, who

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