Secession movement at the South.
Union Meeting in New York — Nullification Reminiscences.--
South Carolina Postal Laws — Anti-Abolition Mob in
Boston, &c.
The Union Meeting in New York.
The New York papers contain long accounts of the
Union meeting held in New York, Saturday, by prominent merchants and others to send Commissioners to the
South.--
Charles O'Connor presided.
In taking the chair he said, among other things, in his address.--
Let no man suspect me of infidelity to the
North, or of going, cap in hand, sneaking, to seek favor of any description from the
South.
I demand nothing, and we demand nothing from it. But let me say, as to the
North, that I have no fear of the dishonest politicians of the
North--there are dishonest politicians every where.
I have no fear of those who are denominated the leaders at the
North.
There is no source of evil whatever in the
North except the honest, conscientious people of the
North, who have drank into their bosom this dreadful error — that it is their duty before God and man, according to worldly honor, to crush out and to trample upon the system of slavery upon which the prosperity of the
South and the permanency of this Union in this present form depend.
(Applause.) There are no enemies to this Union except the honest, virtuous, conscientious people of the
North, whose action is to be feared.
Let us draw away that support, and that instant this disturbing, mischievous controversy ends, and our Union renews its youth and appears before us as an institution designed to perpetuity and to bless untold millions for untold ages.
Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson made a speech in which he said:
‘
The free States must be brought up to the consideration of a great public duty.
The South have not offended us. We cannot say they have ever laid finger upon us. They have not invaded our domain.
They have not interfered with any interests belonging to us as sovereign States.
But they read in our newspapers that their slaves have been run off by an underground railroad, and they see it set down in derision that one more Southern individual has been robbed of his property.--one more slave, instead of having been returned according to the compact of the
Constitution, has been run off into the provinces of
Canada.
They have determined to bear these things no longer; and it becomes Northern people to determine whether they will permit this state of things to go on, or whether they will make one last grand effort to see whether this sentiment can be corrected.
You cannot send forth a stream by any natural process that will rise higher than a fountain.
The South know it. They have no faith in addresses and resolutions that have not their sources in the feelings of the masses of the people.
It is useless to say there is no serious trouble.
I believe that
South Carolina will secede, so far as the movement of her Convention can do it, on the 17th or 18th of this month, and events must transpire shortly after which will bring all cotton States in association with her, and eventually every State which is a slave State, and intends to continue such, will go along together.
This is as certain as the laws of gravity, and he is a blind man and madman who cannot see it. All that we can now do is to get time to convince the
Southern people that there is a returning sentiment of truth and justice in the
Northern States; that the honest masses have been misled and have misunderstood this irritating question, as I believe they have, and upon proper consideration will go back to their duty as members of this Confederacy, and will welcome back our Southern brethren to the great family of political, social and moral equals.
(Applause.)
’
The following are the resolutions adopted:
Whereas the
Constitution of the United States was designed to secure equal rights and privileges to the people of all the States, which were either parties to its formation, or which have subsequently thereto become members of the
Union; and whereas the said instrument contained certain stipulations in regard to the surrender of fugitive slaves, under the designation of ‘"persons held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,"’ which stipulations were designed to be complied with by the act of Congress making provision for such surrender; and, whereas, the agitated state of the country, arising out of differences of opinion in regard to these provisions, demands that we should declare explicitly our sense of the obligations arising under them: Therefore,
Resolved, That the delivery of fugitive slaves to their masters is an obligation enjoined by the
Constitution, in which all good citizens are bound to acquiesce; and that all laws passed by the States with a view to embarrass and obstruct the execute on of the act of Congress making provision therefore should be promptly repealed.
Resolved, That the
Territories of the
United States are the common property of the people thereof; that they are of right, and ought to be open to the free immigration of citizens of all the States, with their families, and with whatever is the subject of personal ownership under the laws of the States from which they emigrated; that the relation of master and slave cannot, during the Territorial condition, be rightfully disturbed by federal or local legislation; and that the people of any such Territory can only dispose of the question of slavery in connection with their own political organization, when they form a constitution with a view to their admission into the
Union as a State.
Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to uphold these principles by all the means in our power; to seen by all practicable efforts a redress of the wrongs of which the
Southern States justify complained to maintain their equally under the
Constitution, in the full enjoyment of all the rights and privileges it confers.
Resolved, That while we deplore the existing excitement in the
Southern States, we do not hesitate to say that there is just ground for it.--but we earnestly entreat our Southern brethren to abstain from nasty and inconsiderate action, that time may be afforded for bringing a out a reconciliation of existing differences, and that the Union of the States--the source of our prosperity and power — may be preserved and perpetuated by a restoration of public harmony and mutual confidence.
Resolved, That
Hon Millard Fillmore,
Hon. Millard Fillmore,
Hon. Green C. Bronson and
Richard Lathers.
Esq., be appointed a committee to proceed to the cont.
with a view to make such explanation to our Southern brethren, in regard to the subjects embraced in the address and resolutions, as they may deem necessary, and to give such further as advances as may be needed to manifest our determination to maintain their rights.
Resolved, That in case either of the gentlemen named in the foregoing resolution be unable to perform the service for which he is appointed, the
Committee on the Address and Resolutions be authorized to fill the vacancy.
A Reminiscence of the nullification excitement in Charleston.
An eulogistic biographer of
General Scott thus relates a happy incident connected with the nullification excitement in
Charleston, South Carolina, in 32.
To appreciate the delicacy of this timely act of
General Scott, it must be known that the Charlestonians, who were almost continually under arms during the presence of
General Scott and the United States forces at
Fort Moultrie, had strongly barricaded with cotton bales, &c., all the wharves facing the fort, and had planted cannon in a manner to command the approach of an armed force.
Threats had also been freely uttered that no
United States soldier should be permitted to set foot upon the soil of
Charleston.
Just at the period of the utmost anxiety, when all hearts were anxious lest the morrow should bring forth civil conflict, a fire was seen from
Fort Moultrie, at twilight, rising from
Charleston, rapidly spreading, and threatening the city with destruction.--
General Scott happened to be the first who perceived the conflagration, and with great promptness called for volunteers to hasten to the assistance of the inhabitants.
All the officers and men were eager for the service, and, with the exception of a mere guard, all were dispatched in boats and without arms, to subdue the new and dreadful enemy.
Each detachment was directed to report itself to some city officer, and to ask for employment.
A detached officer proceeds to explain the object of this sudden intrusion.
Capt. Ringgold, of the army, since promoted, and subsequently slain on the battle-field of
Palo Alto, who commanded a detachment, rushed up to the intendant, (mayor,) and begged to be put to work.
A citizen standing by, at once claimed his assistance to save a sugar refinery then in imminent danger.
‘"Do you hear that!"’ said
Captain Ringgold to his men: ‘"
we will go the death for sugar!"’ This was in allusion to the famous threat of
Governor Hamilton, in respect to his importation of that article, before the boxes had arrived, that they ‘"would go to death for the sugar."’ It may be added, that the detachment instantly repaired to the spot and the refinery was saved.
Nor was the good-humored quotation lost on the hundreds who heard it.
The Navy was not behind the army in this act of neighborly kindness.
Both were early at the scene of distress.
And all, after distinguishing themselves for zeal and energy, returned as sober and as orderly as they went, not with standing refreshments had been profusely handed round by the citizens.
It is not extravagant to say that this timely movement, so well conceived and so handsomely executed, overcame much of the excitement and prejudice existing against the
United States, here represented by their soldier and sailors.
These men threw themselves, unexpected and unarmed, in the midst of a population strongly excited against them, and by having a city from fire, powerfully to save the value from the at border of civil war. The effect was immersing on the spot, and was soon spread to other parts of the
State: It was one of these
better adapted to soothe the asperities a of feeling than would have been any degree of courage, or success, in the forcible maintenance of the law.
A correspondent of the Charleston Courier, writing from
Columbia, gives the following discussion, in committee, of the mail arrangements in case of secession:
‘
The Postal Committee were also in session in the
Senate Chamber.
They had under discussion the propositions in relation to the postal service, substantially to the effect that, if the United States Government would employ these officials, the
State would not interpose until some further permanent arrangement could be made, distinctly declaring, however, that the connection of the
State was severed, and, therewith, the allegiance of these officials in no respect due the
United States, but merely as the agents of a foreign government, tolerated for convenience.
Great objection was expressed in the
Committee to this,
Senator Moses especially urging that this would derogate from the high position of
South Carolina; that we were now prepared for all the inconveniences that would ensure on the cessation of the mail, and we should bear that with the same fortitude that, a short time previous, we were compelled to encounter a war all along the border.
Mr. Moses said he regarded the proposition as presenting the analogy of a gentleman holding the office of Federal
Judge.
How could he discharge the functions of his office and yet owe an undivided allegiance to the
State after secession?
Mr. Maclarlan, of the House Committee, maintained similar views, stating that he had no information to warrant the resolution proposed.
There might be information in the possession of gentlemen whose position was such as to enable them to have it. His opinion was based on his own individual information, and until enlightened, he could not advocate the proposition.
Mr. Shannon agreed with the gentleman who advocated the proposition, and gave to it his hearty concurrence.
He had, however, one question to ask — would these officials be
United States officials or not?
Mr. Shannon said he would address himself further to the subject, and he had no doubt but that the
Committee could agree upon the proposition; but he preferred that their deliberations should be conducted in a more private manner.
’
The excitement in Mississippi--hanging of three Men.
The hanging of three men at
Friar's Point, Miss., has been briefly noticed.
The Nashville Gazette publishes a letter from a merchant there, dated the 11th inst., giving the following particulars:
‘
On yesterday evening two gins and a negro quarter were fired simultaneously, doubtless by the procurement of these wretches.
The night was lit up for miles around.
The vigilance committee were soon under arms, and proceeded to the room of three carpenters, one by the name of
Hamlin, the others unknown, and took them and hung them to the first tree, and afterward cut them down and burned them.
The town is now under arms, the military are parading the streets, and all is excitement and alarm.
This morning the remainder of the
Northern men were sent up the river on the steamer
Peytona; some of them were branded with the letters G. B. (gin burners) before shipped.
Fourteen gins have been burned in this county during the last six weeks, and the people have determined to stop it.
An Abolitionist was hanged, barrelled up, and rolled into the river at this point last week, and it was probably to avenge his death that the last gins were fired.
A negro implicated the men who were hung.
He said that they had told him all the negroes were to be free next March, when
Lincoln becomes
President, and that there will be a general rising of the negroes then.
The vigilance committee have sworn to hang every Northern man who comes here from this time until the 4th of March, and all such had better be in h--1 than
Friar's Point.
’
Senator Wilson's letter to
Hon. Caleb Cushing is out. It is mainly devoted to the exhuming of the declarations of
Gen. Cushing in opposition to slavery, made from three to thirty years ago, and explains his own position on the question.
Gen. Wilson says, in relation to his remarks made just after the election, that ‘"the slave power was now broken beneath our republican feet — that our heels were upon it — that it was ground to powder."’
My unpremeditated, unguarded words, concerning the slave power, may perhaps be tortured by the reckless tongue or pen of political malignity so as to appear to mean the entire slaveholding interest of the
South, the slave property and the constitutional and legal rights of the fifteen Southern States, their rights and their persons.
But I never conceived, thought, nor intended to give utterance, to any such sentiments.
If I knew myself I should blush with a sense of self-abasement if I could cherish in my heart a sentiment of hatred or the wish to put the brand of inequality or degradation upon my countrymen of any section of the
Union.
In hundreds of addresses before the people, in the public press, in the halls of legislation, I have over and over again recognized the doctrine of State rights in its fullest sense, disavowed any purpose to make aggressions upon the constitutional rights of the States within the
Union to regulate their domestic affairs, and disclaimed all hostility towards our countrymen of the
South.
I have voted as cheerfully for measures for the interests of the
South as I have for the interests of the
North.
I would pour out the treasure and the blood of the nation as generously for the defence of the
South as I would for the defence of my native
New England.
Senator Wilson also quotes from speeches of
Lincoln,
Seward, &c., to show that the
Republican doctrines are based upon non-intervention regarding slavery, and the recognition of State rights in the fullest sense.
The Charleston Courier, announcing the election of
Francis W. Pickens,
Governor of
South Carolina, says:
‘
Mr. Pickens is too well known to many readers to require any particulars.
He served acceptably in Congress from the ‘"Old Ninety six District,"’ once represented by
Calhoun and
McDuffie, and now forming part of the Congressional District lately represented by
Preston S. Brooks, and for the last time in the Congress of the United States by
M. L. Bonham.
Mr. Pickens, after retiring from Congress, remained some years in private life, and last appeared before his fellow-citizens in this State as
President of the
Convention which nominated delegates to the Cincinnati Convention of 1856.
He was appointed by
President Buchanan to the Court of St. Petersburg, and has lately returned at his own request.
He bears a name conspicuous in the service of the
State, in council and in arms, and his own record gives full guarantees that he will never err in want of devotion to the
State.
W. W. Harlee, of
Marion, has been elected
Lieutenant Governor--a worthy choice in all respects.
’
A letter, noticing the duties of the office, says:
‘
The office of Governor is not one generally sought after in
South Carolina.
The salary is only $3,500 per annum, and as the
Governor is compelled to visit every district in the
State at least once a year, in order to inspect the military, his raveling expenses alone amount to twice as much as his salary.
He has no veto power, and has not a single office at his disposal, the Legislature even appointing his private secretary; yet it is a position of high honor, and one always conferred upon some citizen of renown.
Until the present time the position has never been declined when once tendered.
’
South Carolina Legislature.
A proposition is before the South Carolina Legislature to appropriate $30,000 to aid in deepening the harbor of
Charleston, and $50,000 to erect buildings to be used as arsenals and depots for the ordnance, arms and munitions of the militia of
Charleston.
There is also a bill preventing free negroes entering into mechanical pursuits, or riding in carriages or other vehicles, unless accompanied by a white person.
Another bill pending authorizes the Board of Ordnance to make contract with such responsible persons as shall, within the period of fifteen months, establish and put in operation, within the limits of the
State, or in any one of the cotton-growing States, an armory capable of turning out ten thousand stand of small arms, of standard military patterns, for the delivery to
South Carolina of fifty thousand dollars' worth of small arms, annually, for the term of five years.
Anti-Abolition excitement at Boston-- Wendell Phillips Mobbed.
BostonDec. 16.--A great crowd attended
Wendell Phillips' lecture to-day on the subject of "Mobs and Education." The excitement against him being very great, a large force of police were in attendance, and the military were ordered under arms for fear of a riot.
He was frequently interrupted by hisses, and on the conclusion of his lecture the crowd made a rush on
Phillips as he made his appearance outside of the building.
He was, however, protected from violence and deserted home.
The services of the military warn and . It is believed that an explanation exists to prevent
Phillips from , and it would have been successful on any other day but the debtors.
A telegraphic report from
Washington city says that
General Scott has given the
President an elaborate opinion in reference to the present condition of the military defences of the country, and what should be done in view of possible contingencies.
He of course deprecates secession, and begs his own
State of Virginia to pause and bear the ills she has rather than fly to those she knows not of. But, if secession occurs, he says it will result not in the formation of two, but four distinct nationalities.
The correspondent gives the divisions as near as he can recollect them as follows: The first will probably consist of New York,
New England,
Pennsylvania,
Michigan,
Wisconsin,
Iowa and
Minnesota; the second will consist of
Indiana,
Illinois,
Ohio,
Western Virginia, and so along down the
Blue Ridge, taking in
Western Florida,
Alabama,
Mississippi,
Louisiana,
Tennessee,
Arkansas,
Kentucky,
Missouri and
Texas.
The third will consist of
South Carolina.
Georgia,
East Florida,
Eastern Virginia, and perhaps
Maryland and
Delaware.
The Pacific States will constitute the fourth.
The General treats the exclusion of the grain-growing States of the
West from a direct communication with the
Gulf of Mexico as an impossibility.
They will have free course to go down the
Mississippi, and will insist upon
Pensacola as a naval depot.
He also gives, it is said, an elaborate statement of the disposition of the military forces of the nation, and the condition and needs of the fortified places.
County meetings in Virginia.
In
Wythe,
Halifax,
Northampton and
London, meetings were held last week, at all of which resolutions were adopted declaring that this is the time for a final settlement of the difficulties between the North and South.
A meeting was held in
Clarke county, on the 12th inst.
The resolutions declare, among other things, "that we believe that in all human probability the extreme
South will withdraw from the
Union, and that the interests of
Virginia and the
South are one; that we should resist any attempt to coerce a seceding State; and that the
Government has no right to collect revenues in a State that has withdrawn from the
Union.
