Introduction to the
de Divinatione
1. Date of composition
This treatise was intended by Cicero to supplement his earlier work,
De natura deorum, which was
finished probably in August 45 B.C. The greater
part of the first book of the
De divinatione was
written (in part at least) before the assassination
of Caesar, but the work was not completed and
published until after that event.
1
2. The Interlocutors
The dialogue is represented as taking place
between Cicero and his only brother Quintus, at
Cicero's country home at Tusculum, about ten miles
from Rome.
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QUINTUS CICERO was born about 102 B.C.; received
instruction in the best schools at Rome and in
Greece; was aedile in 65; praetor in 62; governor
of Asia from March 61 to April 58; and served as
legatus under Pompey in Sardinia in 56, under
Caesar in Gaul in 54 and 53, and under Marcus,
his brother, in Cilicia, from July 51 to July 50.
In the Civil War he first joined Pompey, but, after
the latter's defeat, offered his services to Caesar.
Quintus was fond of reading and study and devoted
much of his leisure to writing. During his stay
in Gaul he wrote four tragedies, which are lost.
The authorship of the
Commentariolum Petitionis is
generally conceded to him. He (like his brother)
died in December 43, in the proscription of the
Second Triumvirate.
3. Plan and sources of the dialogue
In this treatise, as in his other philosophic works,
Cicero draws his arguments chiefly from Greek
sources, but develops them in his own inimitable
way and illustrates them with examples from his
varied experiences and from his vast stores of
learning. As an adherent of the New Academy
he was free to question the views of the other
philosophic schools, to compare argument with argument, and to adopt that theory which seemed to
him most consistent with reason. After a thorough
and impartial study of all the extant literature on
the subject, from the time of Xenophanes of
Colophon, a philosopher of the Eleatic school of
the sixth century B.C., to that of Cratippus of his
own day, and including the teachings of the Pyth-
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agoreans, the Socratics, the Peripatetics, the Epicureans and the Stoics, he became convinced that
the commonly accepted belief in divination was a
superstition which “should be torn up by the roots.”
He was himself an augur, and in his book
On the
Republic had written in favour of maintenance of
the rites of augury and of auspices. But these
practices were engrafted on the Roman constitution
and he advocated their observance because of his
belief in obedience to law and because, as a member
of the aristocratic party, he thought augury and
auspices the best means of controlling the excesses
of democracy.
4. The argument in favour of divination
In treating the subject he proceeded, not as a
special pleader, but in a truly philosophic spirit.
As the chief apologists for divination he selected
the Stoics, who defended it with great force and
plausibility, accepted it as a part of their philosophic
system, and sought to bring the world into conformity with their views. They endeavoured to
unite religion with philosophy to prove that the
nature of the gods is adapted to reveal the divine
will through divine prophecy. The belief in a
superintending care of the gods seemed to them to
imply a means of communication between God and
man, whereby the latter might know the divine
will in advance and obey it. This means they
called
Divination, the
vis divinandi of the Romans,
the
μαντική of the Greeks.
The arguments in the first book in favour of
divination are based chiefly on the writings of
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Posidonius the Stoic. While many of the arguments
in the second book go back to Carneades, the
founder of the New Academy, the immediate source
of the material is not Carneades himself (for he left
no writings) but one of his disciples, probably
Clitomachus, who was his successor in the New
Academy and expounded his doctrines. The discussion of the Chaldean
monstra in the second book,
from sections 87 to 97, is derived from the Stoic
Panaetius. The entire discussion is divided into
two main parts. In the first Quintus, taking the
affirmative side, sets out the reasons for his belief
in divination, and in the second Marcus proceeds
to overwhelm his adversary with merciless logic
and, with a rare display of abounding humour and
sarcasm, laughs him out of court.
Quintus defines divination as “the foreknowledge
and foretelling of events that happen by chance.”
He divides it into two classes: the first, Artificial,
which depends partly on conjecture and partly on
long-continued observation, and includes astrology,
auspices, augury, divining by portents, prodigies,
thunder, lightning, and other natural phenomena;
the second, Natural, embraces divination by means
of dreams and prophecies, made by persons inspired,
as seers and prophets like Calchas, Cassandra, and
others, and by those in a state of ecstasy or rapture,
like the Pythian priestess of Apollo, whose prophetic
powers were induced by exhalations from the earth.
In defence of these various kinds of divination he
urged the fact of their acceptance from the earliest
times by every nation, and by the greatest philosophers including Pythagoras, Socrates, and Plato.
He was not troubled by his inability to explain the
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causes of divination. Those who denied the
existence of what they could not explain and were
not convinced by results and by the evidence of
their own senses, for the same reason should deny
the power of the magnet to attract iron, or the
efficacy of drugs to effect certain cures. Divination,
he urges, was established by many infallible proofs:
by augury, the city of Rome had been founded and
the kingdom given to Romulus; by the flight of
an eagle, King Deiotarus had been warned to discontinue a journey and thereby was saved from
certain death; the entrails foretold Caesar's approaching fate; in a dream the Rhodian sailor had
a vision of Pompey's defeat at Pharsalus. He also
does not disdain the
argumentum ad hominem, but
quotes freely from his brother's poetry to show that
he, too, accepts divination.
2
Following the method of Posidonius, Quintus
sought to bring divination into conformity with the
principles of philosophy in three ways; by tracing
its source to God, to nature, and to fate. The
reasoning for its origin from God was borrowed
from Cratippus. The human soul is an emanation
from the Divine Soul which pervades and governs
all things. Between the Divine Soul and the
human soul, both of which are divine and eternal,
there is a sympathy and a connexion which permit
of communication from one to the other. The human
soul when divorced from bodily influences, as in
sleep and in ecstasy, is most responsive to the
divine will and most endowed with divine foresight.
In discussing the origin of divination from the
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second source, Quintus defines Fate or
εἱμαρμένη
as “the orderly succession of causes wherein cause
is linked to cause and every cause has its effect.”
Therefore nothing has happened which was not
bound to happen and nothing will happen which
will not find its efficient cause in nature. He who
knows the links that join cause to cause, knows all
the results of causes and can foretell every coming
event. While such omniscience is possible only
to God, yet since every cause has its sign and there
are men who can often read those signs, in the
lapse of time a science has been evolved from the
recording of signs and the noting of the connexion
between them and their results.
The argument from nature is based on the
phenomena of dreams and ecstasy. The power of
the soul is much enhanced when divorced from
bodily sensation. Then it sees things which are
invisible to it when shackled by the flesh. During
frenzy or inspiration or ecstasy nature seems most
to impel the human soul to prophecy.
To the objection that the forecasts of augurs,
seers, soothsayers and other diviners are often
erroneous, Quintus replies that the same point
may be urged against experts in other arts and
callings, as, for example, physicians, mariners, and
statesmen.
In closing Quintus makes a qualification or partial
retractation by stating that he does not countenance
fortune-tellers, necromancers, snake-charmers, astrologers, or interpreters of dreams who are not true
diviners.
[p. 220]
5. The argument against divination
Marcus, in reply, first directs his attack against
divination in general and adopts the reasoning of
Carneades. “Divination,” he says, “has no application to things perceived by the senses, which
are sufficient of themselves and require no aid from
divination. Nor is there any place for it in matters
within the domain of science and of art. Likewise
divination has no place in resolving questions in
philosophy, in dialectic or in politics. And since it is
of no use in any of these cases there is no use for it
anywhere.” Next, he takes the Stoic definition of
divination as “the foreknowledge and foretelling
of things that happen by chance,” and shows that
since such things may or may not happen, or may
happen in one way or another, they cannot be foreseen by any amount of reason or skill. But if it
can be known in advance that an event is going to
happen, then that event is certain and not subject
to chance and, by the definition, is removed from
the scope of divination.
Furthermore, even if it was possible to know the
future the disadvantages would far outweigh the
gain. Cicero then takes up separately the various
modes of divination under their proper divisions of
Artificial and Natural and shows how utterly unreasonable they are and heaps his ridicule upon them.
6. Manuscripts, editions, and translations
The best Mss. of the
De divinatione are: V. Vindob.,
10th century, and three Leyden Mss., A, B, and H,
Leid., 12th century.
The text of this edition is based chiefly on that of
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John Davies, Cambridge, 1730, but emended in
many places by readings adopted from tile editions
of George A. Moser, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1828,
Aug. Geise, Leipsig, 1829, and C. F. W. Müller,
Leipzig, 1910. Many changes have also been made
in Davies' spelling, punctuation and paragraphing.
[In the Teubner series, see the edition by O.
Plasberg and W. Ax, Stuttgart, 1969 (1938).]
I have consulted the following translations: C.
D. Yonge, London, Bohn's series, 1848, in English;
D. Goldbéry, Paris, Garnier Frères, in French;
Ralph Kühner, Berlin, Langenscheidt, in German.
Among books that may be mentioned as useful
in the study of
De divinatione are the following:
C. Wachsmuth,
Die Ansichten der Stoiker über
Mantik und Dämonen.
Th. Schiche,
De fontibus librorum Ciceronis quae
sunt de divinatione.
C. Hartfelder,
Die Quellen von Cicero's De
divinatione.
A. Schmekel,
Die Philosophie der Mittleren Stoa.
F. Malchin,
De auctoribus quibusdam qui Posidonii
libros meteorologicos adhibuerunt.
The best edition of the De
divinatione is that of
Prof. Pease, University of Illinois Press, 1923.
A. Bouché-Leclercq,
Histoire de la divination.
J. Wight Duff,
Literary History of Rome.
I am indebted to Dr. Gordon J. Laing of the
University of Chicago for a critical reading of this
translation and for many helpful suggestions.
Wm. Armistead Falconer.
Fort Smith, Arkansas