Embassy from Sparta
AT this time also it happened that the embassy, which the
B. C. 190. Embassy from Sparta, and the answer of the Roman Senate.
Lacedaemonians had sent to Rome, returned
disappointed. The subject of their mission
was the hostages and the villages. As to the
villages the Senate answered that they would give
instructions to envoys sent by themselves; and
as to the hostages they desired to consider further. But as to
the exiles of past times, they said that they wondered why they
were not recalled, now that Sparta had been freed from her
tyrants. . . .
Embassy from Philip
At the same period the Senate dealt with the ambassadors
from Philip. They had come to set forth the loyalty and zeal
of the king, which he had shown to the Romans in the war
against Antiochus. On hearing what the envoys had to say,
the Senate released the king's son Demetrius from his position
as hostage at once, and promised that they would also remit
part of the yearly indemnity, if he kept faith with Rome in
future. The Senate likewise released the Lacedaemonian
hostages, except Armenas, son of Nabis; who subsequently
fell ill and died. . . .
The Scipios In Greece
Directly the news of the victory at sea reached Rome,
Supplicatio for the victory off Phocaea.
the Senate first decreed a public supplicatio
nine days,—which means a public and universal
holiday, accompanied by the sacrifice of thank
offerings to the gods for the happy success,—and next gave
audience to the envoys from Aetolia and Manius Acilius.
Answer to the Aetolian Envoys sent, on the intercession of Flamininus, when
When both parties had pleaded their cause
at some length, the Senate decreed to offer the
Aetolians the alternative of committing their
when cause unconditionally to the arbitration of the
Senate, or of paying a thousand talents down and
making an offensive and defensive alliance with
on the Aetolians desiring the Senate to state definitely on what points they
were to submit to such arbitration, the Senate refused to
define them. Accordingly the war with the Aetolians went
on. . . .
The Athenians Intercede for the Aetolians
While Amphissa was still being besieged by Manius
Spring of B. C. 190. Coss. L. Cornelius Scipio, C. Laelius.
Acilius, the Athenians, hearing at that time
both of the distress of the Amphissians and of
the arrival of Publius Scipio, despatched Echedemus and others on an embassy to him, with instructions to
pay their respects to both Lucius and Publius
Scipio, and at the same time to try what could
be done to get peace for the Aetolians.
P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus in Greece as legatus to his brother Lucius.(March.)
their arrival, Publius welcomed them gladly and
treated them with great courtesy; because he
saw that they would be of assistance to him in carrying out
his plans. For he was very desirous of effecting a settlement
in Aetolia on good terms; but had resolved that, if the Aetolians refused to comply, he would at all hazards relinquish that
business for the present, and cross to Asia: for he was well
aware that the ultimate object of the war and of the entire
expedition was not to reduce the Aetolian nation to obedience,
but to conquer Antiochus and take possession of Asia.
Therefore, directly the Athenians mentioned the pacification,
he accepted their suggestion with eagerness, and bade them
sound the Aetolians also. Accordingly, Echedemus and his
colleagues, having sent a preliminary deputation to Hypata,
presently followed in person, and entered into a discussion
with the Aetolian magistrates on the subject of
Aetolian envoys visit the consuls.
They, too, readily acquiesced
in the suggestion, and certain envoys were appointed to meet the Romans. They found Publius and the army
encamped sixty stades from Amphissa, and there discoursed
at great length on their previous services to Rome. Publius
Scipio adopted in reply a still milder and more conciliatory
style, quoting his own conduct in Iberia and Libya, and
explaining how he had treated all who in those countries had
confided to his honour: and finally expressing an opinion that
they had better put themselves in his hands. At first, all who
were present felt very sanguine that the pacification was about
to be accomplished. But when, in answer to the Aetolian
demand to know on what terms they were to make the peace,
Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives—to
submit their entire case unconditionally to the arbitrament of
Rome, or to pay a thousand talents down and to make an
offensive and defensive alliance with her—the Aetolians
present were thrown into the state of the most painful perplexity at the inconsistency of this announcement with the
previous talk: but finally they said that they would consult
the Aetolians on the terms imposed.
Truce With the Aetolians
On the return of the Aetolian envoys for the purpose of
consulting their countrymen, Echedemus and his colleagues
joined the council of the apocleti
in their deliberations on
this subject. One of the alternatives was impossible owing to
the amount of money demanded, and the other was rendered
alarming in their eyes by the deception they had experienced
before, when, after submitting to the surrender,
they had narrowly escaped being thrown into
Being then much perplexed and quite unable to
decide, they sent the same envoys back to beg the Scipios that
they would either abate part of the money, so as to be within
their power to pay, or except from the surrender the persons
of citizens, men and women. But upon their arrival in the
Roman camp and delivering their message, Lucius Scipio merely
replied that "The only terms on which he was commissioned
by the Senate to treat were those which he had recently
stated." They therefore returned once more, and were followed
by Echedemus and his colleagues to Hypata, who advised the
Aetolians that "Since there was at present a hitch in the
negotiations for peace, they should ask for a truce; and,
having thus at least delayed the evils threatening them, should
send an embassy to the Senate. If they obtained their
request, all would be well; but, if they did not, they must trust
to the chapter of accidents: for their position could not be
worse than it was now, but for many reasons might not impossibly be better." The advice of Echedemus was thought
sound, and the Aetolians accordingly voted to send envoys
to obtain a truce; who, upon reaching Lucius
Scipio, begged that for the present a truce
of six months might be granted them, that
they might send an embassy to the Senate.
A six months' truce with the Aetolians.
who had for some time past been anxious to begin the
campaign in Asia, quickly persuaded his brother to grant
their request. The agreement therefore was reduced to
writing, and thereupon Manius Acilius handed over his army
to Lucius Scipio, and returned with his military tribunes to
Rome. . . .
Asia: Factions at Phocaea
Factions became rife at Phocaea,1
partly because they
A party at Phocaea wish to join Antiochus, B. C. 190.
suffered from the Romans left with the ships
being quartered on them, and partly because
they were annoyed at the tribute imposed on
them. . . .
Then the Phocaean magistrates, alarmed at the state of
popular excitement caused by the dearth of corn, and the
agitation kept up by the partisans of Antiochus, sent envoys
who was on their frontiers, ordering him not to
approach the town, as they were resolved to remain neutral
and await the final decision of the quarrel, and then obey
orders. Of these ambassadors the partisans of Seleucus and
his faction were Aristarchus, Cassander, and Rhodon; those,
on the contrary, who inclined to Rome were Hegias and Gelias.
On their arrival Seleucus at once showed every attention to
Aristarchus and his partisans, but treated Hegias and Gelias
with complete neglect. But when he was informed of the
state of popular feeling, and the shortness of provisions in
Phocaea, he threw aside all negotiation or discussion with the
envoys, and marched towards the town. . . .
Two Galli, with sacred images and figures
The Roman fleet at Sestos.
Intercession of the Galli or priests of Cybele. Livy, 37, 9.
on their breasts, advanced from the town, and besought them not to adopt any extreme measures
against the city.3
. . .
The Rhodian Firing Apparatus
The fire-carrier used by Pausistratus, the navarch of
the Rhodians, was a scoop or basket. On
either side of the prow two staples were fixed
into the inner part of the two sides of the ship,
into which poles were fitted with their extremities extending
out to sea. To the end of these the scoop filled with fire
was attached by an iron chain, in such a way that in charging
the enemy's ship, whether on the prow or the broadside, fire
was thrown upon it, while it was kept a long way off from his
own ship by the slope of the poles. . . .
The Rhodian admiral Pamphilidas was thought to be
Pausistratus beaten by Polyxenidas,
the admiral of the king. Livy, 37, 10, 11.
better capable than Pausistratus of adapting
himself to all possible contingencies, because
his character was more remarkable for its
depth and solidity than for its boldness. For
most men judge not from any fixed principle
but by results. Thus, though they had recently elected
Pausistratus to the command, on the ground of his possessing
these very qualities of energy and boldness, their opinions at
once underwent a complete revolution when he met with his
disaster. . . .
The Aetolian Truce Announced
At this time a letter arrived at Samos for Lucius
The Aetolian truce announced to Eumenes and Antiochus.
Aemilius and Eumenes from the consul Lucius
Scipio, announcing the agreement made with
the Aetolians for the truce, and the approaching advance of the land forces to the Hellespont. Another to the same effect was sent to Antiochus and
Seleucus from the Aetolians. . . .
Antiochus At Pergamum
An embassy from King Eumenes having arrived in
Achaia proposing an alliance, the Achaeans
met in public assembly and ratified it, and
sent out some soldiers, a thousand foot and a
hundred horse, under the command of Diophanes of Megalopolis. . . .
Diophanes was a man of great experience in war; for
during the protracted hostilities with Nabis in the neighbourhood of Megalopolis, he had served throughout under
Philopoemen, and accordingly had gained a real familiarity
with the operations of actual warfare. And besides this
advantage, his appearance and physical prowess were impressive;
and, most important of all, he was a man of personal courage and exceedingly expert in the use of arms. . . .
Antiochus Proposes Peace
King Antiochus had already penetrated into the territory of Pergamum; but when he heard that
Antiochus proposes peace with Rome, Eumenes, and Rhodes.
king Eumenes was close at hand, and saw that
the land forces as well as the fleet were ready
to attack him, he began to consider the propriety of proposing a pacification with the Romans, Eumenes,
and the Rhodians at once. He therefore removed with his
whole army to Elaea, and having seized a hill facing that
town, he encamped his infantry upon it, while he entrenched
his cavalry, amounting to over six thousand, close under the
walls of the town. He took up his own position between these
two, and proceeded to send messengers to Lucius Aemilius
in the town, proposing a peace. The Roman imperator
thereupon called Eumenes and the Rhodians to a meeting,
and desired them to give their opinions on the proposal.
Eudemus and Pamphilidas were not averse to making terms;
but the king said that "To make peace at the present
moment was neither honourable nor possible.
Eumenes opposes the peace, on the grounds of honour and prudence.
How could it be an honourable conclusion of
the war that they should make terms while
confined within the walls of a town? And
how was it possible to give validity to those
terms without waiting for the Consul and obtaining his
consent? Besides, even if they did give any indication of
coming to an agreement with Antiochus, neither the naval nor
military forces could of course return home until the Senate
and people had ratified the terms of it. All that would be
left for them to do would be to spend the winter where they
were, waiting idly for the decision from home, doing nothing,
and exhausting the wealth and resources of their allies. And
then, if the Senate withheld its approval of the terms, they
would have to begin the war all over again, having let the
opportunity pass, which, with God's help, would have enabled
them to put a period to the whole war." Such was the speech
of king Eumenes. Lucius Aemilius accepted the advice, and
answered the envoys of Antiochus that the peace could not
possibly be made until the Proconsul arrived. On hearing
this Antiochus immediately began devastating the territory of
Elaea; and subsequently, while Seleucus remained in occupation of that district, Antiochus continued his march through
the country as far as the plain of Thebe, and having there
entered upon an exceedingly fertile and wealthy district, he
gorged his army with spoil of every description. . . .
Prusias Refuses To Help Antiochus
On his arrival at Sardis after this expedition, Antiochus
Prusias, king of Bithynia.
at once sent to Prusias to urge him to an alliance.
Now in former times Prusias had by no means
been disinclined to join Antiochus, because he
was much alarmed lest the Romans should cross over to Asia
for the purpose of putting down all crowned heads. But the
perusal of a letter received from Lucius and Publius Scipio
had served to a great extent to relieve his anxiety, and give
him a tolerably correct forecast of the result of the war.
Letter of the Scipios to Prusias.
the Scipios had put the case with great clearness
in their letter, and had supported their assertions
by numerous proofs. They entered not only
upon a defence of the policy adopted by themselves, but of that
also of the Roman people generally; by which they showed
that, so far from depriving any of the existing kings of their
sovereignties, they had themselves been the authors in some
cases of their establishment, in others of the extension of their
powers and the large increase of their dominions. To prove this
they quoted the instances of Andobales and Colichas in Iberia,
of Massanissa in Libya, and of Pleuratus in Illyria, all of whom
they said they had raised from petty and insignificant princes
to the position of undisputed royalty. They further mentioned
the cases of Philip and Nabis in Greece. As to Philip, they had
conquered him in war and reduced him to the necessity of
giving hostages and paying tribute: yet, after receiving a slight
proof of his good disposition, they had restored his son and
the young men who were hostages with him, had remitted the
tribute, and given him back several of the towns that had been
taken in the course of war. While as for Nabis, though they
might have utterly destroyed him, they had not done so, but
had spared him, tyrant as he was, on receiving the usual
security for his good faith. With these facts before his eyes
they urged Prusias in their letter not to be in any fear for his
kingdom, but to adopt the Roman alliance without misgiving,
for he would never have reason to regret his choice. This
letter worked an entire change in the feelings of Prusias; and
when, besides, Caius Livius and the other legates arrived at his
court, after conversation with them, he entirely relinquished
all ideas of looking for support from Antiochus. Foiled,
therefore, of hope in this quarter, Antiochus retired to Ephesus:
and being convinced on reflection that the only way of preventing the transport of the enemy's army, and in fact of
repelling an invasion of Asia at all, was to keep
a firm mastery of the sea, he determined to
fight a naval battle and leave the issue of the
struggle to be decided by his success in that. . . .
When the pirates
On its voyage from Samos to Teos the Roman fleet sight some pirate vessels. Livy, 37, 27.
saw that the Roman fleet was coming they turned and fled. . . .
The battle between the fleets of Rome and Antiochus took
place between the promontories Myonnesus and Corycum, which
form the bay of Teos, Antiochus was beaten with a loss of forty-two ships early in B.C. 190. Livy, 37, 30.
Antiochus Sends an Envoy To Discuss Peace
After sustaining this defeat at sea, Antiochus remained
Antiochus despairs of resistance, and sends an envoy to the Scipios to treat of peace.
in Sardis, neglecting to avail himself of such
opportunities as he had left, and taking no
steps whatever to prosecute the war; and when
he learnt that the enemy had crossed into
Asia he lost all heart, and determined in despair
to send an envoy to Lucius and Publius Scipio
to treat of peace. He selected Heracleides of Byzantium for
this purpose, and despatched him with instructions to offer to
surrender the territories of Lampsacus and Smyrna as well as
Alexandria (Troas), which were the original cause of the war,
and any other cities in Aeolis and Ionia of which they might
wish to deprive him, as having embraced their side in the
war; and in addition to this to promise an indemnity of half
the expenses they had incurred in their quarrel with him. Such
were the offers which the envoy was instructed to make in his
public audience; but, besides these, there were others to be
committed to Publius Scipio's private ear, of which I will speak
in detail later on. On his arrival at the Hellespont the envoy
found the Romans still occupying the camp which they had
constructed immediately after crossing. At first he was much
cheered by this fact, for he thought it would materially aid his
negotiation that the enemy were exactly where they were at
first, and had not as yet taken any further action. But when
he learnt that Publius Scipio was still on the other side of the
water he was much disturbed, because the turn which his
negotiations were to take depended principally on Scipio's view
of the matter.
The laws relating to the Salii or priests of Mars.
The reason of the army being still in their
first camp, and of Publius Scipio's absence
from the army, was that he was one of the Salii.
These are, as I have before stated, one of the
three colleges of priests by whom the most important sacrifices
to the gods are offered at Rome. And it is the law that, at
the time of these sacrifices, they must not quit the spot for
thirty days in which it happens to find them.4
This was the
case at the present time with Publius Scipio; for just as the
army was on the point of crossing this season arrived, and
prevented him from changing his place of abode. Thus it
came about that he was separated from the legions and remained in Europe, while, though the army crossed, it remained
encamped, and could take no further step, because they were
waiting for him.
Antiochus Tries To Negotiate
However, Publius arrived a few days afterwards, and
Heracleides being summoned to attend the
Council, delivered the message with which
he was charged, announcing that Antiochus
abandoned Lampsacus, Smyrna, and Alexandria; and also all
such towns in Aeolis and Ionia as had sided with Rome; and
that he offered, further, an indemnity of half their expenses in
the present war. He added many arguments besides, urging
the Romans "Not to tempt fortune too far, as they were but
men; nor to extend their empire indefinitely, but rather to keep
it within limits, if possible those of Europe,—for even then
they would have an enormous and unprecedented dominion,
such as no nation before them had attained;—but if they were
determined at all hazards to grasp parts of Asia also, let them
say definitely what parts those were, for the king would go to
the utmost stretch of his power to meet their wishes." After
the delivery of this speech the council decided that the
Consul should answer that "It was only fair
that Antiochus should pay, not the half, but
the whole expense of the war, seeing that he,
and not they, had originally begun it; and as to the cities, he
must not only liberate those in Aeolis and Ionia, but must
surrender his whole dominion on this side of Mount Taurus."
On receiving this answer from the council, conveying demands which went far beyond his instructions, the envoy,
without answering a word, abstained from a public audience
thenceforth, but exerted himself to conciliate Publius Scipio.
Scipio Scorns Antiochus's Secret Proposal
Having at length got a suitable opportunity, he disclosed
The secret offers of Antiochus to Publius Scipio.
to him the offers with which he was charged.
These were that the king would first restore his
son without ransom, who had been taken
prisoner in the early part of the war; and was prepared, secondly,
to pay him any sum of money he might name, and thenceforth
share with him the wealth of his kingdom, if he would
only support the acceptance of the terms offered by the king.
Publius replied that the promise as to his son
he accepted, and would feel under an obligation
to the king if he fulfilled it; but as to the rest he assured him
that the king, among his other delusions, was under a complete
mistake as to the course demanded by his own interests.
"For if he had made these offers while still master of Lysimacheia and the entrance into the Chersonese, he would at once
have got what he asked: and so too, even after evacuating
these places, if he had appeared with his army at the Hellespont and shown that he meant to prevent our crossing, and
then had sent his envoys, he might even thus have obtained
his demands. But when he comes with his proposals of
equitable terms, after allowing our troops to set foot in Asia,
and having so not only submitted to the bridle, but allowed
the rider to mount, he must expect to fail and be disappointed
of his hopes. Therefore, I advise him to adopt wiser measures,
and look at the facts in their true light. In return for his
promise in regard to my son, I will give him a hint which is well
worth the favour he offers me: make any concession, do anything, rather than fight with the Romans." With this answer
Heracleides returned and told the king everything. And
Antiochus, considering that no severer terms could be imposed
on him if he were beaten in the field, abandoned all idea of
negotiation, and began making preparations of all sorts and in
every direction for the battle. . . .
Antiochus sent Scipio's son back. The decisive battle took
place in the neighbourhood of Thyatira, and proved a decisive
victory for the Romans. This was in the late autumn of B. C.
190. See Livy, 37, 38-44.
Zeuxis and Antipater Sent to Negotiate Peace
After the victory the Romans took Sardis and its Acropolis, and there they were visited by Musaeus bringing a
message from Antiochus. Being politely received by the
Scipios, he announced that Antiochus wished to send envoys
to treat on the terms of peace, and therefore desired that a
safe conduct should be given them. This was granted and the
herald returned; and some days after, Zeuxis, formerly Satrap
of Lydia, and Antipater, his nephew, came as ambassadors
from king Antiochus. Their first anxiety was to meet king
Eumenes, because they feared that his old quarrel would cause
him to be only too ready to do them a bad turn. But when
they found him, contrary to their expectation, disposed to
moderate and gentle methods, they at once addressed themselves to meeting the council. Being summoned to attend it
they made a lengthy speech, among other things exhorting the
Romans to use their victory with mildness and generosity;
and alleging that such a course was still more to the interest
of the Romans than of Antiochus, since Fortune had committed to them the empire and lordship of the world. Finally,
they asked "What they were to do to obtain peace and the
friendship of Rome?" The members of the council had
already in a previous sitting discussed and agreed upon this
point, and now bade Publius Scipio deliver their decision.
The Roman Terms To Antiochus
Scipio began by saying that victory never made the
The Roman terms imposed on Antiochus.
Romans more severe than before, and accordingly the envoys would receive the same
answer as they had previously received when they
came to the Hellespont before the battle.
evacuate Europe and all Asia this side Taurus: must pay the
Romans fifteen thousand Euboic talents as an indemnity for
the expenses of the war, five hundred at once, two thousand
five hundred on the ratification of the treaty by the people,
and the rest in twelve yearly instalments of a thousand talents.
Further, Antiochus must pay Eumenes the four hundred
talents owing to him, and the balance of the corn due in
accordance with the treaty made with his father Attalus. He
must at the same time deliver Hannibal the Carthaginian,
Thoas the Aetolian, Mnasilochus the Acarnanian, and Philo
and Eubulides the Chalcidians. As security for the fulfilment
of these terms, Antiochus must at once give twenty hostages
named in the treaty." Such was the decision
announced by Publius Scipio in the name of
the whole Council. Antipater and Zeuxis having
expressed their consent to them, it was agreed
by all to send envoys to Rome to appeal to the Senate and
people to confirm the treaty.
The terms are accepted, and missions sent to Rome.
The ambassadors of Antiochus
departed with this understanding: and during the following
days the Roman commanders divided their forces into their
winter quarters; and when some few days later the hostages
arrived, both Eumenes and the envoys of Antiochus started on
their voyage to Rome. Nor were they alone in their mission;
for Rhodes also, and Smyrna, and nearly all the nations and
states on this side Taurus sent ambassadors to Rome. . . .
Eumenes Persuaded to Speak
The remaining chapters of this book are placed by Schweighaeuser and
others in book 22, 1-27.
At the beginning of the summer
B. C. 189. Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius
following the victory of the Romans over Antiochus, the ambassadors
of that king, and those from Rhodes, as well as
from the other states arrived in Rome. For, as I
said, nearly all the states in Asia began sending envoys to Rome immediately after the battle, because
the hopes of all as to their future position rested
at that time on the Senate.
Nobilior. Reception of king Eumenes and the ambassadors at Rome.
All who arrived
were graciously received by the Senate; but the most imposing
reception was that accorded to king Eumenes, both in the complimentary processions
sent out to meet him and the arrangements made for his entertainment; and next in cordiality to
his reception was that given to the Rhodians.
The audiences in the Senate. Eumenes.
When the time for the audiences came, they first
called in the king and bade him say freely what
he wished to obtain at the hands of the Senate.
But Eumenes at first evaded the task by saying:
"If I had been desirous of obtaining any favour from others,
I should have looked to the Romans for advice, that I might
neither desire anything that was wrong nor ask anything unfair;
but seeing that I am here to prefer my request to the Romans
themselves, I think it better to leave the interests of myself and
my brothers unreservedly in their hands." And though one
of the Senators rose and begged him to have no apprehension,
but to speak his mind, he still adhered to this view. And so
after a certain time had elapsed the king withdrew; and the
Senate, remaining in the curia, debated what was to be done.
Eventually it was decreed to call upon Eumenes to declare
with his own mouth the objects of his visit without reserve,
on the ground that he knew best what his own kingdom required,
and what was the state of things in Asia. He was then called
in; and, one of the Senators having informed him of the vote,
he was compelled to speak on the business.
King Eumenes In the Senate
He said therefore that "He would not say another
word on his own concerns, but would adhere
strictly to his resolution of leaving the decision
as to them entirely in the hands of the Romans.
But there was one subject on which he felt anxiety, namely,
the policy of Rhodes; and it was this that induced him to
address the Senate on the present occasion. These Rhodians
had come to Rome to further the interests of their own
country, and their own prosperity, quite as much as he had
come to promote those of his own kingdom at that moment;
but their professions were entirely at variance with their real
purpose. And it was easy to satisfy one's self of this: for, when
they enter the Senate house, they will say that they come
neither to ask anything for themselves nor to thwart Eumenes
in any way whatever; but are ambassadors for the liberty of
the Greek inhabitants of Asia. 'To secure this,' they will say,
'is not so much a favour to themselves as an act incumbent
on the Romans, and in consonance with their former achievements.' Such will be their specious professions; but the real
truth of the case will be wholly different. For if these cities
are once set free, the result will be that their dominion will
be many times increased, while his own would be in a manner
entirely broken up. For the attractive name of liberty and
autonomy would draw from his rule not only the cities to be
freed at present, but those also which had been under his rule
from of old, directly it is made apparent that the Senate has
adopted that policy, and would add them to the dominion of
Rhodes. That was the natural course for things to take.
Imagining that they owed their freedom to Rhodes, those
cities would become in name its allies, but in reality entirely
subservient, owing to the heavy obligation under which they will
find themselves. He begged the Senators, therefore, to be on
their guard on that point: lest they should find that they had
unwittingly aggrandised one friendly nation too much, and disproportionately weakened another; or even that they were
benefiting men who had once been their foes, to the neglect
and contempt of their genuine friends."
Eumenes Has Always Been a Friend to Rome
"For myself," he continued, "though in every other
point I would yield, if it were necessary, to my neighbours,
yet in the matter of your friendship and of my goodwill
towards you I will never, if I can help it, yield to any one alive.
And I think that my father, if he had been living, would have
said the same: for as he was the first to become your friend
and ally, so of all the inhabitants of Asia and Greece he was the
most nobly loyal to you to the last day of his life, not only in
heart but in deed. For he took his part in all your wars in
Greece, and furnished the largest contingents of men and
ships of all your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies; and faced the most serious dangers: and to sum up all,
ended his life actually engaged in the war with Philip, while
employed in urging the Boeotians to join your alliance. I,
too, when I succeeded to his kingdom, while fully maintaining
my father's views, for it was impossible to do more, have yet
gone even beyond him in actual achievements: for the state
of the times brought me to a more fiery test than they did
him. Antiochus offered me his daughter and a share in his
whole kingdom: offered me immediate restoration of all the
cities that had been before wrested from me: and finally
promised me any price I chose if I would join him in his
war with you. But so far from accepting any one of these
offers, I joined you in your struggle against Antiochus with
the largest military and naval contingents of any of your allies;
contributed the largest share of supplies at the time of your
utmost need; and exposed myself unreservedly to every
danger along with your generals. Finally, I submitted to
being invested in Pergamos itself, and risked my life as well
as my crown in my loyalty to your people.
Conclusion of Eumenes' Speech
"Therefore, men of Rome, as many of you have been
eye-witnesses of the truth of my words, and all of you know it,
it is but just that you should have a corresponding regard for
my interests. You have made Massanissa king of the greater
part of Libya, though he had once been your enemy and at
last deserted to your side accompanied only by a few horsemen, only because he kept faith with you in one war: you
have raised Pleuratus to the first position among the princes
of Illyria, though he had done absolutely nothing for you
beyond keeping loyal; it would be the height of inconsistency
if you should neglect me and my family, who from generation to
generation have co-operated in your most important and glorious
undertakings. What is it, then, that I am asking you to do, and
what do I claim at your hands? I will tell you openly, since
you have called upon me to speak my mind to you. If you
decide, then, to continue holding certain parts of Asia which
are on this side Taurus, and were formerly subject to Antiochus,
that is what I should wish to see best of all: for I consider
that the security of my realm would best be secured by having
you for neighbours, and especially by my sharing in your
prestige. But if you decide not to do this, but to evacuate
Asia entirely, there is no one to whom you may with greater
justice surrender the prizes you have won in the field than to
me. But it may be said, it is a more honourable thing still
to set the enslaved free. Yes! if they had not ventured to
join Antiochus in the war against you. But since they had
the hardihood to do so, it is a much more honourable course
to make a proper return to your sincere friends, than to
benefit those who have shown themselves your enemies."
The Rhodians Address the Senate
After the delivery of this effective speech Eumenes
retired. The Senate received both the king himself and the
speech with every mark of favour, and were enthusiastic for
doing everything in their power to gratify him.
They wished to call in the Rhodians next after
him; but one of the Rhodian ambassadors not
being there in time, they called in those from Smyrna, who
delivered a long disquisition on the goodwill and zeal which
they had displayed towards Rome during the late war. But
as there are no two opinions about the fact of their having
been, of all the autonomous states in Asia, the most strenuous
in the cause, I do not think it necessary to set forth their
speech in detail.
But next to them came in the Rhodians: who, after a short
preamble as to their services to the Romans,
quickly came to the discussion of the position
of their own country. They said that "It was
a very great embarrassment to them, in the discharge of their
ambassadorial duties, to find themselves placed by the necessities
of the case in opposition to a sovereign with whom their
public and private relations were of the most friendly description. It was the opinion of their countrymen that the most
honourable course, and the one which above all others would
redound to the credit of Rome, was, that the Greeks in Asia
should be set free, and should recover that possession dearest
to all mankind—autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit
Eumenes and his brothers. It was the nature of monarchy
to hate equality, and to endeavour to have everybody, or at
least as many as possible, subject and obedient. But though
that was the case now, still they felt convinced that they should
gain their object, not because they had greater influence with
the Romans than Eumenes, but because they would be shown
to be suggesting a course more just in itself and more indisputably advantageous to all concerned. If, indeed, the
only way the Romans could requite Eumenes was by handing
over to him the autonomous towns, they might reasonably be
at a loss to determine what to do; for they would have had
to decide between neglecting a sincere friend and disregarding their own honour and duty, and thus entirely obscuring
and degrading the glory of their great achievements. But if,
on the other hand, it were possible adequately to consult for
both these objects at the same time, who could doubt about
the matter any longer? Yet the fact was that, as in a costly
banquet, there was enough and to spare for all. Lycaonia,
Phrygia on the Hellespont, and Pisidia, the Chersonese also
and the districts bordering on it, were at the disposal of the
Romans to give to whom they chose; only a few of which
added to the kingdom of Eumenes would double its present
extent, while if all, or even the great part were assigned to him,
it would become second to that of no other prince in Asia.
Conclusion of the Rhodians' Speech
"It was therefore in the power of the Romans to
strengthen their friends very materially without destroying the
glory of their own policy. For the end which they proposed to themselves in their war was not the same as that of
other nations, but widely different. The rest of the world all
entered upon war with the view of conquering and seizing
cities, wealth, or ships: but heaven had ordained that they
should want none of these things, by having put everything
in the whole world under their rule. What was it, then, that
they had still occasion to wish for, and to take the securest
means to obtain? Plainly praise and glory among mankind;
which it was difficult indeed to gain, but most difficult of
all to preserve when gained. Their war with Philip might
show them their meaning. That war they had, as they
professed, undertaken with the sole object of liberating
Greece; and that was in fact the only prize they gained in it,
and no other whatever: yet the glory they got by it was
greater than that which the tribute of the Carthaginians had
brought them. And justly so: for money is a possession
common to all mankind, but honour and praise and glory are
attributes of the gods and of those men who approach nearest
to them. Therefore, the most glorious of all their achievements was the liberation of Greece;
and if they now completed that work their fame would receive its consummation:
but if they neglected to do so, even what they had already
accomplished would lose its lustre." They finally wound up
by saying, "As for us, gentlemen, having once deliberately
adopted this policy and joined with you in the severest battles
and in genuine dangers, we do not now propose to abandon the
part of friends; but have not hesitated to say openly what we
believe to be for your honour and your interests alike, with no
ulterior design whatever, and with a single eye to our duty as
the highest earthly object."
The Decision of the Senate
This speech of the Rhodians was universally regarded
Treaty with Antiochus confirmed.
as temperate and fair. The Senate next
caused Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors of Antiochus, to be introduced: and
on their speaking in a tone of entreaty and supplication,
an approval of the agreement made by him with Scipio in
Asia was voted. A few days later the people also ratified it,
and oaths were accordingly interchanged with Antipater and
his colleague. This done, the other ambassadors from Asia
were introduced into the Senate: but a very brief hearing was
given to each, and the same answer was returned to all; namely,
that ten commissioners would be sent to decide on all points
of dispute between the cities.
Settlement of Asia, B. C. 189.
then appointed ten commissioners, to whom
they gave the entire settlement of particulars;
while as a general principle they decided that of Asia
this side Taurus such inhabitants as had been subject to
Antiochus were to be assigned to Eumenes, except Lycia and
Caria up to the Maeander, which were to belong to the
Rhodians; while of the Greek cities, such of them as had
been accustomed to pay tribute to Attalus were to pay the
same to Eumenes; and only those who had done so to
Antiochus were to be relieved of tribute altogether. Having
given the ten commissioners these outlines of the general
settlement, they sent them out to join the consul, Cnaeus
Manlius Vulso, in Asia.
After these arrangements had been completed, the Rhodian
envoys came to the Senate again with a request
in regard to Soli in Cilicia, alleging that they
were called upon by ties of kindred to think of the interests
of that city; for the people of Soli were, like the Rhodians,
colonists from Argos. Having listened to what they had to
say, the Senate invited the attendance of the ambassadors
from Antiochus, and at first were inclined to order Antiochus
to evacuate the whole of Cilicia; but upon these ambassadors
resisting this order, on the ground of its being contrary to the
treaty, they once more discussed the case of Soli by itself.
The king's ambassadors still vehemently maintaining their
rights, the Senate dismissed them and called in the Rhodians.
Having informed them of the opposition raised by Antipater,
they added that they were ready to go any length in the
matter, if the Rhodians, on a review of the whole case, determined to push their claim. The Rhodian envoys, however,
were much gratified by the spirit shown by the Senate, and
said that they would ask nothing more.
This question, therefore, was left as it was; and just as the ten commissioners
and the other ambassadors were on the point of starting, the
two Scipios, and Lucius Aemilius, the victor
in the sea fight with Antiochus, arrived at
Brundisium; and after certain days all three entered Rome in
Amynandrus was restored to the kingdom of Athamania,
which was occupied by a garrison of Philip's, by the aid of the
Aetolians, who then proceeded to invade Amphilochia and the
Dolopes. Hence the Aetolian war, beginning with the siege of
Ambracia by M. Fulvius Nobilior. Livy, 38, 1-11.
The Aetolian War
Amynandrus, king of the Athamanes, thinking that he
had now permanently recovered his kingdom,
sent envoys to Rome and to the Scipios in
Asia, for they were still in the neighbourhood
of Ephesus, partly to excuse himself for having, as it appeared,
secured his recall by the help of the Aetolians, but chiefly to
entreat that he might be received again into the Roman
alliance. But the Aetolians, imagining that they had now a
good opportunity of once more annexing Amphilochia and
Aperantia, determined on an expedition against those countries; and when Nicander their Strategus had mustered the
league army, they invaded Amphilochia. Finding most of the
people willing to join them, they advanced into Aperantia;
and the Aperantians also willingly yielding to them, they continued their expedition into Dolopia. The Dolopians for a
time made a show of resistance, and of keeping loyal to,
Philip; but on considering what had happened to the Athamanes, and the check which Philip had received there, they
quickly changed their minds and gave in their adhesion to
the Aetolians. After this successful issue of his expedition
Nicander led his army home, believing that Aetolia was
secured by the subjection of these tribes and places, against
the possibility of any one injuring its territory.
Late autumn of B. C. 190.
But immediately after these events, and when the Aetolians were
still in the full elation of their successes, a
report reached them of the battle in Asia, in
which they learnt that Antiochus had been
This caused a great revulsion of feeling;
and when presently Damoteles came from Rome and announced that a continuation of the war was decreed against
them, and that Marcus Fulvius and an army had
crossed to attack them, they were reduced to
a state of complete despair; and not knowing
how to meet the danger which was impending over them,
they resolved to send to Rhodes and Athens, begging them to
despatch envoys to Rome to intercede in their behalf, and, by
softening the anger of the Romans, to find some means of
averting the evils that threatened Aetolia. They also sent
ambassadors of their own to Rome once more, Alexander,
Isius, and Phaeneas, accompanied by Callippus of Ambracia
Fulvius Aims to Fight at Ambracia
Some envoys from Epirus having visited the Roman
M. Fulvius Nobilior at Apollonia.
Consul, he consulted with them as to the best
way of attacking the Aetolians. They advised
that he should begin by attacking Ambracia,
which was at that time a member of the Aetolian league. They
gave as their reasons that, if the Aetolians ventured to give
battle, the neighbourhood of Ambracia was very favourable for
the legions to fight in; and that if, on the other hand, the
Aetolians avoided an engagement, the town was an excellent one
to besiege; for the district round it would supply abundant timber
for the construction of siege artillery; and the river Arachthus,
which flowed right under the walls, would be of great use in conveying supplies to the army in the summer season, and serve
as a protection to their works.
Fulvius advances upon Ambracia.
the advice good, and accordingly marched
through Epirus to attack Ambracia. On his
arrival there, as the Aetolians did not venture to meet him,
he reconnoitred the city, and set vigorously to work on the
The Aetolian envoys intercepted.
Meanwhile the Aetolian envoys that
had been sent to Rome were caught off
Cephallenia by Sibyrtus, son of Petraeus, and
brought into Charadrus. The Epirotes first resolved to place
these men at Buchetus and keep them under strict guard.
But a few days afterwards they demanded a ransom of them
on the ground that they were at war with the Aetolians. It
happened that one of them, Alexander, was the richest man
in Greece, while the others were badly off, and far inferior to
Alexander in the amount of their property. At first the
Epirotes demanded five talents from each. The others did
not absolutely refuse this, but were willing to pay if they
could, because they cared above everything to secure their
own safety. But Alexander refused to consent, for it seemed
a large sum of money, and he lay awake at night bewailing
himself at the idea of being obliged to pay five talents. The
Epirotes, however, foresaw what would happen, and were
extremely alarmed lest the Romans should hear that they had
detained men who were on a mission to themselves, and
should send a despatch ordering their release; they, therefore,
lowered their demand to three talents a-piece. The others
gladly accepted the offer, gave security, and departed: but
Alexander said that he would not pay more than a talent, and
that was too much; and at last, giving up all thought of saving
himself, remained in custody, though he was an old man, and
possessed property worth more than two hundred talents;
and I think he would have died rather than pay the three
talents. So extraordinarily strong in some men is the passion
for accumulating money. But on this occasion Fortune so
favoured his greed, that the result secured all men's praise and
approval for his infatuation. For, a few days afterwards, a
despatch arrived from Rome ordering the release of the
ambassadors; and, accordingly, he was the only one of them
that was set free without ransom. When the Aetolians learnt
what had happened to him, they elected Damoteles as their
ambassador to Rome; who, however, when as far as Leucas
on his voyage, was informed that Marcus Fulvius was marching through Epirus upon Ambracia, and, therefore, gave up
the mission as useless, and returned back to Aetolia. . . .
Siege of Ambracia
The Aetolians being besieged by the consul Marcus
Siege of Ambracia, and the gallant resistance of the Aetolians.
Fulvius, offered a gallant resistance to the assault of the siege
artillery and battering rams. Marcus having
first strongly secured his camp began the siege
on an extensive scale; he opened three separate
parallel works across the plain against the
Pyrrheium, and a fourth opposite the temple of Asclepius, and
a fifth directed against the Acropolis. And the attack being
pushed on energetically at all these points at once, the besieged
became terribly alarmed at the prospect before them. Still, as
the rams vigorously battered the walls, and the long poles with
their iron sickles tore off the battlements, they tried to invent
machines to baffle them, letting down huge masses of lead and
stones and oak logs by means of levers upon the battering
rams; and putting iron hooks upon the sickles and hauling
them inside the walls, so that the poles to which they were
fastened broke against the battlements, and the sickles fell into
their hands. Moreover they made frequent sallies, in which
they fought with great courage: sometimes making a descent
by night upon the pickets quartered at the works, and at others
attacking in broad daylight the day-parties of the besiegers:
and by these means they managed to protract the siege. . . .
Nicander was outside the city, and sent five hundred horse
into it. They carried the intervening entrenchment of the
enemy and forced their way into the town. With these he
had fixed on a day on which they were to sally out, and he was
to be ready to support them. They accordingly made the sally
with great courage and fought gallantly; but either from fear of
the danger, or because he conceived that what he was engaged
upon at the time could not be neglected, Nicander failed to
come up to time, and accordingly the attempt failed. . . .5
Smoking Out the Enemy
By assiduously working the battering rams the Romans
were always breaking down this or that part of the wall. But
yet they could not succeed in storming any of these breaches,
because the besieged were energetic in raising counter walls,
and the Aetolians fought with determined gallantry on the
The Romans begin mining operations.
They, therefore, in despair had recourse to mines and
underground tunnels. Having safely secured
the central one of their three works, and carefully
concealed the shaft with wattle screens, they
erected in front of it a covered walk or stoa about two hundred
feet long, parallel with the wall; and beginning their digging
from that, they carried it on unceasingly day and night, working
Counter-mines by the besieged.
For a considerable number of days the besieged
did not discover them carrying the earth away through the
shaft; but when the heap of earth thus brought out became
too high to be concealed from those inside the
city, the commanders of the besieged garrison
set to work vigorously digging a trench inside,
parallel to the wall and to the stoa which faced the towers.
When the trench was made to the required depth, they next placed
in a row along the side of the trench nearest the wall a number
of brazen vessels made very thin; and, as they walked along the
bottom of the trench past these, they listened for the noise of
the digging outside. Having marked the spot indicated by
any of these brazen vessels, which were extraordinarily sensitive
and vibrated to the sound outside, they began digging from
within, at right angles to the trench, another underground
tunnel leading under the wall, so calculated as to exactly hit
the enemy's tunnel. This was soon accomplished, for the
Romans had not only brought their mine up to the wall, but
had under-pinned a considerable length of it on either side of
their mine; and thus the two parties found themselves face to
face. At first they conducted this underground fighting with
their spears: but as neither side could do much good, because
both parties protected themselves with shields and wattles,
some one suggested another plan to the defenders.
front of them an earthenware jar, made to the width of the
mine, they bored a hole in its bottom, and, inserting an iron funnel of the same length as the
depth of the vessel, they filled the jar itself with
fine feathers, and putting a little fire in it close to the mouth
of the jar, they clapped on an iron lid pierced full of holes.
They carried this without accident through the mine with its
mouth towards the enemy. When they got near the besiegers
they stopped up the space all round the rim of the jar, leaving
only two holes on each side through which they thrust spears
to prevent the enemy coming near the jar. They then took a
pair of bellows such as blacksmiths use, and, having attached
them to the orifice of the funnel, they vigorously blew up the
fire placed on the feathers near the mouth of the jar, continually withdrawing the funnel in proportion as the feathers
became ignited lower down. The plan was successfully executed; the volume of smoke created was very great, and, from
the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was
all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore, found themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing
position, as they could neither stop nor endure the smoke in
The siege being thus still further protracted the
Aetolian commander determined to send an envoy to the Consul. . . .
Athens, Rhodes, and Athamania Intercede
About this time the ambassadors from Athens and
Intercession of Athens, Rhodes, and king Amynandrus.
Rhodes came to the Roman camp for the purpose of furthering, if they could, the conclusion
of a peace. The Athamanian king, Amynandrus, also arrived, very eager to relieve the
Ambraciots from their miserable position, and having received
a safe conduct from Marcus Fulvius in consideration of the
urgent nature of the business: For he had a very friendly
feeling towards the Ambraciots, from having passed most of the
time of his exile in that town.7
A few days afterwards also
some Acarnanians arrived, bringing Damoteles and his fellow
envoys. For Marcus Fulvius, having been informed of their
misfortunes, had written to the people of Thyreum to bring the
men to him. All these various persons, therefore, having
assembled, the negotiations for peace were pushed on energetically. For his part, Amynandrus was urgent in his advice to
the Ambraciots to save themselves from the destruction which
would not be long in coming to them unless they adopted
wiser counsels. On his coming again and again up to the wall
and conversing with them on this subject, the Ambraciots
decided to invite him inside the town. The consul having
given the king leave to enter the walls, he went in and discussed
the situation with the inhabitants. Meanwhile the Athenian
and Rhodian envoys got hold oof the consul and tried by ingenious arguments
to mollify his anger. Some one also suggested to Damoteles and Phaeneas to apply to Caius Valerius and
endeavour to win him over. He was the son of that Marcus
Valerius Laevinus who made the first alliance with the Aetolians;
and half brother, by the mother's side, of the consul Marcus
Fulvius, and being a young man of vigorous character enjoyed
the greatest confidence of the consul. Being appealed to by
Damoteles, and thinking that in a way he had a family interest
in the matter, and was bound to undertake the patronage of
the Aetolians, he exerted himself with the greatest zeal and
enthusiasm to rescue that people from their perilous position.
The matter then being vigorously pushed forward on all sides at
once was at length accomplished. For the Ambraciots, by the
persuasion of the king, surrendered to the consul unreservedly
as far as they themselves were concerned, and gave up the
town, on the one condition that the Aetolian garrison should
march out under truce. This primary exception they made
that they might keep faith with their allies.
End of the Aetolian War
So the consul agreed to grant the Aetolians peace on
condition of receiving two hundred Euboic talents down, and
three hundred in six yearly instalments of fifty: of the
restoration to the Romans of all prisoners and
deserters within six months without ransom:
of their retaining no city in their league, nor
thenceforth admitting any fresh one, of such as had been
captured by the Romans, or had voluntarily embraced their
friendship since Titus Quinctius crossed into Greece: the
Cephallenians not to be included in these terms.
Terms granted to the Aetolians.
Such was the sketch in outline of the main points of the treaty.
The Aetolian people confirm the treaty.
But it required first the consent of the Aetolians,
and then to be referred to Rome: and meanwhile
the Athenian and Rhodian envoys remained
where they were, waiting for the decision of the Aetolians. On
being informed by Damoteles and his colleagues on their
return of the nature of the terms that had been granted them,
the Aetolians consented to the general principle—for they
were in fact much better than they had expected,—but in regard
to the towns formerly included in their league they hesitated for
some time; finally, however, they acquiesced. Marcus Fulvius
accordingly took over Ambracia, and allowed the Aetolian
garrison to depart under terms; but removed from the town
the statues and pictures, of which there was a great number,
owing to the fact of Ambracia having been a royal residence
of Pyrrhus. He was also presented with a crown8
one hundred and fifty talents. After this settlement of affairs
he directed his march into the interior of Aetolia, feeling
surprised at meeting with no communication from the Aetolians.
But on arriving at Amphilochian Argos, a hundred and eighty
stades from Ambracia, he pitched his camp; and being there
met by Damoteles and his colleagues with the information
that the Aetolians had resolved to ratify the treaty which they
had concluded, they went their several ways, the Aetolians back
to their own country, and Marcus to Ambracia, where he
busied himself about getting his army across to Cephallenia;
while the Aetolians appointed Phaeneas and Nicander ambassadors to go to Rome about the peace: for not a single line of
the above treaty held good until ratified by the Roman people.
The Treaty With the Aetolians
While these envoys, accompanied by those from Rhodes
and Athens, were on their voyage with this object, Marcus
Fulvius sent Caius Valerius also, and some others of his friends
to Rome to secure the ratification of the treaty. But when
they arrived at Rome they found that a fresh cause of anger
with the Aetolians had arisen by the instrumentality of king
Philip; who, looking upon himself as wronged by the Aetolians
having taken Athamania and Dolopia from him, had sent to
some of his friends at Rome, urging them to share his displeasure and secure
the rejection of the pacification. Accordingly, on the first arrival of the Aetolians, the Senate would not
listen to them; but afterwards, at the intercession of the
Rhodians and Athenians, changed its mind and consented to
their request: for Damis,9
besides other excellences displayed in his speech, was thought to have introduced a very
apt simile, extremely applicable to the case in hand.
"The Romans had good cause for anger with
the Aetolians; for, instead of being grateful for
the many kindnesses received at their hands, they had brought
the Roman Empire into great danger by causing the war with
Antiochus to break out. But the Senate were wrong in one
point, namely in directing their anger against the masses. For
in states the common people were like the sea, which left to
its own nature was ever calm and unmoved, and not in the
least likely ever to trouble any of those who approached or
used it; but directly violent winds blew upon and disturbed
it, and forced it against its nature to become agitated, then
indeed nothing could be more dreadful or formidable than the
sea. This was just the case with the Aetolians. As long
as they were left to themselves, no people in Greece were
more loyal to you or more staunch in supporting your active
measures. But when Thoas and Dicaearchus brought a
storm from Asia, and Mnestas and Damocritus from Europe,
and, disturbing the calm of the Aetolian masses, compelled
them to become reckless of what they said or did,—then
indeed their good disposition gave way to bad, and while intending to do mischief to you they really inflicted damage
upon themselves. It is against these mischief-makers therefore that you should be implacable; while you should take
pity on the masses and make peace with them: with the assurance that, if once more left to themselves, with the additional
feeling of having owed their safety on the present occasion to
you, their attachment to you will be the warmest in Greece."
Terms of the Treaty
By these arguments the Athenian envoy persuaded the
Treaty with Aetolia, B. C. 189.
Senate to make peace with the Aetolians. The
decree therefore having been passed and confirmed by a vote of the people, the treaty was
formally ratified, of which the text was as follows: "The
people of the Aetolians shall in good faith maintain the
empire and majesty of the people of Rome.
"They shall not allow hostile forces to pass through their
territory or cities against the Romans, their allies or friends;
nor grant them any supplies from the public fund.
"They shall have the same enemies as the people of Rome;
and if the Roman people go to war with any, the Aetolian
people shall do so also.
"The Aetolians shall surrender to the praefectus in Corcyra,
within a hundred days from the completion of the treaty,
runaway slaves, and prisoners of the Romans and their allies,
except such as having been taken during the war have returned to their own land and been subsequently captured;
and except such as were in arms against Rome during the
time that the Aetolians were fighting on the side of the
"If there should be any not found within that time, they
shall hand them over as soon as they are forthcoming, without
deceit or fraud. And such persons, after the completion of
the treaty, shall not be allowed to return to Aetolia.
"The Aetolians shall pay the consul in Greece at once two
hundred Euboic talents of silver, of a standard not inferior to
the Attic. In place of one third of this silver, they may, if
they so choose, pay gold, at the rate of a mina of gold to ten
minae of silver. They shall pay the money in the six years
next following the completion of the treaty in yearly instalments of fifty talents; and shall deliver the money in Rome.
"The Aetolians shall give the Consul forty hostages, not
less than ten or more than forty years old, to remain for the
six years; they shall be selected by the Romans freely, excepting only the Strategus, Hipparch, public secretary, and such as
have already been hostages at Rome.
"The Aetolians shall deliver such hostages in Rome; and
if any one of them die, they shall give another in his place.
"Cephallenia shall not be included in this treaty.
"Of such territories, cities, and men as once belonged
to the Aetolians, and, in the consulship of Titus
Quinctius and Cnaeus Domitius, or subsequently,
were either captured by the Roman or voluntarily embraced
their friendship, the Aetolians shall not annex any, whether
city or men therein.
"The city and territory of Oeniadae shall belong to the
The treaty having been solemnly sworn, peace was concluded, and the war in Aetolia, as is in the rest of Greece,
thus came to an end. . . .
The War with the Gauls of Asia
While the negotiations for peace with Antiochus, and
for the settlement of Asia generally were going on at Rome,
and the Aetolian war was being fought in Greece, it happened
that another war in Asia, that, namely, against the Gauls, was
brought to a conclusion, the account of which I am now about
to give. . . .
MoagĕTes of Cibyra
Moagĕtes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man,
whose career deserves somewhat more than a passing reference. . . .
When Cnaeus Manlius was approaching Cibyra and had
Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior, B. C. 189; Moagĕtes reduced to submission.
sent Helvius to find out the intentions of
Moagĕtes, the latter begged him by ambassadors not to damage the country, because he was
a friend of Rome, and ready to do anything
that was required of him; and, at the same
time, he offered Helvius a compliment of fifteen
talents. In answer to this, Helvius said that he would refrain
from damaging the territory; but that as to the general question
Moagĕtes must communicate with the Consul, for he was
close behind with his army. Moagĕtes accordingly sent ambassadors to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them.
When the Consul met them in the road, he addressed them
in threatening and reproachful terms, asserting that "Not only
had Moagĕtes shown himself the most determined enemy of
Rome, of all the princes in Asia, but had done his very best
to overthrow their empire, and deserved punishment rather
Terrified by this display of anger, the ambassadors abstained from delivering the rest of the message
with which they were charged, and merely begged him to have
an interview with Moagĕtes: and when Cnaeus consented they
returned to Cibyra. Next morning the Tyrant came out of
the town accompanied by his friends, displaying his humility
by a mean dress and absence of all pomp; and, in conducting
his defence, descanted in melancholy terms on his own helplessness
and the poverty of the towns under his rule (which consisted of Cibyra, Syleium, and the town in the Marsh), and
entreated Cnaeus to accept the fifteen talents. Astonished at
his assurance, Cnaeus made no answer, except that, "If he did
not pay five hundred talents, and be thankful that he was
allowed to do so, he would not loot the country, but he would
storm and sack the city." In abject terror Moagĕtes begged
him not to do anything of the sort; and kept adding to his
offer little by little, until at last he persuaded Cnaeus to take
one hundred talents, and one thousand medimni of corn, and
admit him to friendship.11
. . .
Pacification of Pamphylia
When Cnaeus Manlius was crossing the River Colobatus, ambassadors came to him from the town
of Sinda (in Pisidia) begging for help, because
the people of Termessus had called in the aid of
the people of Philomelus, and had depopulated their territory
and sacked their town; and were at that very moment besieging
its citadel, into which all the citizens, with wives and children, had retreated. On hearing this, Cnaeus immediately
promised them aid with the greatest readiness; and thinking
the affair was a stroke of luck for himself, directed his march
towards Pamphylia. On his arrival in the neighbourhood of
Termessus, he admitted the Termessians to friendship on the
payment of fifty talents. He did the same with the Aspendians:
and having received the ambassadors of the other towns in
Pamphylia, he impressed on them in these interviews the conviction mentioned above,12
and having relieved the Sindians
from their siege, he once more directed his march against the
Gauls. . . .
Conquest of Pisidia
After taking the town of Cyrmasa (in Pisidia), and a
very large booty, Cnaeus Manlius continued his
advance. And as he was marching along the
marsh, envoys came from Lysinoe, offering an
unconditional surrender. After accepting this, Cnaeus entered
the territory of Sagalassus, and having driven off a vast quantity
of spoil waited to see what the Sagalassians were prepared
to do. When their ambassadors arrived he received them;
and accepting a compliment of fifty talents, twenty thousand
medimni of barley, and twenty thousand of wheat, admitted
them to friendship with Rome. . . .
The Gauls of Asia
Cnaeus sent envoys to Eposognatus the Gaul, desiring
Cnaeus Manlius in Galatia.
him to send embassies to the kings of the Gauls.
Eposognatus in his turn sent envoys to Cnaeus
begging him not to move his quarters or attack
the Tolistobogian Gauls; and assuring him that he would send
embassies to the kings, and propose peace to them, and felt
quite certain that he would be able to bring them to a proper
view of affairs in all respects. . . .
In the course of his march through the country Cnaeus
made a bridge over the River Sangorius, which was extremely
deep and difficult to cross. And having encamped on the bank
of the river, he was visited by some Galli13
sent by Attis and
Battacus, the priests of the mother of the gods at Pesinus,
wearing figures and images on their breasts, and announcing
that the goddess promised him victory and power; to whom
Cnaeus gave a courteous reception. . . .
When Cnaeus was at the small town of Gordieium, ambassadors came from Eposognatus, announcing that he had
been round and talked with the kings of the Gauls, but that
they would not consent to make any overtures of friendship
whatever; on the contrary, they had collected their children
and women on Mount Olympus, and were prepared to give
battle. . . .
The victory of the Romans over the Tolistoboii at Mount
Olympus is described by Livy, 38, 19-23; that over the Tectosages,
a few miles from Ancyra, in 38, 24-27. The second battle took
place in mid-autumn, B. C. 189; and the result was that the
Gauds gave in their submission at Ephesus, and were forced to
engage to leave off predatory excursions, and to confine themselves
to their own frontiers. Livy, 38, 27 and 40.
A Gallic Woman Takes Vengeance
It chanced that among the prisoners made when
The vengeance of Chiomara, wife of the Gallic chief Ortiago. See Livy, 38, 24.
the Romans won the victory at Olympus
over the Gauls of Asia, was Chiomara, wife of
Ortiago. The centurion who had charge of
her availed himself of his chance in soldierly
fashion, and violated her.
He was a slave indeed both to lust and money: but
eventually his love of money got the upper hand; and, on
a large sum of gold being agreed to be paid for the woman,
he led her off to put her to ransom. There being a river
between the two camps, when the Gauls had crossed it, paid
the man the money, and received the woman, she ordered
one of them by a nod to strike the Roman as he was in the
act of taking a polite and affectionate farewell of her. The
man obeyed, and cut off the centurion's head, which she
picked up and drove off with, wrapped in the folds of her
dress: On reaching her husband she threw the head at his
feet; and when he expressed astonishment and said: "Wife to
keep faith is a good thing," she replied: "Yes; but it is a
better thing that there should be only one man alive who has
lain with me!" [Polybius says that he conversed with the
woman at Sardis, and was struck with her dignified demeanour
. . .
Attempted Treachery By the Gauls
After the victory over the Gauls at Olympus, when the
The Gauls try to take Cnaeus Manlius by a stratagem, but are foiled. See Livy, 38, 25.
Romans were encamped at Ancyra, and Cnaeus
was on the point of continuing his advance,
ambassadors came from the Tectosages asking
that Cnaeus would leave his troops in their
quarters, and advance himself in the course of
the next day into the space between the two
camps; and promising that their kings would come to meet
him, and discuss the terms of a peace. But when Cnaeus
consented, and duly arrived at the appointed place with five
hundred horse, the kings did not appear. After his return
to the camp, however, the ambassadors came again, and, offering
some excuses for the kings, begged him to come once more,
as they would send some of their chief men to discuss the
whole question. Cnaeus consented; but, without leaving the
camp himself, sent Attalus and some tribunes with three
hundred horse. The envoys of the Gauls duly appeared and
discussed the business: but finally said that it was impossible
for them to conclude the matter or ratify anything they agreed
upon; but they engaged that the kings would come next day
to agree on the terms, and finally settle the treaty, if the
Consul would also come to them. Attalus promised that
Cnaeus would come, and they separated for that day. But
the Gauls were deliberately contriving these postponements,
and amusing the Romans, because they wanted to get some
part of their families and property beyond the river Halys;
and, first of all, to get the Roman Consul into their hands if
they could, but if not, at any rate to kill him. With this
purpose they watched next day for the coming of the Romans,
with a thousand horse ready to fall upon him. When Cnaeus
heard the result of Attalus's interview, believing that the kings
would come, he left the camp, attended as usual by five
hundred horse. Now it happened that, on the days of the
previous interviews, the foraging parties which went out
from the Roman camp to fetch wood and hay had gone in
the same direction, in order to have the protection of the
squadron which went to the parley. A numerous foraging party
acted in the same way on this third occasion, and the tribunes
ordered them to proceed in the same direction, with the usual
number of horsemen to protect them as they advanced. And
their being out on this duty proved accidentally to be the
salvation of their comrades in the danger which threatened
them. . . .
M. Fulvius took the quarter of the town
The citadel of Same in Cephallenia taken by a night surprise,
in which was the citadel by a night surprise,
and introduced the Romans into the town.15
Philopoemen Combines What is Right and What is Expedient
The good and the expedient are seldom compatible,
Philopoemen's policy towards Sparta. See above, bk. 19.
and rare indeed are those who can combine and
reconcile them. For as a general rule we all
know that the good shuns the principles of immediate profit, and profit those of the good.
However, Philopoemen attempted this task, and succeeded
in his aim. For it was a good thing to restore the captive
exiles to Sparta; and it was an expedient thing to humble
the Lacedaemonian state, and to punish those who had served
as bodyguards to a tyrant. But seeing clearly that money is
ever the support on which every dynasty rests, and having a
clear head and the instincts of a ruler, he took measures to
prevent the introduction into the town of money from outside. . . .
A fragment, arranged in Hultsch's text as ch. 42, is too much mutilated to
be translated with any approach to correctness.
Settlement of Asia
Meanwhile in Asia the Roman consul Cnaeus Manlius wintered at Ephesus, in the last year of this
Cnaeus Manlius spends the winter of 189-188 B. C. at Ephesus the last year of the 147th Olympiad, and arranges the settlement of Asia.
Olympiad, and was there visited by embassies
from the Greek cities in Asia and many others,
bringing complimentary crowns to him for his
victories over the Gauls. For the entire inhabitants of Asia this side Taurus were not so much
rejoiced at the prospect given them by Antiochus's defeat of being relieved from tribute, garrisons, or
other royal exactions, as at the removal of all fear of the
barbarians, and at their escape from their insolence and lawlessness.
Among the rest Musaeus came from Antiochus,
and some envoys from the Gauls, desiring to ascertain the terms
upon which friendship would be granted them; and also from
Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. For this latter prince,
having attached himself to the fortunes of Antiochus, and having
taken part in his battle with the Romans, had become alarmed
and dismayed for his own fate, and therefore was endeavouring
by frequent embassies to ascertain what he would have to pay or
do to get pardon for his error. The Consul complimented the
ambassadors from the cities, and dismissed them after a very
favourable reception; but he replied to the Gauls that he would
not make a treaty with them until king Eumenes, whom he
expected, had arrived. To the envoys from Ariarathes he said
that they might have peace on the payment of six hundred
talents. With the ambassador of Antiochus he arranged that he
would come with his army to the frontier of Pamphylia, to receive
the two thousand five hundred talents, and the corn with which
the king had undertaken to furnish the Roman soldiers before
his treaty with Lucius Scipio.
This business being thus
settled, he solemnly purified his army; and, as the season for
military operations was now beginning, he broke
up his quarters, and, taking Attalus with him,
arrived at Apameia in eight days' march, and remained there
three days. On the fourth he continued his advance; and,
pushing on at great speed, arrived on the third day at the
rendezvous with Antiochus, and there pitched his camp. Here
he was visited by Musaeus, who begged him to wait, as the
carts and cattle that were bringing the corn and money were
late. He consented to wait: and, when the supply arrived, he
distributed the corn among the soldiers, and handed over the
money to one of his tribunes, with orders to convey it to
The Roman Commissioners Arrive at Ephesus
He himself started in full force for Perga, where he
A faithful officer at Perga.
heard that a commander of a garrison placed in
that town by Antiochus had neither left it himself nor withdrawn his garrison. When he
came within a short distance of the place he was met by
the captain of the garrison, who begged Cnaeus not to condemn him unheard. "He had received the city from
Antiochus in trust, and was holding it until he should be
instructed what to do by the sovereign who had entrusted it
to him." And he therefore begged for thirty days' respite, to
enable him to send and ask the king for instructions.
Observing that Antiochus was behaving straightforwardly in
other particulars, Cnaeus consented to allow him to send and
ask the king the question. After some days the officer
accordingly received an answer, and surrendered the city.
About this time, just at the beginning of summer, the ten
Summer, B. C. 188. The ten Roman commissioners
arrive in Asia. See ch. 24.
commissioners and king Eumenes arrived by
sea at Ephesus; and, after giving themselves
two days to recover from the voyage, proceeded
up the country to Apameia. When their arrival
was known to Cnaeus Manlius, he sent his
brother Lucius with four thousand men to Oroanda (in Pisidia),
as a forcible hint that they must pay the money owing, in accordance with the terms agreed on; while he himself marched his
army at full speed to meet Eumenes and the commissioners.
On his arrival he found the king and the ten commissioners,
and immediately held a consultation with them on the
measures to be taken. The first resolution come to was to
confirm the sworn agreement and treaty with Antiochus, about
which I need say no more, beyond giving the actual text of
the treaty, which was as follows:—
Treaty With Antiochus
"There shall be perpetual peace between Antiochus
Text of the treaty between Antiochus and Rome.
and the Romans if he fulfils the provisions of
"Neither Antiochus nor any subject to him
shall allow any to pass through their territories to attack the
Romans or their allies, nor supply them with aught. Neither
shall the Romans or their allies do the like for those attacking Antiochus or those subject to him.
"Antiochus shall not wage war upon the Islanders or the
dwellers in Europe.
"He shall evacuate all cities and territory (this side Taurus16
His soldiers shall take nothing out with them except the arms
they are carrying. If they chance to have taken anything
away they shall restore it to the same cities.
"He shall receive neither soldiers nor other men from the
territory of king Eumenes.
"If there be any men in the army of Antiochus coming
from any of the cities taken over by the Romans, he shall
deliver them up at Apameia.
"If there be any from the kingdom of Antiochus with the
Romans or their allies, they may remain or depart as they
"Antiochus and those subject to him shall give back the
slaves, captives, and deserters of the Romans or their allies
and any captive received from any quarter. Antiochus shall
give up, if it be within his power so to do, Hannibal, son of
Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, Mnesilochus the Acarnanian,
Thoas the Aetolian, Euboulidas and Philo the Chalcidians,
and such of the Aetolians as have held national offices.
"Antiochus shall give up all his elephants, and shall have
"Anitiochus shall surrender his ships of war, their tackle,
and fittings, and henceforth have only ten decked ships. He
shall not have a vessel rowed by thirty oars, [or by less]
purposes of war begun by himself.
"He shall not sail west of the river Calycadnus and
the promontory of Sarpedon, except to convey tribute or
ambassadors or hostages.
"It shall not be lawful for Antiochus to enlist soldiers or
receive exiles from the territory subject to Rome.
"Such houses as belonged to the Rhodians or their allies,
in the territory subject to Antiochus, shall continue to belong
to the Rhodians as before the war: any money owed to them
shall still be recoverable: and any property left behind by
them, if sought for, shall be restored.
"The Rhodians shall, as before the war, be free from
"If Antiochus has given any of the towns to others which
he is bound to restore, he shall remove from them also his
garrisons and men. And if any shall wish hereafter to desert
to him, he shall not receive them.
"Antiochus shall pay to the Romans ten thousand talents,
in ten yearly instalments, of the best Attic silver, each talent
to weigh not less than eighty Roman pounds, and ninety
thousand medemni of corn.
"Antiochus shall pay to king Eumenes three hundred and
fifty talents in the five years next following, in yearly instalments of seventy talents; and in lieu of the corn, according
to the valuation of Antiochus himself, one hundred and
twenty-seven talents, two hundred and eight drachmae, which
sum Eumenes has consented to accept 'as satisfying his claims.'
"Antiochus shall give twenty hostages, not less than
eighteen nor more than forty-five years old, and change them
every three years.
"If there be in any year a deficit in the instalment paid,
Antiochus shall make it good in the next year.
"If any of the cities or nations, against whom it has been
hereby provided that Antiochus should not make war, should
commence war against him, it shall be lawful for Antiochus to
war with them; but of such nations and cities he shall not
have sovereignty nor attach them as friends to himself.
"Such complaints as arise between the parties to this
treaty shall be referred to arbitration.
"If both parties agree in wishing anything to be added to
or taken from this treaty, it shall be lawful so to do."
The Romans Burn Antiochus's Ships at Patara
Immediately after this treaty had been solemnly sworn
Burning of Antiochus's ships at Patara in Lycia.
to, the proconsul Cnaeus sent Quintus Minucius
Thermus and his brother Lucius, who had just
brought the money from Oroanda to Syria, with
orders to receive the oath from the king, and confirm the
several clauses of the treaty. And to Quintus Fabius Labeo,
who was in command of the fleet, he sent a despatch ordering
him to sail back to Patara, and take over and burn the ships
there. . . .
Ariarathes Declared a Friend of Rome
The proconsul Cnaeus Manlius made
Ariarathes V. King of Cappadocia.
Ariarathes a friend of Rome on receipt of
three hundred talents. . . .
The Commissioners In Asia
At Apameia the Proconsul and the ten commissioners,
Final settlement of the affairs of Asia Minor by the commissioners. Autumn B. C. 188.
after listening to all who appealed to them,
assigned in the case of disputed claims to territory, money, or anything else, certain cities in
which the parties might have their claims settled
by arbitration. The general scheme which they
drew out was as follows: Those of the autonomous cities
which, having formerly paid tribute to Antiochus, had remained
faithful to Rome, they relieved from tribute altogether.
Those that had been tributary to Attalus they ordered to pay
the same tribute to his successor Eumenes. Such as had
abandoned the Roman friendship and joined Antiochus in the
war, they ordered to pay Eumenes the amount of tribute imposed on them by Antiochus. The people of Colophon,
Notium, Cymae, and Mylae, they freed from tribute. To
the Clazomenians, besides this relief, they gave the Island
Drymussa. To the Ephesians they restored the sacred district
which they had been obliged by the enemy to evacuate. . . .18
To the people of Chios, Smyrna, and Erythrae, besides other
marks of honour, they assigned the territory which they
severally expressed a wish to have at the time, and alleged
was their right, from regard for their loyalty and zeal which
they had shown to Rome during the war. To the Phocaeans
they restored their ancestral city and the territory which they
possessed of old. They next transacted business with the
Rhodians, giving them Lycia and Caria up to the river
Maeander, except Telmissus. As to king Eumenes and his
brothers, not content with the liberal provision made for them
in their treaty with Antiochus, they now assigned him in
addition the Chersonese, Lysimacheia, and the castles on the
borders of these districts, and such country as had been subject to Antiochus in Europe; and in Asia, Phrygia on the
Hellespont, Great Phrygia, so much of Mysia as he had before
subjugated, Lycaonia, Milyas, Lydia, Tralles, Ephesus, and
Telmissus: all these they gave to Eumenes. As to Pamphylia, Eumenes alleged that it was on this side Taurus, the
ambassadors of Antiochus on the other; and the commissioners
feeling unable to decide, referred the question to the Senate.
Having thus decided the largest number and most important
of the matters brought before them, they started on the road
towards the Hellespont, intending on their journey to still
further secure the settlement arrived at with the Gauls. . . .