Postquam prima quies epulis, when they first paused from the feast. Comp. Livy 21. 5. 9, “Cum prima quies silentiumque ab hostibus fuit” (quoted by Wagn.). ‘Postquam prima’ is equivalent to “cum primum.” There may be a notion of the actual noise of the banquet, which is succeeded by a pause, and then by the sound of conversation (“fit strepitus tectis,” &c.). ‘Mensae remotae:’ see on v. 216 above. The cups came in with the “mensae secundae” at a Roman meal. Comp. G. 2. 101; Hor. 4 Od. 5. 31. For ‘remotae’ Pal. originally has “repostae.”
 Statuunt, as Henry remarks, is appropriate to the size of the bowls. A man could hide himself behind a crater, 9. 346. Comp. Il. 6. 526, κρητῆρα στήσασθαι ἐλεύθερον ἐν μεγάροισιν. For ‘vina coronant’ see note on G. 2. 528. The line is repeated 7. 147, with the change of “laeti” for ‘magnos.’
 For ‘fit’ some inferior MSS. have ‘it,’ which is supported by several passages in Virg., especially 4. 665, “it clamor ad alta Atria,” 5. 451, “It clamor caelo,” acknowledged by Serv., and adopted by Ribbeck. ‘Tectis’ then would = “ad tecta.” ‘Fit strepitus’ however is paralleled by “fit sonitus” 2. 209, “fit gemitus” 6. 220, and agrees exactly with “facta silentia tectis” just below, v. 730. This would seem to show that the noise begins after the pause made by clearing away the food, as suggested on v. 723. Thus ‘tectis’ will have the sense ‘in the hall.’ The Longobardic MS. and a few others read ‘alta’ here for ‘ampla,’ probably from 4. 665. ‘Vocem volutant’ of the talkers, as “volutant murmura” of the winds 10. 98. “Vocem volutant” is said 5. 149 of the shores that echo the sound, a sense which some have wished to impart here, making ‘perampla’ one word. The commentators comp. Od. 1. 365, μνηστῆρες δ᾽ ὁμάδησαν ἀνὰ μέγαρα σκιόεντα.
 The mention of the lamps here seems to show that they are now first lighted, so that ‘incensi’ is emphatic.
 Lucretius (5. 295) has “pendentes lychni,” which he distinguishes from “pingues taedae.” ‘Funalia’ appear to be tapers formed of a twist of some fibrous plant covered with wax. Varro ap. Servium. The form ‘lychini’ is preferred by Ribbeck from some MSS., and is supported by Lucr. l. c., where the MS. reading is ‘lyclini.’ Ribbeck refers to Ritschl, Mus. Phil. 10. 450.
 Hic of time 2. 122., 3. 369.
Soliti, sc. ‘inplere mero.’ Comp.
9. 300, “Per caput hoc iuro per quod pater
ante solebat.” It is doubtful whether
‘a Belo’ means descended from Belus, or
from the time of Belus; but analogy
seems rather in favour of the latter. Belus
here is not Dido's father (v. 621), but the
supposed founder of the Tyrian dynasty.
“Tum facta silentia linguis” 11. 241.
The silence is natural enough when the
queen is going to speak (comp. Alcinous'
address to the herald Od. 7. 178). Serv.
however has a note which seems to show
that it was a regular custom at a certain
period of the banquet, though I do not
profess to understand all his words: “Mos
erat apud veteres ut lumini incenso (?)
silentium praeberetur, ut optativam sibi
laudem loquendo nullus averteret. Apud
Romanos etiam, cena edita (?) sublatisque
mensis primis silentium fieri solebat, quoad
ea quae de cena libata fuerant ad
focum ferrentur et igni darentur, ac puer
Deos propitios nuntiasset, ut Diis honor
haberetur tacendo: quae res cum intercessit
inter cenandum, Graeci quoque
θεῶν παρουσίαν dicunt.” In the imitation
by Val. F. 2. 347, silence is mentioned:
“Sacris dum vincitur extis
Prima fames, circum pateris it Bacchus, et omnis
Aula silet: dapibus coeptis mox tempora fallunt
Noctis, et in seras durant sermonibus umbras:
 Since thou art reputed the author of the laws of hospitality. For the incident comp. Od. 7. 179 foll. and 13. 50 foll.
 Laetum includes good fortune as well as mere festivity. Comp. “laetum augurium,” “prodigium,” &c. ‘Tyriis Troiaque profectis’ 4. 111. With the wish in the next line contrast the imprecation 4. 622 foll.
 Hesiod, Works 614, Δῶρα Διωνύσου πολυγηθέος. ‘Bona Iuno:’ Juno the giver of blessings; “bene sit” being the common form of wishing health, as Cerda remarks: not ‘adsit bona’ as Wagn. thinks. Serv. mentions another reading “adsis.”
 Comp. 8. 173, “sacra . . . celebrate faventes,” and see on 5. 71. Dido first bespeaks the favour of the gods, then that of her people, begging them to make the gathering auspicious. Comp. generally “celebratur omnium sermone laetitiaque convivium” Cic. 2 Verr. 1. 26. ‘Coetus’ of a festive gathering Catull. 62 (64). 33, 385, 407.
 ‘In mensam’—the altar, as it were, of Hospitable Jove. “In mensam laeti libant” 8. 279. This use of a table for libation is questioned by one of the interlocutors in Macrob. Sat. 3. 11, and supported by another, who adduces a passage from Papirius the ritualist lawyer, where a table dedicated to Juno is said to be used as an altar. From this he argues that the table in 8. 279 had doubtless been dedicated along with the “ara maxuma:” in the present case he thinks the libation was less formal, being practised by Dido alone (contrast “omnes” 8. 278), who as a queen had certain immunities. Lersch, who quotes this and other passages § 66, seems to ignore the distinction. In Hom. at any rate there are libations where there is no mention of altars (Il. 16. 230 foll.). ‘Laticum honorem,’ the offering which consists of wine. The ‘mensa’ seems to be the “mensa secunda,” that being the time of the feast when libations took place. We may observe that nothing is said here of the delicacies accompanying the second course, though they appear to be glanced at 8. 283.
 Libato, not “honore libato,” but the impersonal participle used absolutely. See Madvig, § 429. With ‘summo tenus attigit ore’ comp. Eur. Iph. A. 950, ἅψεται οὐδ᾽ εἰς ἄκραν χεῖρ᾽. “Labrorum tenus” Lucr. 1.940.
 Bitias is a Carthaginian name. Comp. Sil. 2. 409. Serv. refers to Livy for the fact that a Bitias commanded the Carthaginian fleet. The cup seems to be passed to the Carthaginians, because it was chiefly from them that the pledge of hospitality was required. ‘Increpitans,’ bidding him be quick (‘inpiger’). “Aestatem increpitans seram Zephyrosque morantis” G. 4. 138. ‘Hausit’ and ‘se proluit’ are opposed to ‘summo tenus attigit ore.’ There is playful humour in the contrast, which is too lightly touched to be undignified, as some have thought, even if Virg. could not appeal to the example of Hom. in speaking of the Phaeacian court.
 The bard is introduced at the feast in imitation of Hom., Od. 1. 325 foll. and 8. 499 foll. Mr. Gladstone must have forgotten this passage, and also 9. 774 foll., when he notices (Homeric Studies, vol. 3, p. 532) as a significant fact that Virg. “has nowhere placed on his canvas the figure of the bard among the abodes of men.”—‘Crinitus.’ Long hair was part of the costume of bards, in imitation of Apollo. See Cerda's note. Serv. on v. 738 says “Iopas unus de procis Didonis, ut Punica testatur historia.” If this is not an error for ‘Iarbas,’ we must suppose that Virg. here as elsewhere has chosen to take a hint from chroniclers to whom it did not suit him to incur a larger debt.
 Personat, fills the hall. Comp. Tac. A. 16. 4, “Plebs personabat certis modis plausuque conposito.” ‘Quem’ is the reading of Med., Rom., Pal., and other MSS. adopted by the later editors. Heyne and formerly Wagn. read ‘quae,’ which has the authority of Serv., “quae legendum est, non quem,” and some MSS. Were the change worth making, the MSS. would scarcely stand in the way, as ‘e’ is often written for ‘ae,’ and QVEMAXVMVS might be interpreted either way (see on G. 2. 219). Atlas in Hom. Od. 1. 52 knows the depths of the sea, and supports the pillars of earth and heaven, the epithet given to him being ὀλοόφρων. He seems also to have been a sort of mythical representative or progenitor of physical philosophers, among whom he is recorded by Diogenes Laertius. Being identified with the African mountain, he is naturally chosen by Virg. here as the instructor of a Carthaginian bard. For the conception of Iopas see note on G. 2. 477, and comp. the song of Orpheus Apoll. R. 1. 496 foll., and that of Virg.'s own Silenus, which is imitated from it, E. 6. 31 foll.
 Errantem lunam, the revolutions of the moon. G. 1. 337, “Quos ignis caeli Cyllenius erret in orbis.” For ‘solis labores’ see on G. 2. 478. Henry's attempt to make ‘labores’ here mean simply revolutions is refuted by that passage and by Prop. 3. 26. 52, there quoted, and not supported by Sil. 14. 348, “atque una pelagi lunaeque labores,” which is merely a zeugma. ‘Labores,’ as he says, are toils; but an eclipse may be one of the moon's toils, as a storm of the sea's.
 Unde hominum genus, &c. This is among the first subjects of the songs of Orpheus and Silenus. ‘Imber’ the element of water. Comp Lucr. 1.714, “Et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur, Ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri.”
 Pluvias is a translation of ‘Hyadas.’ Comp. note on v. 293. Some inferior MSS. give “Pleiadas” or “Pliadas” for ‘pluvias.’ ‘Triones:’ see on G. 3. 381: here the Great and Little Bear are meant. The line is repeated 3. 516, where, as here and G. 1. 138, the enumeration is meant as a poetical equivalent for the stars generally. Comp. Il. 18. 484.
 For this and the next line see G. 2. 481, 482 and note.
 Ingeminant plausu like “ingeminant hastis,” 9. 811. Some inferior MSS. give ‘plausum,’ with the Schol. on Lucan 1. 133. The natives are naturally made to set the fashion, the strangers to follow it, as Serv. remarks.
 “Traherent per talia tempus” 6. 537 note. See also on G. 3. 379, where I have explained “noctem ducere,” “trahere,” of speeding along. But it is very difficult to say, as the more usual sense of “trahere” when applied to time is to protract (see the Lexicons), and the reference here may be to the length to which the conversation continued into the night. Perhaps Virg. intended to blend the two notions, in spite of their apparent inconsistency, meaning no more than that the conversation lasted the whole night long.
 She drank in love with the words of Aeneas. ‘Longum’ probably refers to the notion of length contained in ‘trahebat.’ “Longum amorem” 3. 487 note. Serv. says “Alludit ad convivium. Sic Anacreon, ἔρωτα πίνων:” but this can hardly be meant.
 Quales Diomedis equi. No especial praise is given to the horses of Diomede in the Iliad, though high praise is given to those which he takes from Aeneas (Il. 5. 263 foll.), and with which he wins the chariot-race (Il. 23. 377 foll.), as also to those which he takes from Rhesus (Il. 10. 567). Serv. thinks that these are meant to be the descendants of the flesh-eating horses of Diomedes of Thrace, Lucr. 5.29. It is possible that there may be some confusion between the names; it is possible too that Virg. may have remembered the prowess of Diomede's horses in the chariotrace without recollecting that they were once Aeneas' own. Generally too he may have remembered that Diomede was in a chariot when he encountered Aeneas. That he refers to this encounter and also to that of Achilles with Aeneas is almost certain from 10. 581, where Liger says to Aeneas, “Non Diomedis equos, non currum cernis Achilli.”—‘Quantus,’ how terrible in war. Comp. “quantus In clipeum adsurgat” 11. 283, said by Diomede himself of Aeneas. The notion of bulk is prominent, but not, as Henry thinks, the only one.
 Immo, nay rather, instead of answering more questions in detail, tell us the whole story from the first.
 Tuorum and ‘tuos’ are distinguished, as in the one case Dido is thinking of those who perished at Troy, in the other of Aeneas who escaped. In answering the question 2. 10 Aeneas classes himself with his friends, “casus nostros.”
 Portat errantem should be taken closely together. “Septuma post Troiae excidium iam vertitur aestas, Cum freta, cum terras omnis . . ferimur” 5. 626. The form of Dido's words shows that she knew the time of the fall of Troy not from Aeneas, but from Teucer (v. 623), or from common fame. The general meaning is, ‘You have the experiences of seven years to tell: it will be better that we should hear them continuously, the story being as long as it is.’