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[318] ‘Pantheus’ and ‘Otriades’ are read in some MSS.; but Πάνθοος or Πάνθους and Ὀθρυάδης are the Greek forms. Panthus appears Il. 3. 145 with Priam on the wall: he is mentioned also as the father of Polydamas and Euphorbus, the former of whom is saved from Meges by Apollo, Il. 15. 521.

[319] Arcis Phoebique: of Apollo in the citadel, where there seem to have been cells or chapels for several of the gods, like those of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva in the Capitol at Rome, to which Serv. refers. So 7. 419, “Iunonis templique sacerdos.

[320] Sacra deosque: apparently a hendiadys, as in v. 293. ‘Victos,’ 1. 68, “Victosque Penatis.

[321] The words ‘ipse manu,’ which are frequently found together in Virg. (G. 3. 395., 4. 329 &c.), seem always intended to call attention to the agent, sometimes with direct reference to others, sometimes merely as coming forward prominently, e. g. where the act is one requiring exertion. ‘Limina:’ the door of Aeneas, who is just rushing out when he is met by Panthus on the threshold, and sallies forth accordingly, v. 336, after their conversation. ‘Litora,’ the old reading in the time of Pierius, supported also by Burmann, is perhaps found only in one MS., the first Hamburg. Serv. and Donatus have ‘limina.’ ‘Cursu tendit,’ equivalent to “currit:” see on vv. 226, 303. “Legitur etcursum” Serv., and so one MS. Panthus evidently flies to Aeneas as the bravest surviving warrior in Troy, supposing too that he may not be aware of the capture of the city.

[322] Res summa or “rerum summa” is frequently used, especially by Livy, in a political sense, for the point on which all depends: and so in 11. 302, where it is equivalent to “salus reipublicae.” In this way most of the commentators understand it here, taking ‘quo loco’ for “quo statu,” as in Hor. 1 Ep. 12. 25, “quo sit Romana loco res,” and A. 9. 723, “quo sit fortuna loco.” There is however much to be said for supposing the reference to be military, as suggested by Trapp and enforced by Henry (who has since changed his mind), comparing Livy 23. 49, “Eodem et duo duces et duo exercitus Karthaginiensium, ibi rem summam agi cernentes, convenerunt.” Virg. himself twice uses ‘belli summa’ in this sense, 10. 70., 12. 572, in the latter place speaking of Latium, “Hoc caput, O cives, haec belli summa nefandi.” The question then would be, ‘in what spot is the crisis?’ ‘quo loco’ taken literally, a natural inquiry for Aeneas, who had just expressed his ardour ‘glomerare manum et concurrere in arcem,’ and according with the rest of the verse. On the whole however it seems more likely that Aeneas, who has as yet seen no one, should ask first a general question about the safety of the city, and then a special one about the citadel, so that after much hesitation I follow Henry in returning to the common view. “Arx” is used in its proper sense, a citadel, or point of defence, though ‘quam’ seems to show that the word is not meant to be restricted to the citadel κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, Pergamus, as Wagn.'s interpretation of ‘quam’ for “quomodo” would not yield an appropriate sense. Aeneas sees Panthus hurrying away from the citadel with his gods and his grandson, and so naturally asks, ‘What citadel are we occupying?’ or ‘have we occupied?’ suspecting already that Pergamus is no longer tenable. Henry well remarks that Panthus answers in effect, ‘We have no citadel anywhere to defend,’ and that Aeneas, hearing this, rushes out with no definite object in the direction of the shouting. ‘Prendimus,’ 6. 61.

[324] Ineluctabile, 8. 334.

[325] Dardaniae: the dative, as 1. 22. ‘Fuimus:’ “sed Fortuna fuit,” 7. 413, “altaque Troia fuit,” Prop. 2. 8. 10. So the common use of ‘vixi,’ e. g. Prop. 5. 11. 59. Mr. Keightley has communicated to me an attestation of the Roman character of the phrase from Appian Syr. 37, ἦν πολύ τε σφίσι (the Romans) τὸ ἔπος ἐν τοῖς λόγοις: Ἦν βασιλεὺς Ἀντίοχος μέγας. ‘Ilium et ingens gloria,’ 6. 64.

[326] Omnia Argos transtulit is commonly understood as if the metaphor were from removing the seat of government from one place to another. So Heyne, “Argivis victoriam et rerum summam permisit.” It appears however to refer to the story which seems to have formed the subject of the Ξοανηφόροι of Sophocles (Schol. on Aesch. Theb. 310), that the gods departed in a body from Troy on the night of its capture, bearing their images with them, at which Virg. himself glances in v. 351. ‘Jupiter has gone over to the Argives and carried every thing with him.’ So Macrob. Sat. 3. 9. Viewed in this light, ‘omina,’ which is found in one MS. (the codex Bigotianus, of the twelfth century), becomes extremely probable, as the words have already been confounded twice in this book, vv. 178. 182. The departure of the gods and the burning of the city follow in precisely the same connexion vv. 351 foll.

[327] I. q. “incenderunt Danai urbem et dominantur in ea.

[328] Adstans, standing erect. G. 3. 545. ‘Mediis in moenibus:’ in the heart of the city, as the horse had been lodged in the citadel.

[329] Incendia miscet, like “dispersa inmittit incendia,” 10. 406.

[330] There seems no occasion to assert with Wagn. that ‘aliialii’ are not used in their ordinary sense. ‘Some are crowding into the gates, others are guarding the ways.’ The expression in the next verse is not much more hyperbolical if used of a part than if extended to the whole. The great mass was thronging the gateway, and Panthus describes them with the natural exaggeration of terror. ‘Bipatentibus’ occurs again 10. 5, where Serv. says it is borrowed from Ennius. Here it probably means folding gates, not a gate opening both ways. Serv. notes it as an instance of a compound adjective made out of a participle, like “omnipotens,” “altitonans,” &c., a class of words belonging mostly to the earlier Roman literature. Heyne is so far right in saying that the word is used here for “patentibus,” that it expresses not merely the quality of the gates, but the fact that they are actually open, and so retains its participial force.

[331] Nunquam is the reading of some inferior MSS. The line then would convey not a hyperbole, but a suspicion of treachery.

[332] Angusta viarum: 1. 422 note.

[333] Oppositis Med., Gud. originally, and many others (Pal. is illegible and Rom. deficient): but ‘oppositi’ seems slightly preferable, as the former would introduce a sort of tautology with what follows, as Wagner remarks, and the variation is accounted for by the first letter of the next word. For ‘ferri acies’ Donatus and some MSS. examined by Pierius read ‘pernicies,’ an expression not at all in Virg.'s manner, and refuted by ‘neci,’ which would then be tautological. Virg. may have thought of Soph. Aj. 815, μὲν σφαγεὺς ἕστηκεν τομώτατος γένοιτ᾽ ἄν”, though ‘stat’ of course refers to the sword firmly grasped in the hand, so as to present the point to the enemy.

[334] Primi, at the entrance, Wagn., who comp. v. 613., 1. 541.

[335] There is no difficulty about ‘caeco Marte,’ which might be said of a night encounter, though it happened to be moonlight.

[336] It would seem from such passages as v. 195., 3. 172, that ‘numine divom’ is meant to be connected with, not distinct from, ‘talibus dictis,’ Panthus' words declaring the will of Heaven, so that we may suppose Aeneas to mean that having heard from Panthus that the gods had declared against Troy, and that all hope of rallying his countrymen was over, he rushed desperately forth. This would accord with the view taken in v. 322. “Dictis ac numine Phoebi” occurs 9. 661, where “Phoebi” seems to belong to both. ‘Talibus dictis,’ a sort of circumstantial abl., as in 7. 249, though it may be instrumental.

[337] Erinys: the single ‘n’ is the orthography of the best MSS. here and elsewhere, though Med. here has another ‘n’ added after wards, and, like Pal., has the two last vowels interchanged; it is also supported by the best editions of Greek authors. The reference here is not to the Fury within, as Heyne thinks, but to the Fury without, as Wund. explains it, the demon of battle. So “civilis Erinys” Lucan. 4. 187.

[339] Maxumus annis is the reading of some inferior MSS., introduced, as Heyne observes, from v. 435 (where the mention of age is appropriate) by those who supposed Epytus to be the same as Iphitus. Weidner comp. “nec bello maior et armis” 1. 545.

[340] Epytus (‘Aepytus’ Med.) is found in the best MSS., and is supported by “Epytides” 5. 547, where see note. Others have ‘Iphitus’ or ‘Iphytus,’ who is mentioned v. 435 in connexion with the rest of those who are named here; so that there is some reason for identifying the two. On the other hand, in v. 435 Iphitus is named along with Pelias, who does not appear here. In both places the names have been indefinitely corrupted by the inferior MSS. Heyne first suggested the removal of the semicolon after ‘Epytus,’ so as to refer ‘oblati per lunam’ to all alike. See v. 262. These names are unknown except in the sequel.

[341] It is best to supply ‘se’ from ‘addunt’ to ‘adglomerant.’ See 1. 440 note. Coroebus, son of Mydon (Il. 3. 184), king of Phrygia, and Anaximene, is a postHomeric personage. The legend seems to have agreed about his history, but not about his death, which was generally ascribed to Neoptolemus, by Lesches to Diomedes, and by Virg., or the authority whom he followed (v. 425), to Peneleus. He is mentioned by Euripides (?), Rhes. 539. Euphorion (see on v. 199) represented him as a fool, probably to give individuality to the character, as later writers perverted the Homeric conceptions of Menelaus, Ulysses, &c.; and this view became traditional, Zenobius making him a sort of gigantic idiot who would stand counting the waves of the sea, Aristides (Platon. 2) contrasting him and Palamades as the two extremes, and Aelian (Var. Hist. 13. 15) enumerating him among extraordinary fools. Cerda, who has collected these authorities, also mentions a proverb, ἠλιθιώτερος Κοροίβου. In Virg.'s conception there is merely impetuosity and light-heartedness. The story of the love for Cassandra is evidently borrowed from Hom.'s Othryoneus, Il. 13. 363 foll.

[342] The MSS. of Macrob. Sat. 5. 5 and some inferior MSS. of Virg. insert ‘qui’ after ‘illis,’ and this was the reading before Heins.; but the omission of the relative is distinctly recognized by Serv., and suits the less strict style of poetical narrative. One MS., the Parrhasian, substitutes ‘qui’ for ‘ad,’ which would be plausible if better supported, as the corruption could be accounted for on critical grounds: but the MS. itself has been much interpolated, and the variety need only prove that the copyists were anxious to introduce the relative somewhere: thus in the Balliol MS. it is introduced after ‘Troiam’ in spite of the metre. Comp. 1. 12, 530, though here the sentence is not strictly speaking parenthetical, as it interrupts the narrative, but not the construction. The late arrival of Coroebus is borrowed from Hom. 1. c., ὅς ῥα νέον πολέμοιο μετὰ κλέος εἰηλούθει.

[343] Insano, because it hurried him to his ruin. The word is a general epithet of love, as in E. 10. 44, but its applicability is of course fixed by the particular case, so that Forb. is wrong in explaining it simply as ‘excessive’ or ‘overpowering.’

[344] Gener is to be taken with ‘auxilium ferebat,’ ‘he brought a son-inlaw's succour;’ an expression like that with which Aristotie (Rhet. 3) illustrates the difference between a metaphor and a simile, λέων ἀνόρουσε. See on E. 8. 1, 18. ‘Phrygibus’ is not easily reconcilable with Coroebus' own Phrygian parentage mentioned on v. 341, so that we must suppose Virg. to have committed an oversight. Othryoneus offers to take Cassandra without a dowry, and promises to expel the Greeks from Troy.

[346] Audierat some MSS., including two of Ribbeck's cursives. ‘Audierit’ Med., restored by Heins. The subjunctive is obviously preferable, and the tense too appears more suitable, as the sense is not that he had not heard, but that he did not heed. ‘O wretch, not to listen to’ &c.

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