For ‘incensum’ Serv. mentions another reading ‘impense,’ possibly an error for ‘impenso,’ the first reading of fragm. Vat. and apparently Pal., adopted by Ribbeck. The word might stand, though not found elsewhere in Virg.; but ‘incensum’ seems preferable, the meaning being that Anna added fuel to a fire already kindled. So Donatus and Serv., the latter of whom comp. the Horatian proverb “oleum adde camino.” I have followed Ribbeck however in restoring ‘flammavit’ (fragm. Vat., Rom., Pal. originally) for ‘inflammavit’ (Med., Gud.). See on 3. 330. ‘Amore’ with ‘flammavit,’ ‘his dictis’ being an abl. of circumstance. It is just possible however that ‘his dictis’ may go with ‘incensum,’ as in v. 197 below.
 Dido's wishes were on one side, her fears and scruples on the other, so Anna, by removing fears and scruples, allowed her to hope. The expression ‘solvit pudorem’ apparently refers back to v. 27. Here of course it is in thought that the restraints of shame are broken.
 Dido acts on the advice given v. 50. ‘Per aras’ is rightly explained by the later editors of going from altar to altar. Comp. the contemptuous words of Lucr. 5.1199, “omnis accedere ad aras.” ‘Pacem’ G. 4. 535 note.
 Exquirunt seems to be used because the notion of discovering the mind of the gods has to be combined with the ordinary one of gaining their favour. Here and in 6. 39., 8. 544, ‘de more’ seems to refer not simply to ‘lectas,’ but to the whole clause, ‘mactant lectas bidentis,’ as Forb. remarks; comp. 3. 369, “caesis . . . . de more iuvencis,” to which add 5. 96., 7. 93. The precise meaning of ‘bidens’ is fixed by Henry in the following note. “The fact is, as I have satisfied myself by observation, that the sheep, until it has attained the age of one year, has a set of eight primary or milk teeth: when the age of one year has been attained, the two central of these eight teeth drop out, and are replaced by the first two teeth of the second or permanent set, which being very large and conspicuous among the six remaining milk teeth (originally much smaller, and now greatly diminished by use and absorption), the animal at first sight appears to have only two teeth (sheep never having any teeth at all in the upper jaw): hence the appellation ‘bidens.’ This condition of the teeth continues during the whole of the second year, at the end of which, i. e. when the sheep is two years old complete, two more of the milk teeth drop, and are replaced by two large permanent teeth exactly similar to, and one on each side of, the two first; so that from the completion of the second year till the beginning of the third the sheep appears to have a set of four large teeth, and is no longer ‘bidens.’”
 Ceres, Apollo, and Bacchus are propitiated on this occasion as having to do with marriage, as Henry appears to establish by a reference to the Pervigilium Veneris v. 43, where all three are named, Stat. 1 Silv. 2. 219 foll., of Bacchus and Apollo, and Himerius, Orat. 1. 3, of Apollo. Possibly they may also be invoked as gods of the new colony, to further the political union between the Carthaginians and the Trojans. The epithet ‘legiferae’ (a translation of θεσμοφόρος, a title of Demeter, Hdt. 6. 91 &c.) points that way: Apollo again is known to have been celebrated as the founder of cities (Dict. B. ‘Apollo’), and Dionysus like Demeter was called θεσμοφόρος (Orph. H. 41. 1). Heyne goes farther, and attempts to show that these three divinities, like Juno, had a special relation to Carthage. Serv. accumulates a number of heterogeneous reasons for their introduction here, which are not worth quoting: he has preserved however two lines of Calvus, which illustrate the mention of Ceres:“Et leges sanctas docuit, et cara iugavit Corpora connubiis, et magnas condidit urbes.” There is a tantalizing passage in Macrob. Sat. 3. 12, where one of the speakers asks another whether he does not think Virgil has committed a great mistake here, in first saying ‘mactant—Lyaeo,’ and then as it were recollecting himself and adding ‘Iunoni—curae,’ a question which is followed by no answer or explanation of any sort, so that there is evidently a lacuna. For ‘legiferae’ Rom., fragm. Vat. a m. pr., and other MSS. give ‘frugiferae,’ which would seem to be a correction by some one who knew nothing of Ceres the Lawgiver.
 We need not press the attribute here given to Juno, as if the other deities were not invoked for the same reason, any more than we need suppose that Juno is invoked only as the goddess of marriage, and not also as the patroness of Carthage. Ζυγία and Γαμηλία were titles of the Greek Hera.
 Dido's own part in the ceremony is described more in detail, as Wagn. remarks.
 Fundit pateram like “fundit carchesia” 5. 78. ‘Fundit vinum’ is doubtless the more usual expression; but that is no reason for restricting ‘pateram’ to ‘tenens’ and supplying ‘vinum’ here. The libation was preliminary to the sacrifice: comp. 6. 244. Serv. on the latter passage says this was done to try the fitness of the victims—“ut, si non stupuerint, aptae probentur.” In Hom. the wine seems to have been poured either on the burning flesh of the victims (Il. 1. 462., 11. 775) or on the ground (3. 295, 300). Lersch (Antiqq. Vergg. p. 170) thinks the cow was offered specially to Juno, citing Tab. Fratr. Arval. 13, “Iovi O. M. bovem marem, Iunoni vaccam,” and Livy 27. 37.
 Aut, as Wagn. says, merely distinguishes different parts of the same scene. Whether there is any special propriety in making Dido walk majestically before the altars does not appear. Serv. says that Roman matrons when about to sacrifice performed a sort of slow dance before the altar with torches in their hands; and the early editors follow him, referring to Hor. A. P. 232, “Ut festis matrona moveri iussa diebus,” and to a passage in Prop. (2. 2. 7), “Aut cum Dulichias Pallas spatiatur ad aras,” which unfortunately is ‘obscurum per obscurius.’ ‘Pinguis aras’ 7. 764. Comp. below v. 202, “pecudumque cruore Pingue solum.” The statues of the gods, being in the temple, are of course supposed to be looking on. So v. 204, “media inter numina divom.”
 Wagn. seems more successful in his attempt to fix a ceremonial sense in ‘instaurare’ than in the case of ‘reponere’ (see on G. 3. 527), with which he couples it. The account of this peculiar meaning would appear to be that stated recurrence is a notion so inseparably connected with any thing ritual, that recurring celebration comes to be talked of when nothing more than mere celebration is meant. It is nevertheless true that in many of the passages where it is used of observances there is a more distinct propriety in the notion of renewal, as in v. 145 note, 5. 94, where it is explained by “inceptos,” 7. 146., 8. 283, where a second feast is spoken of. Thus Stat. Theb. 2. 88, borrowing the words “instaurare diem” from Virg., applies them to a feast which had been interrupted by a brawl. So in Livy 25. 16, when the sacrifice has been disturbed by a portent, it is said “Id cum haruspicum monitu sacrificium instauraretur.” It would be possible to give it some such reference here, Dido being said as it were to revive the flagging solemnities of the day as it wore on by ordering new sacrifices; but this would be too artificial. It is however countenanced by Donatus, “Saepius hoc faciebat, ut produceret diem, volens diutius habere praesentem quem amabat.” Serv. says, much less plausibly, “quia iam supra (1. 632) sacrificaverat.” Ladewig supposes Dido to order one sacrifice after another, a reference to which he sees in ‘pinguis aras,’ in the hope of obtaining a favourable manifestation, and then, when all fail, to throw the blame on the prophet or priests, v. 65; an exceedingly ingenious view, but one which an attentive consideration of the context will, I think, scarcely warrant. Dido, as the queen, would naturally be at the cost of the public sacrifices, like Clytaemnestra Aesch. Ag. 87 foll. Comp. 1. 632 note.
 Inhians of attentive gazing, as in Val. Fl. 5. 468 of attentive listening. Macrob. Sat. 3. 5 (closely followed by Serv. on v. 56 above) quotes Trebatius “libro primo de religionibus” as distinguishing between two kinds of sacrifices, those made for the sake of consulting the will of the gods, called “consultoriae,” and those where there is simply an offering of the victim's life, called “animales.” Virg., he says, has mentioned both, the former here, the latter in v. 57. But surely a question may be raised whether the latter did not include the former. ‘Spirantia’ of palpitation; see Forc. s. v., where instances are given of its use ‘de vivente sed morti proximo.’
 Vatum has been connected with ‘ignarae,’ as in 8. 627, in the sense of ‘ignorant of the future’—a view which might be plausibly supported from v. 464 below. But the ordinary interpretation, ‘vatum mentes,’ is clearly right, confirmed as it is by Appuleius, Met. 10. p. 682, “Heu medicorum ignarae mentes,” where the reference is to the powerlessness of physic in the case of love, and by Sil. 8. 100, “Heu sacri vatum errores,” also an imitation of this passage (both quoted by Forb.). There is however some room for doubt as to the sentiment intended; Heyne thinks the prophets are censured as ignorant of the terrible future of Dido's love; Gossrau supposes Dido and Anna to be the ‘vates;’ while Ladewig, as we have seen, understands the words as the expression of Dido's impatient despair. Probably Henry is right (after Serv. and Donatus) in supposing the meaning to be that “Dido's soothsayers little knew the state of Dido's mind —that she was beyond all help—that hers was no case for sacrifice or propitiation of the gods—that their art was thrown away upon her.” He goes on to say, “‘Est mollis flamma medullas Interea:’ so little good is she likely to derive from sacrificing, that even while she is sacrificing, the internal flame is consuming her.” The hint of the words he seems right in tracing to a curious passage in Apoll. R. 3. 932, where an oracular raven is heard ridiculing a prophet for his ignorance of the ways of a woman in love. The early critics raised aesthetic objections to this exclamation, saying that an epic poet ought not to obtrude his personality, and that Homer never does so. Heyne replies that this is no real obtrusion of personality, but merely an expression of the poet's sympathy with his subject: he might have added that Hom.'s Οὐδέ σέθεν, Μενέλαε, θεοὶ μάκαρες λελάθοντο (Il. 4. 127: comp. ib. 147) is an interposition of just the same kind.
 Mollis might go with ‘flamma,’ not in the modern sense of “the tender passion,” but expressing the subtle penetrating nature of the flame, and so harmonizing with ‘tacitum volnus.’ It seems better however to take it with ‘medullas,’ which is strongly supported by Catull. 43 (45). 16, “Ignis mollibus ardet in medullis,” a passage possibly imitated by Virg. Probably ‘mollis’ does not express the ease with which Dido's vitals become a prey to love, as Forb. thinks, but by calling attention to a characteristic of the ‘medullae,’ makes the image appear more real. So we might say ‘drinks her warm blood,’ meaning to express no more than ‘drinks her very blood.’ See on 2. 173.
 “Cum omnia frustra agerentur, ex nimio amore nullo in loco consistere poterat, et vaganti totius civitatis spatium non sufficiebat:” Donatus. It is the beginning of the restlessness which comes to a climax v. 300.
 Macrob. Sat. 5. 6 supposes Virg. to have imitated Il. 11. 475 foll.: there however the circumstances differ, the simile being taken from a wounded stag which, escaping from the archer, sinks under the arrow, and falls a prey to savage beasts. ‘Coniicere’ of a weapon reaching its mark, 9. 698., 12. 362.
 Cresia is the spelling of the best MSS. for ‘Cressia.’
 Agens G. 3. 412 note, A. 1. 191 note. “Volatile telum” occurs Lucr. 1. 970. The epithet is not without force here; it is because the steel is ‘volatile’ that the archer cannot ascertain its fortunes and does not recover it. ‘Volatile ferrum’ is repeated 8. 694.
 “Quidam ‘nescius’ ad Aenean referunt, qui nescit amore suo volneratam reginam.” Serv. The thought may have been intended by Virg., and we need not wonder that it should have found favour with modern critics; but perhaps a severer judgment would reject it in a passage where it is not supported by any thing in the context. Why the archer's ignorance should have been introduced into the simile is obvious enough: it accounts for the doe being left to wander alone, bleeding to death; while it is itself accounted for by the fact that he is shooting among the trees. The early commentators however seem generally to have taken ‘nescius’ passively, unknown by his victim, so that it would be a virtual repetition of ‘incautam.’ ‘Fuga’ seems almost = ‘rapide,’ like “fuga secat ultima Pristis aequora” 5. 218. Comp. ‘cursu’ 2. 321 &c. Or we may say that ‘fuga peragrat’ = “fugit per,” as “cursu tendit” = “currit.” ‘Saltus silvasque peragrat Dictaeos’ is read by fragm. Vat. and some others.
 Urbem paratam is of course an appeal to the weariness of those whose city was yet to seek. Comp. 1. 437, 557., 3. 493 foll., and the story of the burning of the ships in Book 5. ‘Sidonias opes’ may mean either generally the wealth of the Sidonian colony, or specially the wealth brought from Sidon, 1. 363, which latter is Serv.'s view.
 Demens, because a second recital was sure to increase her passion. ‘Iliacos audire labores’ as in 2. 11. Cerda quotes Ov. A. A. 2. 127, of Calypso and Ulysses, “Haec Troiae casus iterumque iterumque rogabat: Ille referre aliter saepe solebat idem.”
 Domo need only refer to the banqueting-hall, though there is nothing against supposing that Aeneas was lodged not in the palace but elsewhere. ‘Stratisque relictis’ has been variously explained —‘the bed just left by herself,’ i. e. she gets up from her couch and lies down again—in other words, she passes a restless night; ‘her widowed bed,’ left by Sychaeus (comp. Apoll. R. 3. 662): but the only natural interpretation is that suggested by Serv., ‘the couch in the banqueting-hall which Aeneas had left,’ Dido being supposed to throw herself on it when he is gone. This use of ‘strata’ is supported by Heyne from Ov. M. 5. 34.
 Of ‘absens absentem’ Serv. curtly remarks “unum sufficeret.” He might have added that in logical strictness only one ought to have been used. But the poetry of the passage of course gains much from the iteration of the notion of absence. ‘Him far away she sees and hears, herself far away.’ With the general sense Taubm. comp. vv. 4, 5 above.
 Much difficulty has been found in this and the following line, as they are supposed to imply that Ascanius is left behind, so that the queen can fondle him after his father has retired. To obviate this, Peerlkamp and Gossrau would place them after v. 79, while Forb. connects them closely with what precedes, supposing them to come under ‘absens’—‘she fancies she is fondling Ascanius.’ But the whole perplexity vanishes if we do not tie down Virg. to a narrative of the events of a single day. In saying ‘Nunc . . . nunc’ vv. 74, 77, he does not necessarily mean the morning and the evening of the day succeeding Aeneas' arrival, probable as it may be that such were the occupations of that day; and there is nothing to show that ‘illum absens absentem auditque videtque’ is to be restricted to the night after they have parted. The simple meaning is, that whenever they are separated, she has him always in her mind, and, when she can, solaces herself by the presence of Ascanius. ‘Genitoris imagine’ like “Astyanactis imago” 3. 489, except that ‘imago’ here is not said of Ascanius, but of the appearance that he wears. We may observe as an instance of Virg.'s manner of indirect narration that he does not mention Ascanius' return in the place of Cupid, but only leaves us to infer that it has taken place.
 ‘Holds him long in her lap,’ coaxes him to stay with her. Comp. 1. 670, “tenet blandisque moratur vocibus.” ‘Infandum,’ see on 2. 3. ‘Si possit’ 6. 78. For ‘amorem’ fragm. Vat. and others have ‘amantem’ from v. 296; Rom. has ‘imago’ from the previous line.
 As Serv. and Donatus say, Virg. means us to contrast this with the description of activity in 1. 423 foll., 504 foll.
 Exercere arma a variety for “exercere se in armis.” Comp. 3. 281, “Exercent palaestras,” with 6. 642, “Pars in gramineis exercent membra palaestris.” So “exercere artem” and similar expressions in prose writers. ‘Portus’ 1. 427. There is as little reason with Forb. to understand ‘propugnacula’ especially of moles and breakwaters, so as to harmonize with ‘portus,’ as with one or two critics to change ‘portus’ into ‘portas.’ The making of harbours and fortifications is simply distinguished from military practice.
 Opera is taken by Henry in the technical sense of military works, which it might certainly bear (see Forc.): but perhaps the general is more poetical here. At any rate it is so far general as to include the two details that follow, the ‘muri’ and the ‘machina.’ ‘Minae’ is taken by Serv. of the battlements, so called from “minari:” (he comp. “eminere”) but Heyne justly remarks that such a sense would be less poetical (comp. “formido” G. 3. 372 note), and that it seems confined to late writers. On the other hand the ‘threatening of the walls’ is a forcible and original expression, arising from the use of “minari” in such passages as 1. 162 note.
 Machina has been variously understood of a pile of building (Heyne), a sense apparently founded on its use by Lucr. in such phrases as “moles et machina mundi,” a turret on the wall (Wagn.), a military engine (Wund., Henry), as in 2. 46, 151, 237, a scaffolding (Gossrau), and a crane, which is supported by Vitruv. 10. 1, “Machina est continens ex materia coniunctio, maxumas ad onerum motus habens virtutes.” I rather prefer this last, though it produces an awkwardness with ‘pendent interrupta.’ If the crane cannot be said ‘pendere interrupta,’ it nevertheless forms a natural part of the picture of incompleteness: while its magnitude shows the greatness of the works suspended.
[90-104] ‘Juno, seeing Dido thus hopelessly entangled, proposes to Venus that she should be allowed to marry Aeneas, and that the Trojan empire should be set up at Carthage.’