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[72] Comp. G. 1. 28. ‘Velat:’ see on 2. 249., 3. 174.

[73] Helymus is named by Dionys. Hal. 1. 52 as having accompanied Acestes from Troy to Sicily. Strabo 13, p. 608 B. makes him land in Sicily with Aeneas, Virg. makes him a companion or retainer of Acestes, but younger, vv. 300, 301 below. In any case his name was connected with Sicily, as the mythic founder of the Elymi, a people there, Thuc. 6. 2. ‘Maturus aevi’ means merely of ripe years, not necessarily implying old age: ‘maturus’ however is frequently used of the old, with reference either to their experience or to their age, and is in effect a comparative term. Comp. 9. 246, “annis gravis atque animi maturus Aletes,” who is distinguished in this way from Nisus and Euryalus, to whom he is speaking, and from Ascanius, who follows him. So Hor. 4 Od. 4. 55, “Natosque maturosque patres;” id. A. P. 115, “Maturusne senex an adhuc florente iuventa Fervidus.” Here it discriminates Acestes from Ascanius, and perhaps from Helymus and the rest, ‘cetera pubes.

[74] “Sequitur tum cetera pubes” 7. 614. ‘Sequi’ of following an example 1. 747.

[77] Carchesia G. 4. 380 note. For these libations to the dead generally comp. 3. 66 (note), E. 5. 67: also Il. 23. 170, 219 foll. ‘Mero Baccho,’ a solitary instance in Virg. of the use of the word in its proper adjectival sense. The abl., for which the gen. would be more usual, may be called material or descriptive. Comp. E. 3. 39 note.

[78] Sanguine sacro 3. 67.

[79] “Purpureos spargam flores” is said by Anchises himself of funeral offerings to young Marcellus 6. 884. The custom was the same in Greece, Aesch. Pers. 618, Soph. El. 895.

[80] It is very doubtful whether ‘iterum’ refers to Aeneas' second visit to the tomb, or simply to the repetition of the address ‘salve’—in other words, whether it should be connected in pointing with the first or the second clause in the line. Serv. says the address to the dead was repeated thrice, “salve, salve, resalve ter.” On the whole I have not thought it worth while to disturb the pointing of Heyne, Wagn., and Forb., who place a semicolon after ‘iterum,’ though Ribbeck punctuates differently. The ‘salve’ was either equivalent to the final ‘vale,’ or accompanied it. So 11. 27, “Salve aeternum mihi, maxume Palla, Aeternumque vale,” Aeneas' final address to the dead Pallas. Thus also the “ave atque vale” of Catullus 99 (101). 10 to his dead brother. At any rate ‘recepti’ has nothing to do with this second visit, as no such sense can be got out of the word, though Forb. says “receptos cineres esse, ad quos iterum ille accesserit, non est quod memorem.” The ashes welcomed Aeneas again, not he them. Henry is evidently right in explaining ‘recepti nequiquam’ of Aeneas' rescue of his father from Troy, which he calls in vain, as he was to lose him after all, and comparing 3. 711, “heu tantis nequiquam erepte periclis,” and 6. 111, “Eripui his humeris medioque ex hoste recepi.” In that case however it would be very harsh to make ‘recepti’ agree with ‘cineres,’ so that we shall probably do well to make ‘recepti’ the gen. sing., combined with ‘paternae’ like “mea unius opera,” “vestram omnium caedem,” and similar expressions. Comp. v. 24 above, “litora fraterna Erycis.” Serv., connecting it with ‘cineres,’ as all the commentators appear to do, explains it ingeniously of the story already mentioned on 4. 427 of the recovery of Anchises' ashes by Diomed, which is of course out of the question.

[81] For ‘umbrae’ used of the appearance of a single person see 4. 571. No other instance is quoted of a similar use of ‘animae,’ but Virg. may have been tempted by the analogy of ‘Manes,’ even if he did not distinctly realize the belief of the twofold personality of the dead, referred to on 4. 610. An old Schol. printed by Mai observes that Virg. has enumerated the three parts of man, the dust that returns to earth, the spirit that goes into heaven, and the shade that dwells below.

[82] Non licuit as in 4. 550. ‘Why was it not permitted me?’ ‘Fataliaque arva’ 4. 355.

[83] Quicumque est:Aut quia adhuc eum nusquam vidit, aut taedio longae navigationis hoc dicit,” Serv. Virg. was thinking of Apol. R. 3. 266.

[84] Adytis is perhaps meant to indicate the sanctity of the tomb.

[85] It may be doubted whether there is any special meaning in the seven coils of the snake, though Serv. thinks they indicate the seven years of Aeneas' wandering, comparing the portent of the serpent in Iliad 2, and Heyne thinks seven is chosen as a mystical number. ‘Gyri’ and ‘volumina’ are probably the same; Wagn. however explains it as a sort of hendiadys, “septem gyros in se replicatos”—“ne tinnire inania poetam putes.

[86] As Heyne remarks, this is the first we hear of the altars, which were doubtless erected as soon as they came to the tomb. Comp. 3. 63., 4. 509.

[87] Auro, might go either with ‘maculosus’ or with ‘incendebat:’ but Sil. 15. 678, “clipeumque accenderat auro,” quoted by Wagn., rather makes for the latter.

[89] Iacit Med., Pal., ‘trahit’ Rom. There is little to choose between the two words on the ground of intrinsic propriety, though some of the later critics think otherwise; but it seems more likely that Virg. should have varied the line 4. 701 than simply repeated it. Either gives a vivid poetical image, ‘trahit’ of the length of the bow, ‘iacit’ of the glancing brightness of the colours, ‘iacere colores’ being used like ‘iacere radios,’ as Forb. remarks. Lucr. has “ex albis album pennis iactare colorem” 2. 823, and “membrana coloris Cum iacitur” (‘membrana’ of the coating or film which he supposes to be given off from the surface of visible things), 4. 95: indeed the words ‘iacere’ and ‘iactare’ figure rather largely in his philosophical descriptions. This is an additional reason why the use of the word here should be attributed to Virg. rather than to a transcriber. ‘Nubibus’ may = ‘in nubibus,’ or may be connected with ‘iacit,’ flings on the clouds.

[90] Comp. 2. 212, which this line generally resembles.

[91] Tandem expresses the slowness of the process.

[92] Dapes, probably the offerings on the altars, which, though not mentioned, of course must be assumed. It may however refer to the libations and flowers. See on 3. 301.

[93] Depasta is explained by ‘libavit.

[94] Instaurat because of ‘inceptos.’ See 4. 63 note, and comp. Livy 25. 16 there referred to. The meaning is not, as Forb. thinks, that he renews the ceremonies of the year before, but that he carries on what had been begun before the appearance of the serpent.

[95] Genium loci 7. 136. The Genius was frequently represented under the form of a serpent. Comp. Lersch, Ant. Verg. § 57. 21, where instances from Herculaneum and Pompeii are cited. Lersch also quotes a passage from Livy 25. 16, where two serpents appear during a sacrifice performed by Gracchus and eat the liver of the victim, remarking that such a visitation might be interpreted differently according to the will of the haruspex, the omen having been in that case thought a bad one. The discovery of serpents in tombs seems to have suggested the notion mentioned in Ov. M. 15. 389 in a speech of Pythagoras, and referred to by Serv., that the human marrow when decomposed became a serpent. ‘Famulum:’ Anchises as a god might have had an animal to attend him. Sil. 6. 288 speaks of a serpent as “famulus sororum Naiadum,” Val. F. 3. 458 of “angues Umbrarum famuli.” Sil. 13. 124 speaks of a doe as “famula Dianae.” and Ov. M. 8. 272 of the Calydonian boar as “infestae vindex famulusque Dianae.

[96] Pal., Verona fragm., Gud., &c. have “quinas,” which was the old reading, a mistake probably originating in an unmetrical variant “caeditque binas,” which is found in Rom. There is no authority for the number 5, whereas 2 was one of the sacred numbers, as we have just seen, v. 77. ‘Binas’ for ‘duo’ as in E. 3. 30 &c. The three kinds of victims are the same as those sacrificed at the Suovetaurilia or Solitaurilia. Comp. 1. 634. 635.

[97] Comp. 6. 153. 243 foll.

[98] This invocation seems to be parallel to the ‘inclamatio’ mentioned 3. 68., 6. 506.

[99] Remissos, the shade being assumed to be present in order to partake of the funeral offerings. Comp. the words of the shade of Darius, Aesch. Pers. 689, χοἰ κατὰ χθονὸς θεοὶ Λαβεῖν ἀμείνους εἰσὶν μεθιέναι. Perhaps the appearance of the serpent encouraged the feeling in Aeneas.

[100] “‘Quae cuique est copia,pro sua quisque facultate,” Serv. ‘Laeti:’ note on v. 58 above.

[101] Dona ferunt G. 3. 22. ‘Onerantque,’ the reading of the early editions, is found in one of Ribbeck's cursives. Jahn seems right in supporting the omission of the copulative on the ground that ‘onerant mactantque’ develope the notion of ‘dona ferunt.’ As Wagn. remarks, Virg. is here describing the occupations of some of the Trojans only, ‘alii’ being supplied from the next verse, as in 4. 592. ‘Onerant aras mactantque iuvencos’ may be a ὕστερον πρότερον, as the altars would be loaded with dishes of entrails &c. from the slain victims (“cumulantque oneratis lancibus aras” 8. 284., 12. 215): but the meaning may be that while some are making offerings from victims already slain, others are slaying fresh victims.

[102] Ordine, in turn, G. 4. 376. For the rest of the line see on 1. 213, 214, where the same words occur.

[103] ‘Put the live coals under the spits’ is probably a way of saying ‘hang the spits before the live coals.’ ‘Viscera’ 1. 211 note. “Pinguiaque in veribus torrebimus exta colurnisG. 2. 396.

[104-113] ‘The day arrives: a great concourse is collected: the prizes are placed in public view: and the games begin.’

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