On this and the next line see note at the end of Book 5. ‘Sic fatur lacrimans’ is Hom.'s ὣς φάτο δακρυχέων (Il. 1. 357). ‘Classi inmittit habenas’ means that he spread his sails to the wind. Ladewig remarks that Virg. himself supplies a comment on the words in a later passage, 8. 707, “Ipsa videbatur ventis regina vocatis Vela dare, et laxos iam iamque inmittere funis.” Henry says, “This is the ordinary metaphor (as A. 5. 662, Lucr. 5.787, Ov. M. 1. 280), but is here peculiarly appropriate, the ‘habenae’ of a ship being its ‘rudentes’ (sheets), which required to be let loose or slacked in order to allow the sails to be filled with the wind and the ressel to go at full speed.”
 Comp. 3. 131, 569. ‘Euboicis:’ “Cumani ab Chalcide Euboica originem trahunt,” Livy 8. 22. The colonization from Euboea was subsequent to Aeneas' time: but Virg. as usual thinks of his own age. ‘Cymarum’ is the reading of Rom.: but see on E. 4. 4.
 The custom in the heroic times was to stop rowing so as to land stern foremost, the head of the vessel being turned to the sea for greater convenience in departure. Ruhkopf refers to Gronovius, Obss. 4. 26.
 Fundare puppim in this sense is found in Claudian, De Mall. Cons. 113, who however probably imitates Virg. Elsewhere it is used for making a bottom to a ship: see Forc. ‘fundatus.’ A difficulty remains about the use of the imperfect, which is perhaps to be explained by supposing that the mooring of the several ships would occupy some time, and so may be represented as a continuing act.
 It is questioned whether ‘densa ferarum Tecta rapit silvas’ refers to scouring the woods for game, water, &c., or to stripping them for fuel. ‘Rapit’ in the latter case would be parallel to “rapiunt incensa feruntque Pergama” 2. 374, in the former to “campum sonipes rapit” Stat. Theb. 5. 3. Heyne objects to the latter interpretation that in that case ‘densa ferarum tecta’ would be mere bombast. But the parallel which he himself quotes, v. 179 below “Itur in antiquam silvam, stabula alta ferarum,” makes for the view which he censures. Wild beasts are mentioned there, though the object of going to the woods is not to take game but to hew timber, so that there seems no reason why they should not be mentioned here, though the object is only to get fuel. In the one passage we hear of “stabula alta,” as our attention is meant to be drawn to the size of the trees: in the other of ‘tecta densa,’ as we are meant (so it may be urged) to think of the thickness of the foliage. “Lignatio” was a common military occupation, and is naturally classed with “aquatio.” If we suppose the pursuit of game to be meant, we may compare Aeneas' deerslaying 1. 184 foll. ‘Inventa monstrat’ = “invenit et monstrat.”
[9-39] ‘Aeneas goes to consult the Sibylline oracle. He stands gazing at the sculptures on the door of the adjoining temple of Apollo, where Daedalus, its builder, had represented his own story. While he is thus engaged, the Sibyl arrives and bids him sacrifice.’
 It is worth while to compare Virg.'s account of Aeneas' interview with the Sibyl with Ovid's (M. 14. 101—157), a large part of which is occupied by the Sibyl's own story, told by herself to Aeneas in the course of a conversation with which, as we are told, they beguile the hardships of their journey. We must remember however that Ovid's business is to tell marvellous stories, and that the Sibyl's naturally came in as one of these. Henry is doubtless right in regarding the Sibyl's cave as the adytum of the temple of Apollo, in opposition to Heyne and Wagn., who make the two independent and at some distance from each other. He cites the parallel instance of Delphi. “The hill of Cumae,” he says, “is a nearly circular or orbicular hill, rising from the plain, and on one side overhanging the sea.” On the lower part of this hill, on one of the sides not next the sea, he places the sacred grove, ‘Triviae lucos;’ on the sloping part of the hill a hypaethral temple, having the grove on both sides and in front: in the front sculptured doors: on the fourth or hinder side, consisting merely of the bare perpendicular rock of the hill, a number of other doors, leading into a vast cave in the substance of the rock. ‘Arces’ seems to point to the hilly position as well as to the height of the temple. “Altus Apollo” 10. 875, where majesty seems the prominent notion. Here it would be difficult to exclude the notion of physical elevation, already indicated by ‘arces’ (comp. “alta sedet” 11. 837): perhaps also height of stature is intended. This would agree with the fact, mentioned by Serv. on the authority of Caelius, that the statue of Apollo at Cumae was fifteen feet high.
 Horrendae seems rightly taken by Forb. in its strict sense, as the aspect of the Sibyl under the divine afflatus might well inspire horror: comp. vv. 47 foll., 77 foll. ‘Procul’ is explained by Heyne and Wagn., in conformity with their general view, of the distance of the cave from the temple: by Henry, of the distance of both from the place where Aeneas landed. Perhaps it rather denotes the depth of the cavern, stretching far into the distance. ‘Secreta’ 8. 463, G. 4. 403.
 Mentem animumque is doubtless the Homeric κατὰ φρένα καὶ κατὰ θυμόν, as Cerda and others have remarked, ‘mens’ referring to the power of insight, ‘animus’ to energy of conception, language, and gesture, as Forb. says. The rhythm and expression are from Lucr. 1.74: see Munro there, who regards the words as a mere poetical tautology. But there is still a question, which Heyne states, as to the construction of ‘inspirat,’—whether it means that Apollo breathes a mind and spirit into the Sibyl, or, as we should say, inspires her mind and spirit, i. e. with the knowledge of the future. If we adopt the latter, which Heyne prefers, we must take ‘magnam’ closely with ‘inspirat,’ = ‘magnopere,’ as ‘multa’ 4. 3 = ‘saepe.’ But though ‘inspirare aliquem aliqua re’ is doubtless an admissible construction, the instances quoted by Forc. are both from later writers (“quibus viribus inspirat” Quinct. 12. 10, “qui inspirari solent fatuari dicuntur” Justin 43. 1), while the conception of ‘mens’ as a thing communicated is abundantly supported by such passages as 1. 304., 12. 554, G. 3. 267.
 ‘The Delian prophet’ is not an unmeaning description of Apollo here, as it implies that the same power which is manifested at Delos is manifested at Cumae. As Heyne remarks, Apollo is Jupiter's prophet, just as the Sibyl is Apollo's: comp. 3. 251, Aesch. Eum. 19. 616 foll.
 They enter first the grove that surrounds or abuts the temple, then the temple itself.