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[756] Deinde, proceeding from the present point of time, as in v. 890 below. ‘Sequatur’ means little more than ‘attends on;’ but the word is doubtless chosen to suggest a notion of futurity.

[757] Manere of destiny, as in v. 84 above, 3. 505 &c. ‘Itala de gente,’ of the Italian family to be born from Lavinia.

[758] We might have expected ‘animae —iturae,’ but Virg. has preferred to give a new object to ‘expediam,’ doubtless for the sake of variety. ‘Nostrum in nomen ituras,’ apparently a metaphor from taking physical possession of a territory or inheritance. Forb. comp. the phrases ‘in nomen adsciscere,’ ‘adsumere,’ of adoption into a family. ‘Nomen’ seemingly not of the royal family of Troy, but of the Trojan nation generally (comp. “nomen Latinum”), as the Roman worthies are mentioned afterwards indiscriminately, without reference to descent from Aeneas: but it is not easy to say in a context like this, where Anchises speaks of himself and his son as the founders of a nation. With the line comp. generally v. 680 above.

[759] Expediam dictis 3. 379.

[760] Vides parenthetical, like ὁρᾷς. ‘Pura hasta:’ “id est, sine ferro: nam hoc fuit praemium apud maiores eius qui tunc primum vicisset in proelio: sicut ait Varro in libris de gente pop. Rom.” Serv., who apparently means that it was given to young men on their first military success,—a sense sufficiently appropriate here. From Prop. 5. 3. 68, Suet. Claud. 28, it seems to have been bestowed on the occasion of the celebration of a triumph. Others explain it as ‘bloodless:’ and Donatus makes it the emblem of peace.

[761] Comp. v. 434 above. ‘Tenet’ of virtual rather than actual possession, ‘lucis loca’ being a place in the upper world. Heins. wished to read ‘luci.’ ‘Sorte:’ the custom of drawing lots for places (comp. 5. 132) is transferred to the shades as in such passages as Hor. 2 Od. 3. 25 foll.

[762] Aetherias: see on 1. 546. ‘Italo commixtus sanguine,’ Italian blood mingling in his veins with our own. So Evander speaks of Pallus as “mixtus matre Sabella” 8. 510, his own race being regarded as the normal element. Some of Pierius' MSS. have “mixtus de sanguine.

[763] Albanum nomen seems to indicate that the name afterwards became a common one at Alba, as Livy 1. 3, quoted by Forb., says “mansit Silvius postea omnibus cognomen qui Albae regnaverunt.” ‘Postumus’ means no more than latest: it came however to be applied to children born after the father's death (Plaut. Aul. 2. 1. 40, Varro L. L. 9. 38),—or born after the father's last will (Gaius Inst. 1. 147, Ulpian Dig. 26. 2, 5, referred to by Freund s. v.: see Dict. A. “Heres,” Roman). Here it evidently has its original meaning, as Caesellius Vindex ap. Gell. 2. 16 long ago remarked, though Serv. and in later times even Henry and Sir G. Lewis give it the sense of ‘posthumous,’ contrary to the plain meaning of the next line. Virg. seems to have intended to translate the Homeric τηλύγετος, as the commentators remark. The word appears to be restricted to children, till we come to writers like Apuleius and Tertullian, who use it as convertible with ‘postremus.’ In the legendary accounts Silvius seems actually to have been called Silvius Postumus: see Lewis, Credibility, vol. 1, pp. 357 foll.

[764] The story, as told by Serv. here and on 1. 270 and others (Lewis, p. 356), is that Lavinia was left pregnant at Aeneas' death, when, fearing Ascanius, she took refuge in the woods, and there brought forth Silvius; after which an arrangement, variously related, was made, by which Lavinium was left to Lavinia, and Ascanius founded Alba. In the latter kingdom Silvius eventually succeeded Ascanius, either in default of heirs, or because the actual heir, named Iulus, was too young. Some made Silvius the son of Ascanius, and so Livy 1. 4, who speaks of him as “casu quodam in silvis natus.” Virg. apparently adopts the tradition generally, without thinking it necessary to specify the circumstances of Silvius' birth in the woods, while he indirectly contradicts the story of Lavinia's fear of Ascanius, which would have jarred on all readers of the Aeneid, by representing Silvius as born in his father's lifetime. The legends of the sequel of Aeneas' life after his settlement in Latium are not altogether reconcilable with the treatment adopted by Virg. in the Aeneid. Virg. doubtless could have harmonized them with his purpose, had he pleased, as skilfully as he has harmonized discordant materials in the story of the Aeneid itself: but he has chosen instead to regard them from a distance, without distinctly committing himself to any one version of them. Even thus however he has not been able to escape some inconsistencies, as the present passage shows, compared with that in the First Book. There (1. 265 foll.) we are told by implication that Aeneas' death and deification takes place three years after his landing in Latium: here he is spoken of as living to old age, a time which must have been conceived of by Virg. as long subsequent to that in which he captivated Dido: there the name of Ascanius is associated with Alba, here that of Silvius. These statements, it is true, may be brought into agreement by supposing that Aeneas reigns at Lavinium after the expiration of three years in camp, Ascanius removing to Alba after his death, and that Silvius is mentioned here simply as the successor of Ascanius at Alba; but it seems hardly likely that Virg. should have formed a definite and, in one respect at least, independent conception of events which he alludes to so cursorily. With ‘serum’ Germ. comp. Evander's words to Pallas, 8. 581, “mea sola et sera voluptas.” This is the first mention of the name of Aeneas' destined wife, who has been already alluded to 2. 783., 6. 93. Serv. curiously reconciles ‘longaevo’ with the posthumous birth of Silvius by understanding it of the immortal life of the deified Aeneas, as the Greeks call the gods μακραίωνες. Henry supposes ‘tibi longaevo’ merely to mean that the child was conceived in Aeneas' old age.

[765] Educet here and v. 779 seems = ‘pariet,’ not, as Forb. and others give it, ‘educabit.’ ‘Educare’ and ‘educere’ are doubtless the same words, like ‘dicare’ and ‘dicere,’ and ‘educere’ often has the sense of ‘educare,’ as in 7. 763., 8. 413., 9. 584: but it is also used of bringing forth, as in Plaut. Poen. 1. 2. 143, Pliny 10. 54. 75, &c., quoted by Freund: and the dat. here naturally points to that meaning, which is indeed one peculiarly consonant to the etymology of the word. Perhaps on a comparison of 7. 763 we may say that Virg. meant to glance at both meanings (comp. also the association of τίκτειν and τρέφειν in Greek tragedy), though in v. 779 it can hardly be meant that Ilia reared as well as bore Romulus. With ‘educet regem regumque parentem’ comp. 9. 642, “Dis genite et geniture deos.” Virg. doubtless intended a contrast between the place of Silvius' birth and his high destiny, whatever his view of the story may have been.

[766] Unde, from Silvius, as ‘regum parens.’ Comp. 1. 6., 5. 123. ‘Dominabitur’ with an abl. as 1. 285., 3. 97. ‘Longa Alba’ 1. 271 note.

[767] ‘Proxumus’ seems to be used loosely, as Serv. remarks that Procas was the twelfth king of Alba. Other accounts put him fourteenth in a list of sixteen: see Lewis, pp. 360 foll., where it appears further that some omitted him altogether. What Procas did to entitle him to the name of ‘Troianae gloria gentis’ does not seem to appear from any extant legend. Ov. M. 14. 622 places the story of Vertumnus and Pomona under his reign.

[768] Capys comes before Procas in other lists: according to Serv. he is sixth, according to others eighth or ninth. Anchises naturally mentions him as bearing the name of his own father. Numitor follows Procas immediately in other lists. For his story see Lewis l. c. and Dict. M. Virg. is the first author cited for this use of ‘reddere’ like ‘referre’ (comp. 4. 329., 12. 348), which is common in post-Augustan poetry and prose: see Freund. Rom. has ‘reddat,’ which might be supported from 1. 20., 287, in which passages, as in Enn. Alex. fr. 11 Vahlen, “Nam maxumo saltu superabit gravidus armatis equus, Qui suo partu perdat Pergama ardua,” the subj. has perhaps something of its future sense.

[769] Aeneas Silvius, whom Ov. l. c. and F. 4. 31 foll. omits in his list of the Alban kings, appears in other lists next or next but one to the first Silvius. The words ‘si umquam regnandam acceperit Albam’ might seem merely to refer to the general contingency to which all these potential personages are subject: comp. v. 828, and see on v. 780: Serv. however explains it by saying that Aeneas Silvius was kept out of his kingdom for fifty-three years by an usurping guardian. Sir G. Lewis rightly remarks that Serv.'s story is inconsistent with Dionysius and others, who assign to this king a reign of thirtyone years: but it is not clear why he should assume that Virg.'s expression cannot be reconciled with the supposition of a long reign, as the uncertainty affects his coming to the throne at all, and apparently ceases after his accession, and the words ‘pariter pietate vel armis egregius’ in effect imply that his reign was a glorious one. ‘Pariter’ is generally found with ‘et:’ here it is naturally enough used with ‘vel,’ which, as Madv. § 436 remarks, “denotes a distinction which is of no importance,”—‘Whether you look at his piety or his valour, it does not signify: he is equally distinguished.’ “Pietate insignis et armis” above v. 403. ‘Regnandam’ 3. 14.

[771] It matters little whether a note of exclamation be put after ‘iuvenes’ or not, as long as it is understood that ‘qui’ is not a relative but an exclamatory interrogative. ‘Ostentant viris’ seems merely to refer to the martial bearing of the young heroes, not, as might be supposed from the next line, to any marks of distinction in war which they wear.

[772] Heyne, following many of the old editions and one MS., read ‘at qui,’ connecting the line with what follows and supposing a difference to be made between those who are famed in war and those who are famed in peace. But this interpretation ignores the nature of the ‘corona civilis’ which was given for preserving the life of a citizen in war and slaying an enemy, so that this line contains no contrast to the preceding, but only a specification and a climax (see Dict. A. ‘Corona’). ‘Gerunt:’ see on 1. 567. The expression was doubtless originally a piece of mere simplicity, a person being supposed to carry his limbs or at least the upper parts of his body as he might carry any thing separate from him: but in using it here Virg. may have thought of carrying the umbrageous wreath on the forehead, as conceivably Lucr. 6.1145 may have intended to indicate the feeling of weight and oppression in the head and eyes. ‘Umbrata’ like “populus umbra velavit comas” 8. 276. The civic wreath was originally given only to those who distinguished themselves in hand to hand combat: like other ancient honours however it was voted by the senate to Augustus, who had oaken wreaths hung before his doors as being the perpetual preserver of the citizens. Gossrau, from whom this is taken, refers to Ov. F. 1. 614., 4. 953. This doubtless suggested the image to Virg., who is glad to show that Augustus is only the heir to the honours of his ancestors.

[773] For the various lists of the Latin colonies, which were called the towns of the Prisci Latini, see Lewis, p. 362 foll. For the names here see Dict. Geogr.

[774] “Tot congesta manu praeruptis oppida saxisG. 2. 156 of the cities of Italy. “Arces montibus inpositas” Hor. 2 Ep. 1. 252, of the fortifications of Augustus. After this line many editions, even in modern times, give another, “Laude pudicitiae celebres, addentque superbos;” but it has no MS. authority whatever, and is said to be the work of an Italian lawyer, Fabricio Lampugnani.

[776] ‘These will then be names’—i. e. places bearing names. For ‘terrae’ the first reading of Med. is ‘gentes,’ which Heins. prefers.

[777] Avo comitem sese addet seems to mean merely, shall appear on earth to join his grandfather, Romulus being naturally associated with Numitor, whom according to the story he restored to his rights. Heyne prefers ‘addit’ in this sense, after one MS.; but though the change would be easy enough (Med. has ‘surgit’ v. 762, ‘educit’ v. 765), it is not necessary, as Anchises may speak of his descendants indifferently as they will hereafter appear on earth and as he now sees them in the shades. Other interpretations —‘he will reign along with his grandfather’ (Serv.)—‘he will lead a colony like his grandfather’ (Wagn., who has however since changed his opinion)—‘he will emulate the renown of his grandfather’ (Thiel) are far less likely. ‘Mavortius’ 1. 276.

[778] Comp. 1. 274. ‘Sanguinis,’ an attributive gen. There seems no reason for taking ‘Assaraci’ as an adj. with Wagn. and Forb., though the form might perhaps be justified by the analogy, not of “Pompilius sanguis” Hor. A. P. 292, which they compare, but of ‘Romulus’ and ‘Dardanus.’ See on 4. 552.

[779] Educet v. 765 note. Some inferior MSS. give ‘stent—signet:’ see on E. 4. 52.

[780] The right meaning of this verse, I have little doubt, has been substantially given by Peerlkamp and Henry, after Serv. Romulus is already marked as a child of upper air (comp. “apud superos” v. 568 above) by his father's token, the twocrested helmet. The reference apparently is to the contingency which more or less overshadows all who are in this state of potential existence (note on v. 769), and which Romulus by favour of his future father Mars has in fact already overcome. Henry's objection, that ‘pater ipse’ in Virg. is restricted to Jupiter, is met by observing that ‘ipse’ here belongs not so much to ‘pater’ as to ‘suo.’ That the two-crested helmet was distinctive of Mars is, as Henry says, made probable by Val. Max. 1. 8, § 6, taken in conjunction with this passage, “cognitum pariter atque creditum est, Martem patrem tunc populo suo adfuisse. Inter cetera huiusce rei manifesta indicia galea quoque duabus distincta pinnis, qua caeleste caput tectum fuerat, argumentum praebuit.” Heyne remarks that Romulus is constantly represented with a helmet. ‘Suo’ can only refer to ‘pater,’ as ‘ipse’ shows. The only difficulty is in the use of ‘superum’ in the singular in the sense which, as we have seen, it bears in the plural; but this is not invincible (comp. its application to things vv. 128, 680), and certainly need not lead us to construct ‘superum’ as gen. pl. with either ‘pater’ or ‘honore,’ to the detriment of the general sense, though it may make us see some plausibility in Peerlkamp's conj. ‘puerum,’ which in an author less well supported by MSS. authority might itself be confused with ‘superum,’ especially with ‘suo’ preceding. There is however great propriety in the sense of ‘superum,’ as explained above, while ‘puerum’ would add nothing which is not already contained in the line.

[781] Auspiciis is used not vaguely, as in 4. 103, 341, but strictly, referring to the augury of the twelve vultures and the greatness promised thereby. Romulus takes the auspices, which are the cause of the future glories of his city. Thus we do not need Burmann's ‘nata.’ The apostrophe to Aeneas agrees with ‘en,’ and is in keeping with the feeling of the passage, the grandeur of Rome being represented as the culmination of all a Trojan's hopes. Isidorus Orig. 18. 1 speaks of the verse as Ennius': but this is supposed to be a mistake, the name of Ennius having arisen from ‘En huius.

[782] “Inperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris” 1. 287. ‘Animos,’ her greatness of soul. Comp. with Forb. “regum aequabat opes animisG. 4. 132, where the sense is parallel, though the construction is not the same. The expression may perhaps be regarded as an expansion of the common Virgilian phrase “tollere animosG. 3. 207 &c.

[783] See on G. 2. 535, where it should have been remarked that ‘muro’ is abl., ‘sibi’ an ethical dat., as against Peerlkamp, who constructs ‘sibi’ with ‘circumdabit,’ understanding ‘muro’ “by way of a wall.”

[784] Felix prole virum doubtless refers to the great Roman families, such as those mentioned G. 2. 169 foll., a passage to some extent parallel. Rome is not only the parent of men, but of heroes, as Cybele is the mother of gods. Henry's attempt to understand the passage of Rome as the mother of great nations, with which he aptly compares Byron's parallel of Rome, ‘lone mother of dead empires,’ to Niobe (Childe Harold, 4. 78, 79), is ingenious, but seems alien to Virg.'s thought, as in that case we should have had “felix prole gentium,” or something similar. “Deum genetrix Berecyntia” 9. 82.

[785] This description of the progress of Cybele's statue is from Lucr. 2.606 foll.: “Muralique caput summum cinxere corona
Eximiis munita locis quia sustinet urbes:
Quo nunc insigni per magnas praedita terras
Horrifice fertur divinae matris imago.
* * * * * * *
magnas invecta per urbes
Munificat tacita mortalis muta salute.

[786] Virg. can hardly mean that the figures of the other gods appear along with Cybele in her car, though that is what his words would seem to suggest: we must suppose then that she is represented with the mien of a proud and happy mother.

[787] With ‘supera alta tenentis’ Germ. comp. ὑπέρτατα δώματ᾽ ἔχοντες. “Supera ardua” 7. 562. Ribbeck adopts ‘super alta’ from Rom., Pal., and Med. a m. p., which have ‘superalta:’ but the corruption is obvious.

[788-807] ‘Anchises points out the Julian family, and especially Augustus, the destined conqueror of realms wider than were ever traversed by Hercules or Bacchus.’

[788] Huc geminas nunc flecte acies in an ordinary passage would be thought either archaic or grandiloquent: but it suits the solemn prophetic enthusiasm of Anchises, as in the well-known passage in the Tempest “the fringed curtains of thine eye advance” suits the quaint seriousness of Prospero. ‘Gentem,’ the gens Iulia.

[789] Tuos seems to be emphatic— Romans of your own stock. “Iulius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo” 1. 288.

[790] Caeli axem merely i. q. ‘caelum,’ the light of the upper world.

[792] “Divom genus” was once the reading, but it is found only in inferior MSS. ‘Divi’ refers to C. Julius Caesar. ‘Aurea saecula:’ comp. E. 4. 9. “Condere saecla” occurs Lucr. 3.1090, in the sense of living through ages, seeing them to their end, as in E. 2. 52. Here it can only mean to establish, like “condere urbem,” &c., though the analogy is not very close.

[793] Saturn was the god of the golden age, 7. 324., G. 2. 538, Ov. M. 1. 113, as also the first ruler of Latium 7. 349. Virg. makes the two periods synchronize, which does not agree with Ov. l. c. “Regnata Lycurgo” 3. 14. Rom. reads ‘per annos,’ which would make a kind of sense, ‘regnata’ being taken with ‘saecula;’ but it is evidently no more than a slip.

[794] Super seems best taken in its ordinary sense of ‘beyond,’ though Wagn. wishes here, and in Lucan 4. 333., 8. 164, to give it the meaning of reaching to a distant spot, as if it were “usque ad longinquos Garamantas”—a view which harmonizes with his interpretation of “super alta Cythera” 1. 680 note, and is certainly plausible: Peerlkamp however, cited by Forb., justly remarks that the glory of Augustus is enhanced by representing him as having conquered nations beyond the farthest known. “Extremi GaramantesE. 8. 44. The Garamantes were conquered by L. Cornelius Balbus, who triumphed A.U.C. 735: they sent an embassy to Augustus and made a treaty, which in the language of Roman vanity is described as making submission. This passage then, as Heyne remarks, would be written in the last years of Virg.'s life. ‘IndosG. 2. 171 note. The reference may be, as Heyne remarks, to the restoration of the Roman standards by the Parthians and the Indian embassy to Augustus while in Syria A.U.C. 734. It seems best to change the comma after ‘quondam’ into a longer stop, with the earlier editors, so as to make ‘etet’ mean ‘both—and.’ The sentence then will be independent, like that which follows in the next line, of which Heyne says “inversio facta enthusiasmum adiuvat.

[795] The meaning of course is ‘beyond Garamantes and Indians and beyond the territory of Atlas;’ but Anchises seems to point to the land as if he saw it in vision. The land seems to be that spoken of less hyperbolically 4. 480 foll., where v. 797 has already occurred, that of Ethiopia, though here Virg. seems to be speaking of the whole country, there only of the western extremity of it. ‘Extra sidera,’ like ‘extra anni solisque vias,’ refers to the Zodiac, called by Arat. Phaen. 321, ἠελίοιο κέλευθος. Serv. comp. Lucan 3. 253, where the image is characteristically amplified: “Aethiopumque solum, quod non premeretur ab ulla
Signiferi regione poli, nisi poplite lapso
Ultima curvati procederet ungula tauri.

The reference is probably to the overrunning of Ethiopia by C. Petronius A.U.C. 732, Heyne.

[796] “Maxumus Atlas” 4. 481, a better epithet, as ‘caelifer’ anticipates the next line. Perhaps it may suggest a doubt whether that line is not an interpolation from Book 4: it seems however to be contained in all MSS., and is noticed by Serv.

[798] The MSS. vary between ‘adventum’ and ‘adventu:’ the former however is read by all the first class MSS., though in Pal. and Gud. the last letter is erased. ‘In adventum’ with ‘horrent,’ a peculiar construction, the meaning being ‘shudder at the prospect of his approach,’ which would not have been expressed by ‘horrere’ with acc. Comp. ‘in futurum.’

[799] Responsis, instr. abl., the predictions of Augustus' coming being the cause of their dread. ‘Maeotia,’ the reading of the first class MSS., was restored by Heins. after Pierius for ‘Maeotica.’

[800] Turbant intransitively, as Lucr. 2.126, “Corpora quae in solis radiis turbare videntur,” comp. by Germ. Other instances are given by Freund. “Septemgeminus Nilus” Catull. 11. 7. For the compound see on v. 287.

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