[893] “Sunt geminae Belli portae” 7. 607. The gates of Sleep are from Hom.'s gates of dreams, which are similarly described Od. 19. 562 foll. Much ingenuity has been expended in searching for a symbolical meaning in them. Heyne seems right in saying that Virg. wanted to dismiss Aeneas from the shades by some other way than that by which he had entered, and that Hom.'s gates fortunately occurred to him. See Introduction to this Book. Turnebus and others wanted to understand ‘somni’ as ‘somnii:’ but ‘somnii’ would not be the same as ‘somniorum.’ Here, as elsewhere (e. g. v. 702 above), Virg. evidently substitutes sleep for dreams, on account of the metrical unmanageableness of ‘somnium.’ ‘Fertur’ might conceivably be understood as = ‘surgit’ or ‘tollit se;’ but it is simpler to understand it ‘is reported to be,’ Virg. speaking doubtfully of things that mortals have no direct means of knowing. ‘Fertur cornea’ like “non sat idoneus Pugnae ferebaris” Hor. 2 Od. 19. 26.

[894] Veris Umbris, real spirits which appear in sleep. How far the existence of such apparitions agrees with Virg.'s philosophy may be doubted: see on 4. 353., 5. 722. In Hom. the distinction is between truthful and lying dreams; and perhaps Virg. means to include this as well. See on v. 896.

[895] Perfecta nitens seems = “perfecte nitens,” like “saxosus sonans,” “lenis crepitans,” &c., though ‘perfecta elephanto’ would naturally go together, like “Cymbia argento perfecta” 5. 267. ‘Gleaming with the polish of dazzling ivory.’

[896] Beautiful as the ivory gate is, the apparitions that pass through it are false. For the power of the shades to send dreams comp. Clytaemnestra's dream, which was sent by Agamemnon, Soph. El. 459,οἶμαι μὲν οὖν, οἶμαί τι κἀκείνῳ μέλον ΙΙέμψαι τάδ᾽ αὐτῇ δυσπρόσοπτ᾽ ὀνείρατα”. Wagn. Comp. Tibull. 2. 6. 37, “ne tibi neglecti mittant mala somnia Manes,” which Virg. may have thought of, if it was published before his death. ‘Falsa’ probably refers both to the quality of the apparition and to the message that it brings. Both may be illustrated from the dreams of Hom.: in Od. 4. 796 the apparition of Iphthime is made by Athene: in Il. 2. 6 foll. the Dream-god is sent to give false counsel. There is apparently a similar combination of the two notions in Hor. 3 Od. 27. 40 foll., “imago Vana, quae porta fugiens eburna Somnium ducit.

[897] It is difficult to choose between ‘ibi’ (fragm. Vat., Rom., Gud. a m. p., and probably Pal.) and ‘ubi’ (Med.). The former is the more simple, the latter the more artificial. On the whole I have followed Ribbeck in preferring ‘ibi,’ as ‘portaque emittit eburna’ loses force by being thrown into the protasis, and even Wagn. does not propose to treat it as forming the apodosis, though in 12. 81 he makes ‘rapidusque’ the apodosis to ‘ubi.’ “Natumque unaque Sibyllam” v. 752 above.

[898] “Prosequitur votis” 9. 310. ‘His’ is explained by what precedes, vv. 890 foll. Anchises continues his instructions till they part at the gate.

[899] “Viam secat” 12. 368. So τέμνειν ὁδόν. “Post hinc ad navis graditur sociosque revisit” 8. 546. The sense is from Od. 11. 636, αὐτίκ᾽ ἔπειτ᾽ ἐπὶ νῆα κιὼν ἐκέλευον ἑταίρους Αὐτούς τ᾽ ἀμβαίνειν ἀνά τε πρυμνήσια λῦσαι, of Ulysses leaving the shades.

[900] Recto litore, sailing straight along the shore, like “recto flumine” 8. 57. He follows the line of coast, and it takes him to Caieta. Heyne read ‘limite’ from three or four inferior MSS., to avoid the repetition of ‘litore’ in the same part of the next verse: but though the repetition is certainly awkward, it seems better to suppose a slight carelessness on Virg.'s part than to question the reading of all the great MSS. Ribbeck cuts the knot by bracketing v. 901, which is repeated from 3. 277. Perhaps we may say that Virg. inserted it as a piece of his own epic common-place, whether as a stop-gap or not, and that this accounts for the repetition of ‘litore.’ The mention of Caieta has been objected to, as inconsistent with the opening of the next Book, where it is said that the death of Caieta, Aeneas' nurse, was the occasion of the name. But this is natural and Virgilian enough; and we can hardly wish that the poet had rivalled the accuracy of Ovid, who in his brief narrative of Aeneas' adventures (M. 14. 157) says “Litora adit nondum nutricis habentia nomen.


“THEN, binding round their brows the mystic branch of bay, they rose, and in silence entered upon holy ground. . . . . . Fronting them rose the high altar, crowned, like the rest, with laurel, on which all must lay tribute who would inquire aught of Phoebus. Here the priests took of their offering and burnt it upon the slab. If the day were one of consultation, lots then were drawn for precedence, and he whom fortune favoured moved on, past the Omphalos, where Apollo had reposed in early days, past the tomb of Neoptolemus, past the image of Pallas, to the steps of the shrine itself. At the foot he left his train of servants, and mounted all alone, wondering at the marvels round, the open colonnades, the wondrous sculptures filling the pediments of the noble tympana, each commemorating the life and labours of a god. . . . And now the jubilant trumpets of the priests pealed out, with notes that rang round the valley, and up among the windings of the Hyampeian cliff. Awed into silence by the sound, he crossed the garlanded threshold: he sprinkled on his head the holy water from the fonts of gold, and entered the outer court. New statues, fresh fonts, craters, and goblets, the gift of many an Eastern king, met his eye: walls emblazoned with dark sayings rose about him as he crossed towards the inner adytum. Then the music grew more loud: the interest deepened: his heart beat faster. With a sound as of many thunders, that penetrated to the crowd without, the subterranean door rolled back: the earth trembled: the laurels nodded: smoke and vapour broke commingled forth: and, railed below within a hollow of the rock, perchance he caught one glimpse of the marble effigies of Zeus and the dread sisters, one gleam of sacred arms; for one moment saw a steaming chasm, a shaking tripod, above all, a Figure with fever on her cheek and foam upon her lips, who, fixing a wild eye upon space, tossed her arms aloft in the agony of her soul, and, with a shriek that never left his ear for days, chanted high and quick the dark utterances of the will of Heaven.” ARNOLD PRIZE ESSAY for 1859, pp. 14, 15.

NOTE on Aen. 6. 646, p. 507.—At the end of this note, after the word “epexegetical,” Mr. Conington added: “A development of this view will be found in an extract printed at the end of this Book, from a letter from Mr. D. B. Monro, Fellow and Tutor of Oriel College, to whom I am indebted for the information about the Aristotelian use of ἀντίφωνος.” This extract could not be found. Mr. Monro has kindly supplied the defect by sending the following remarks on Aeneid 6. 646:—

“The passages which Virgil seems chiefly to have had in view in the description of Orpheus are Od. 8. 256—265 (see Mr. Conington's note on Aen. 6. 644), and Il. 18. 590—606, 569—572. In the first of these passages Phemius is represented as playing on the phorminx, and (it would seem) singing the story of Ares and Aphrodite as an accompaniment to the dancing of the Phaeacian youth. In the second passage we are told that one of the pictures on the shield of Achilles represented a chorus dancing, ‘and in their midst a divine singer made music (ἐμέλπετο), playing on the phorminx.’ In those cases the chorus is not expressly said to be one of singers: but in the procession of grape-gatherers on the same shield (vv. 561—572) the troop moved along ‘with music and joyous cries’ (μολπῇ τ᾽ ἰυγμῷ τε), while a boy played the phorminx and sang the Linus to its accompaniment (if that is the true meaning of λίνον δ᾽ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδε). So according to the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo (H. Apoll. 514 ff.) the god himself led the way bearing the phorminx, while the Cretans followed and sang a Cretan paean: and in Olympus Apollo plays on the phorminx, and the Muses sing in turn (Il. 1. 604). In all these cases there is a single musician whose instrument regulates and accompanies the chorus: but whether he sings himself, and whether the chorus sings as well as dances, is not always clear. The practice may have varied with the character of the performance, as the epic or lyric element predominated. In the Lament for Hector (Il. 24. 720—776) there are singers who ‘lead the wailing,’ but nothing is said of instruments: Andromache, Hecuba, and Helen recite in turn their praises of the dead man, and the rest bewail in chorus. Virgil, however, has distinctly made his chorus sing or recite (‘carmina dicunt’) as well as dance, and therefore he probably intended to represent Orpheus as playing only. ‘Septem discrimina vocum’ refers in the first instance to the lyre, and could not very naturally be applied to the voice: ‘vox’ is used, like Gr. φωνή, for the ‘note’ of an instrument. (See Welcker, Ep. Cycl. vol. i. p. 329, and Kl. Schrift. vol. ii. p. 32.)”

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