It does not seem quite clear whether Allecto actually pursues Amata in her wanderings and orgies, as ‘agit’ in the last line would seem to imply, or whether she merely poisons her mind and then leaves the venom to work, passing on to Turnus, which would accord better with ‘primos.’ “Acuunt iras” 9. 464.
 Latinus was still in Aeneas' favour: but Allecto had really changed his purpose, by sowing the seeds of discord that would frustrate it.
 The adj. ‘Acrisioneus’ (from Ἀκρισίων, another form of Ἀκρίσιος) is found in Ovid. M. 5. 239, so that Serv. is wrong in making ‘Acrisioneis’ a fem. patronymic agreeing with Danae, and Heins. in proposing ‘Acrisionaeis,’ from “Acrisione” = Danae. Heyne refers the story of Danae having founded a colony in Italy to the similarity between Danae and Daunia. It may however have arisen from the existence of a temple of Juno at Ardea like that at Argos. See v. 419 and Pliny 35. 10 (37). ‘Colonis’ may be dat., but it is more probably abl. instr., i. q. “colonis deductis.”
 Wagn. once referred ‘praecipiti delata Noto’ to Allecto. But it is much more natural to take it of Danae, who is represented as having landed in Italy by stress of weather (“noto compulsus” 1. 575). Virg. may have thought of Simonides' celebrated lines about Danae on the sea, though he apparently means her to have companions like Dido. Some of Pierius' MSS. read ‘Ardua,’ so as to make a difference between the original and subsequent name of the city. But the point of the passage is that Ardea retains her ancient name but has lost her ancient glory. The city was desolate in the time of Virg., who is evidently speaking of his own day in saying ‘nunc.’ One legend was that the name came from a heron which flew out of the ashes when the town was sacked (Ov. M. 14. 574 foll.), and some have fancied that ‘avis’ here means a bird.
 It is difficult to decide between ‘manet’ (Verona fragm., Med. first reading, Gud.) restored by Heins., and ‘tenet’ (Med. second reading, Rom., Verona Schol.), recalled by Wagn. “Tenet nomen” 6. 235.
 Comp. v. 20 above. Ribbeck needlessly reads ‘cultus’ from a quotation in Arusianus p. 265.
 It is difficult to say whether ‘obscenam’ belongs to the brow of the Fury (12. 876 note), or to that of the old woman. In the latter case the epithet will be proleptic.
 Patiere—fusos (esse) et—transcribi. ‘Fusos,’ i. q. “effusos:” comp. G. 4. 492, “omnis effusus labor,” the metaphor in each case being from the spilling of water, and for ‘incassum fusos’ Lucr. 2.1165 there referred to.
 Tua sceptra, i. e. the sceptre he was to inherit with Lavinia. For the technical use of ‘transcribere’ see the Dictt, Here it merely means to assign. It is used 5. 750 in a different connexion, though a colony is the subject. The first reading of Gud. is ‘transcribis:’ see on v. 391.
 Quaesitas sanguine: it is implied v. 426 that Turnus had assisted Latinus in war against the Tyrrhenians. How this is to be reconciled with the long peace spoken of v. 46 does not appear: we can scarcely suppose that Turnus fought the battles of the Latins without their help. In 8. 55 the Arcadians (who may be meant by the Tyrrhenians here, though this is hardly probable) are said to be constantly at war with the Latins. The dowry is of course the kingdom of Latinus, which Turnus has earned, ‘quaesivit.’ “Sanguine quaerendi reditus” 2. 118. ‘Abnegat tibi coniugium’ (constructed like “negat” 3. 171) opp. to “dare coniugium” v. 433.
 Adeo here appears merely to give emphasis to ‘haec’ (comp. E. 4. 11 note) and connect it with what precedes— ‘and this message,’ &c. ‘Iaceres,’ of lying asleep, 3. 150. ‘Placida’ expresses here what is there expressed by “in somnis.” Burm. mentions an ingenious conj. “iacerem.” ‘Cum iaceres’ connected with ‘fari,’ and so marking not the time when Juno gave the commission, but the time when the commission was to be exercised. As elsewhere (see on 1. 355., 2. 296., 3. 151) there seems a confusion between a vision and a dream. In Hom. dreams in the form of living persons speak of themselves as sent by some god, in other words announce themselves as dreams, e. g. the Ὄνειρος in Il. 2. 26, Iphthime Od. 4. 829: but here the supposed Calybe apparently wishes it to be thought that she has received a communication from Juno in her capacity as priestess.
 It is difficult to say whether ‘palam’ goes with ‘fari’ or with ‘iussit.’ The former would seem more natural, but there would be little force in the word. The latter would cohere with ‘ipsa,’ showing the clearness of the revelation, as ‘manifestus’ and ἐναργής are frequently used in a similar connexion; but in that case we should almost have expected some additional circumstance such as would be supplied by the conj. ‘iacerem.’
 Moveri in arma, to march out to war. “Movebit in arma viros” 6. 813. The concurrence of ‘armari’ and ‘in arma’ is one of the instances of want of finish in the later books of the poem. So “quaesitas,” “quaeritur” just above, vv. 423, 424. Peerlkamp conj. ‘arva,’ which Ribbeck adopts. Virg. was perhaps thinking of the Ὄνειρος Il. 2. 28, Θωρῆξαί δε κέλευσε καρηκομόωντας Ἀχαιοὺς Πανσυδίῃ.
 Wagn., Forb., and Gossrau couple ‘laetus in arma.’ But ‘laetus’ is constantly used in Virg. of the spirit with which a person is bidden to obey a command, v. 130 above, 3. 169 &c. ‘Para’ most MSS., including Rom., fragm. Vat. and Gud., ‘iube’ Med. supported by a quotation by Serv. on 1. 35. Ribbeck adopts the latter, but it looks like a change to make the construction easier. ‘Paro’ is mostly used with inf. act.; we may comp. however a rare use of it with “ut” or “ne:” see Freund. Comp. also note on 1. 18.
 Considere is a military term for taking up a position (see Freund): but it may here only mean to settle, as in 1. 572 &c. ‘Duces exure’ is a zeugma, the opposite to that in 4. 375. “Pictas carinas,” 8. 93.
 Dicto parere fatetur, like 12. 568, “Ni frenum accipere et victi parere fatentur;” ‘dicto parere’ for obedience or submission being common in Virg., e. g. 1. 693., 3. 189 (comp. “dicto audire”). Heyne however understands ‘dicto parere’ as = “promisso stare,” which is not impossible. With this sense of ‘fateor,’ implying consent on compulsion, comp. ὁμολογεῖν. So Prop. 5. 6. 79, “sero confessum foedere Parthum.”
 Wagn., Forb., &c. strike out the comma after ‘sentiat,’ but ‘sentiet’ is used absolutely in a threat Ter. Adelph. 1. 2. 59, “iste tuus ipse sentiet Posterius;” and we may comp. γνώσει τάχα Aesch. Ag. 1649, τάχ᾽ εἴσεται Choeph. 305, and Conington's note on the latter passage. In support of the other punctuation however might be quoted Il. 18. 268 foll., εἰ δ᾽ ἄμμε κιχήσεται ἐνθάδ᾽ ἐόντας Αὔριον ὁρμηθεὶς σὺν τεύχεσιν, εὖ νύ τις αὐτὸν Γνώσεται, which certainly bears a strong resemblance to this line. Comp. also ib. 125, γνοῖεν δ᾽ ὡς δὴ δηρὸν ἐγὼ πολέμοιο πέπαυμαι, which will illustrate ‘tandem,’ as if Turnus had been too forbearing, though we are also meant to think of Latinus as finding at last an enemy in one from whom he had hitherto received kind offices.
[435-444] ‘Turnus ridicules the admonition, and bids her confine herself to her temple-duties.’