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[723] Hinc apparently means ‘next,’ though Forb. understands it “ex hac (alia) parte.” ‘Agamemnonius:’ Serv. says that Halaesus was variously represented as the bastard son and as the companion of Agamemnon. Virg. can hardly have considered him the former, unless he is inconsistent with himself 10. 417 foll., where he speaks of Halaesus' father in language that could not apply to Agamemnon. The epithet may well be used loosely, just as the Trojans are called “Aeneadae.” Whether any extant author speaks of Halaesus as Agamemnon's son is questionable. Ovid, who mentions him twice (3 Amor. 13. 31 foll., F. 4. 73 foll.), is not more express than Virg., unless we read “Atrides” with Heins. in the latter passage. Ov. makes him the founder of Falerii (for the etymology see on v. 716 above), which is inconsistent with Virg. ‘Troiani nominis’ like “nomen Latinum.

[724] Curru iungit Halaesus equos like “Armentarius Afer agitG. 3. 344, an abnormal rhythm adopted for variety's sake (see Munro, Lucr. vol. 1. p. 309, 3rd ed.). Cerda, after Scaliger, fancifully supposes that it is intended to express the time taken in harnessing a chariot. ‘Turno’ ‘for Turnus.’ “Populosque ferocis,” above v. 384., 1. 263, of Italian nations.

[725] “Mille rapit densos acie atque horrentibus hastis” 10. 178. “Bacchi Massicus humorG. 2. 143. ‘Massica’ neut. pl. like “IsmaraG. 2. 37. ‘Felicia Baccho’ more prob. dat. (E. 5. 65) than abl. (6. 784). ‘Vertere’ of breaking up the ground G. 1. 2.

[726] Rastris: see G. 2. 355, 400, the “bidens” being a form of the “rastrum” (Dict. A. ‘Raster’).

[727] Patres used in its ordinary sense: comp. 2. 87. Med. (2nd reading) has ‘senes,’ from v. 206 above. ‘Aurunci’ is used in its narrow historical sense for the nation inhabiting Aurunca and afterwards Suessa (Dict. G. ‘Aurunci’). The Sidicini of Teanum and the people of Cales were their neighbours. The construction of ‘Sidicinaque iuxta aequora’ is not clear. Either we may borrow ‘patres’ from the preceding clause, so as to make it “quos misere patres iuxta Sidicina aequora (habitantes),” or suppose that Virg. has written loosely, meaning “qui iuxta Sidicina aequora habitant,” or lastly, with Mr. Long, make ‘Sidicina aequora’ nom., ‘iuxta’ being adv.

[728] Vadosi: Ov. M. 15. 714 has “multamque trahens sub gurgite arenam Volturnus.

[729] Accola: Virg. apparently forgets that the different nations he mentions are constructed in app. to ‘populos’ v. 725. Wagn. comp. Aesch. Pers. 33 foll., where there is a similar change of construction. Comp. also v. 741 below, 10. 497. ‘Saticulus’ apparently for “Saticulanus,” the town being Saticuli. ‘Asper’ is explained by Serv. “asper moribus;” by Heyne with reference to the probable position of the town under Mount Tifata. The place gave some trouble to the Romans during the Samnite wars (Dict. G.), which may account for the epithet.

[730] Serv. says ‘aclydes’ are a species of weapon so ancient as not to be mentioned in military accounts: they are said however (he continues) to be clubs a cubit and a half long, studded with points, and furnished with a thong, so that they can be recalled by the thrower. See further Lersch § 40. They are mentioned by Silius and Val. Flaccus, the one making them a Spanish, the other an Oriental weapon, but neither describes them in any way. ‘Teretes,’ see on v. 665.

[731] Flagello i. q. “loro.

[732] Cetra is defined by Serv. and Isidorus (18. 12. 5) as a shield made wholly of leather. It seems to have been used by Africans, Spaniards, Achaeans and Britons: see passages in Lersch § 31. 4. Yates (Dict. A.) identifies it with the target of the Scotch Highlanders. Caligula (Suet. Calig. 19, quoted by Lersch) rode in state on a bridge built over the sea at Baiae, “insignis quernea corona et cetra et gladio aureaque chlamyde.” ‘Falcati comminus enses’ seems to mean ‘in close quarters their weapons are scimitars:’ the verb being supplied by a strong zeugma from ‘laevas cetra tegit.’ ‘Falcati enses’ = ἅρπαι (Serv.).

[733-743] ‘Oebalus leads forces from Capreae and places in Campania.’

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