The story of Hippolytus' reappearance as Virbius is told twice by Ovid, M. 15. 497 foll., and more shortly F. 6. 737 foll. Serv., who repeats it, shows some impatience towards the end at the inconsistency of Hippolytus' celibate life with his being made the father of a son. “adeo omnia ista fabulosa sunt,” and concludes “revera Virbius est numen coniunctum Dianae et matri deum Atys.” It is doubtful whether ‘bello’ is constructed as dat. with ‘ibat’ or as abl. with ‘pulcherrima,’ which would then mean glorious. Sil. 11. 363 has “pulcherrimus irae,” ennobled by his wrath.
 Wagn. and Peerlkamp find a difficulty in father and son having the same name, the latter wishing to read ‘viribus,’ which Gossrau approves. But the custom of giving the son the name of his father was known among the Greeks (e. g. Demosthenes); and by making use of it here Virg. has escaped the awkwardness of either bringing Hippolytus himself into the field or giving him a son with an unknown name; indeed he may be said to have distinguished between the Greek Hippolytus and the Italian hero Virbius. For ‘insignem’ we might have expected “insignis,” as in 9. 583 (a passage parallel in other respects), “Insignis facie, genitor quem miserat Arcens:” but there is force in the acc., whether we take the word with Wagn. of the splendour of his arms and accoutrements, provided by his mother (comp. 9. 547, “vetitisque ad Troiam miserat armis”), or of his personal beauty, which would also be naturally associated with the mother. It seems better, on a comParison of the two passages just cited, to make Aricia an eponymous nymph, mother of Virbius, than Virbius' native place, in spite of “Populonia mater” 10. 172. See however on 9. 177, which is itself doubtful, though on the whole the balance there seems to incline the other way.
 Eductum, reared, like “educatum:” see on 6. 765. ‘Egeriae:’ a grove near Aricia was sacred to Egeria, as well as one near Rome. Ov. M. 15. 497 makes Egeria fly to Aricia for grief at the death of Numa, and there to be gently rebuked by Hippolytus for disturbing the rites of Diana with her lamentations. See also Ov. F. 3. 261 foll. (Dict. M. ‘Aegeria’). Some however (as Forb.) make only one grove of Egeria, that here spoken of. For ‘humentia’ Pal. and one of Ribbeck's cursives, supported by Gud. and a third cursive, have ‘Hymetia,’ which (in the form ‘Hymettia’) was the reading of many old edd., and even Heins. and Burm.: but Heyne rightly ascribes it to a confusion between ‘humentia’ and “Symaethia,” the word in the parallel 9. 584. The ‘humentia litora’ are those of the Lacus Nemorensis (Dict. G. ‘Aricia’).
 The temple of Diana at Aricia was well known, being served by “the priest who slew the slayer and shall himself be slain,” a custom which Caligula revived. Much difficulty has been made about ‘placabilis,’ as Sil. 4. 367., 8. 362 calls the place “inmitis.” Virg. however probably meant little more than ‘pinguis,’ the temple being a wealthy one (Dict. G. ‘Aricia’), without reference to the nature of the rites by which the goddess was propitiated. Heyne and others suppose an implied contrast with other places like Tauri where human victims were offered to Diana. The applicability of ‘placabilis’ to an altar (which Heyne questioned, wishing to omit ‘et’) is shown by Gossrau, who comp. Ov. M. 15. 574, “Placat odoratis herbosas ignibus aras.”
 ‘Explerit poenas,’ a mixture of “explere iram” (comp. 2. 586) and “solvere poenas.” Comp. 9. 356, “poenarum exhaustum satis est,” though there the receivers of satisfaction are spoken of. The subj. is accounted for by the oratio obliqua. ‘Patrias poenas,’ the penalty due to his father, as “patriae pietatis” 9. 294 is dutifulness shown to a father.
 Turbatis equis, 9. 124. ‘Ad sidera aetheria venisse,’ like “magnum caeli ventura sub axem” 6. 790. For the restoration of Hippolytus to life by Aesculapius comp. Ov. M. 15. 533 foll., Id. F. 6. 746 foll.
 Paeoniis, the Greek Παιώνιος, the adj. of Παιών, the god of healing. It is doubtless to be pronounced by synizesis here and 12. 401. ‘Herbis et amore Dianae’ forms a sort of ἓν διὰ δυοῖν, as it was Diana's love that set Aesculapius upon the work.
 Serv. mentions another reading ‘Poenigenam,’ actually found in Med., Rom. (virtually), Gud. corrected, and two other of Ribbeck's cursives, which he explains “matris poena genitum,” Coronis, the mother of Aesculapius, having been slain by Apollo, his father. It seems more likely that it should be a barbarous attempt at a patronymic from “Paean.” ‘In undas,’ which was retained by Heyne, is found in none of Ribbeck's MSS. but Gud. corrected and two other cursives. As Gossrau remarks, the meaning is not that he was plunged in Styx, but that he was thrown down as low as Styx. The name ‘Phoebigenam’ is emphatic by its position. “Adigat me fulmine ad umbras” 4. 25.
 “In sola relegant pascua” G. 3. 212. The only other instance of the construction with dat. which seems to be quoted is from Cic. Tusc. 2. 8, “Non saeva terris gens relegata ultimis,” from a translation of Hercules speech in Soph. Trach. Thus ‘Egeriae nemorique’ are probably ἓν διὰ δυοῖν. At any rate we may say that Virg. would hardly have used ‘Egeriae relegat’ alone.
 So Venus proposes to remove Ascanius to Paphos or Cythera, and says “positis inglorius armis Exigat hic aevum” 10. 52. For the feeling comp. G. 2. 486., 4. 564, and the language of Atys in Catullus' poem.
[783-802] ‘Turnus himself, in complete armour, commands the Rutulians.’