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[262] For ‘extemplo’ Gud. has a variant ‘interea:’ for ‘atra’ Pal. gives ‘alta.’ Both come from the recollection of parallel passages, 10. 1 and G. 2. 461. Rom., and originally Pal. and one of Ribbeck's cursives, have ‘exemplo.

[263] ‘Abiuratae’ refers to a disclaimer of Cacus not mentioned, but easily understood, after Virg.'s manner: comp. 3. 238. This feature again is probably from the Hymn to Hermes, vv. 274 foll. “Abiurare pecuniam” occurs Plaut. Rud. prol. 14. Serv. fancied that ‘abiuratae’ could mean unlawfully taken, and Freund s. v. ‘abiuro’ strangely agrees with him.

[265] Heyne compares Il. 22. 370 folll. where the Greeks gaze on the body of Hector. “Expleri mentem nequit ardescitque tuendo” 1. 713.

[267] It would perhaps be unjust to an expression like ‘extinctos faucibus ignes’ to say that it was for “fauces extinctis ignibus” or “fauces ubi ignes extincti< erant;” for Virg.'s words give the idea of the fires that had been there more vividly than the common expression.

[268] Comp. generally 5. 596. foll. As elsewhere in relating traditions (comp. v. 135 above), Virg. seems almost to confuse the person speaking with the poet. Evander here talks like a man of a generation subsequent to the event commemorated, though we know from v. 363 that Virg. agreed with those who make him a contemporary. ‘Ex illo’ “tempore:” comp. 2. 169. ‘Laeti:’ see on 7. 430.

[269, 270] See Livy 1. 7., 9. 29. The worship of Hercules at the Ara Maxuma was originally a family worship of the gentes Potitia and Pinaria. Livy says that on the first institution the Pinarii came too late; and that hence they never after tasted of the entrails; from which we may infer that the Potitii acted as priests and the Pinarii as attendants. Appius Claudius the Censor engaged the Potitii to teach the rites to state slaves, in order to make them public, and in consequence of this profanation, it was said, the Potitii, though there were twelve families of them, became utterly extinct within the year. Virg. is accurate then in making Potitius, the father of the Potitia gens, the author of the rite, and giving the gens Pinaria a subordinate place under the honourable but vague term ‘custos sacri.’ ‘Primus’ distinguishing an individual from others who have been mentioned generally 3. 58., 5. 746. ‘Sacri,’ the sacrifice or worship: comp. Livy 1. 7 “ibi tum primum bove eximia capta de grege sacrum Herculi adhibitis ad ministerium dapemque Potitiis ac Pinariis factum.” It occurs nowhere else in Virg. in the sing.

[271, 272] Heyne thought these lines spurious: but they are natural enough in the mouth of Evander, and the repetition lends emphasis and solemnity. The subject of ‘statuit’ is doubtless Hercules, though Jahn supposes it to be Potitius and the ‘domus Pinaria,’ removing the period after ‘sacri.’ Comp. v. 546 note. Evander says, the altar shall always be Ara Maxuma, both in name and in reality. Comp. E. 1. 7Namque erit ille mihi semper deus.

[273] Comp. for ‘munere’ 6. 637 “perfecto munere divae,” and for ‘laudum’ 9. 252 “Quae vobis, quae digna, viri, pro laudibus istis Praemia posse rear solvi?” 1. 461 “sunt hic etiam sua praemia laudi.” ‘In munere,’ by way of acknowledgment or gift, as in 5. 537 (note).

[274] Cingite fronde comas: comp. 5. 71., 7. 135 note. ‘Porgite,’ i. e. in making the libation, as Heyne explains it; not, as Serv. thinks, of handing the wine to each other. But the sacrificial and the convivial aspects of the celebration would hardly be discriminated by Virg. as we should discriminate them, and the language bears some resemblance to Lucr. 3.912, “ubi discubuere tenentque Pocula saepe homines et inumbrant ora coronis.” The abbreviated form ‘porgite’ is said by Serv. on 1. 26 to be from Ennius.

[275] Communem, on account of their alliance. ‘Date vina,’ offer the wine: comp. 6. 883, “manibus date lilia plenis.” ‘Volentes’ of alacrity in religious observance like “laeti” above v. 268, “libens” 3. 438 note.

[276] Comp. E. 7. 61, “Populus Alcidae gratissima;G. 2. 66, “Herculeae arbos umbrosa coronae.” Virg., for the sake of liveliness, has expressed himself as if the result in the case of the garland and the cup had been brought about without Evander's agency. ‘Bicolor’ referring to the leaves, white and dark green. Macrob. Sat. 3. 12 and Serv. refer to Varro's treatise “Rerum Humanarum” for the statement that the tree used for chaplets at the Ara Maxuma was the bay, on which they observe that Virg. speaks of what was done in Evander's time; a singular assumption of knowledge, as Gossrau remarks.

[277] Pependit: the leaves seem to have hung down in a kind of festoon, as in the “vitta.” ‘Innexa’ fastened to the hair, ‘foliis’ being abl. like “queis innexa” 5. 511.

[278] Macrob. Sat. 5. 21 says that the ‘scyphus’ was proper to the rites of Hercules. Serv. has a story of a wooden ‘scyphus’ of great size, brought to Italy by Hercules himself, and preserved in pitch, with which the praetor made a libation (at the Ara Maxuma?) once a year: and he thinks this accounts both for ‘sacer’ and ‘inplevit.’ Instances of allusion to the cup of Hercules are collected by Cerda; and it appears from Plutarch, Life of Alexander, 75, that σκύφον Ἡρακλέους ἐκπιεῖν was a phrase, probably for a huge draught. “Manum pinu inplet” 9. 72.

[279] In mensam libant 1. 736. The table would not be taken for the altar, as they were seated at ordinary banqueting tables, v. 109. ‘Laeti’ v. 268.

[280-305] ‘As evening approaches, the sacrifice and feast are renewed, ending with a hymn in celebration of the exploits and labours of Hercules.’

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