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13. This council was adjourned, and the next day the king came to the pass which leads to Tempe —this [2] was the place designated for the meeting —and on the third day a full council of the Romans and allies met him. [3] There Philip conducted himself with great discretion, and conceding voluntarily those points without which peace could not be obtained, rather than having them wrung from him after argument, he said that he accepted all [4] the conditions commanded by the Romans or demanded by the allies in the previous conference, and would submit everything else to the judgment of the senate. [5] Although he seemed in this way to have sealed the lips of even his bitterest enemies, nevertheless, when all were silent, Phaeneas the Aetolian asked, “Well, Philip, do you restore to us at last Pharsalus and Larisa Cremaste and Echinus and Phthiotic Thebes?” [6] When Philip replied that there was no reason why they should not receive them, a dispute over Thebes broke out between the Roman commander and the Aetolians; [7] for Quinctius maintained that it belonged to the Roman people by the law of war, because at the beginning of the campaign, when [8] the army had [p. 311]been moved against the town and they had been1 invited to become friends to the Romans at a time when they had full power to break off relations with the king, they had preferred the alliance with the king to that with the Romans;2 [9] Phaeneas thought it right and in accordance with the military alliance, that what had belonged to the Aetolians before the war should be returned to them, and said that it had been provided in the original treaty, regarding [10] booty taken in the war, that movables, which could be carried or driven away, should belong to the Romans, and lands and cities should go to the Aetolians. [11] To this Quinctius replied, “You yourselves broke the rules laid down in that treaty, at the time you deserted us and made peace with Philip. [12] But even if that treaty still held, that clause would pertain to cities that had been captured; the Thessalian cities submitted to us of their own accord.”3 [13] These words were received with applause from all the allies, but to the Aetolians they were unpleasant to hear at the moment, and later on they were the cause of war and, as a result of the war, of great slaughter to the Aetolians.4 [14] It was agreed with Philip that he should surrender his son Demetrius and certain of his friends as hostages and pay two hundred talents, and send ambassadors to Rome with respect to other matters; for this purpose a truce of four months was granted. If peace was not obtained from the senate, it was agreed that Philip should recover his hostages and money. [15] It is said that nothing influenced the Roman [p. 313]commander more strongly to secure a speedy peace5 than the ascertained fact that Antiochus was planning war and an invasion of Europe.

1 B.C. 197

2 The Roman attack on Thebes was described in v. 1-3 above.

3 Whether these arguments are mere hair-splitting cannot be ascertained. In XXVI. xxiv. 8-13 Livy gives in some detail the contents of the treaty of 211 B.C., but does not cover this point (sect. 11 mentions the classification of booty referred to by Phaeneas). Livy's phrase foedere primo suggests a second treaty of which we have no knowledge. In any case, according to the Romans, existing treaties were annulled by the separate peace which the Aetolians had made with Philip.

4 The ill-feeling thus engendered and increased by the resentment of the Aetolians at Rome's settlement with Philip led them, in 193 B.C. (XXXV. xii. 1 ff.), to invite Antiochus to invade Europe. They were not finally subjugated until 189 B.C. (XXXVIII. xi. 1 ff.).

5 B.C. 197

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load focus Summary (Latin, Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh, 1935)
load focus English (Cyrus Evans, 1850)
load focus English (Rev. Canon Roberts, 1912)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1883)
load focus Latin (Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh, 1935)
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  • Commentary references to this page (16):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.11
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.28
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.41
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 32.4
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 34.21
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 34.23
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 34.39
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 35.32
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.10
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.27
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.45
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 38.9
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 39.23
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 39.25
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 39.25
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.35
  • Cross-references to this page (13):
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