The Citie of Martavan.
WE found in the Citie of Martavan ninetie Portugales of
Merchants and other base men, which had fallen at difference with the Retor or governour of the citie, and all for
this cause, that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales
had slaine five falchines of the king of Pegu
, which
chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu
was
gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to
conquere the kingdome of Sion
. They have for custome
in this Countrey and kingdome, the king being wheresoever his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome, that
every fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu
a Carovan of
Falchines, with every one a basket on his head full of
some fruites or other delicates of refreshings, and with
cleane clothes: it chaunced that this Carovan passing by
Martavan, and resting themselves there a night, there
happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of
despight, and from wordes to blowes, and because it was
thought that the Portugales had the worse, the night
following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their
companie, the Portugales went and cut off five of their
heads. Now there is a lawe in Pegu
, that whosoever
killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his
money, according to the estate of the person that is
slaine, but these Falchines being the servants of the king,
the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter, without
the consent of the king, because it was necessarie that the
king should knowe of such a matter. When the king had
knowledge thereof, he gave commaundement that the
malefactors should be kept untill his comming home, and
then he would duely minister justice, but the Captaine of
the Portugales would not deliver those men, but rather
set himselfe with all the rest in armes, and went every
day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and
ensignes displayd. For at that time the Citie was emptie
of men, by reason they were gone all to the warres and
in businesse of the king: in the middest of this rumour
wee came thither, and I thought it a strange thing to see
the Portugales use such insolencie in another mans Citie.
And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe, and
would not unlade my goods because that they were more
sure in the shippe then on the land, the greatest part of
the lading was the owners of the shippe, who was in
Malacca, yet there were diverse marchants there, but their
goods were of small importance, all those marchants tolde
me that they would not unlade any of their goods there,
unlesse I would unlade first, yet after they left my counsell
and followed their owne, and put their goods a lande and
lost every whit. The Rector with the customer sent for
mee, and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande,
and payed my custome as other men did? To whom
I answered, that I was a marchant that was newly come
thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales,
I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very
deare, with the sweate of my face, and for this cause I
was determined not to put my goods on lande, untill
such time as his honour would assure me in the name
of the king, that I should have no losse, and although
there came harme to the Portugales, that neither I nor
my goods should have any hurt, because I had neither
part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my
reason sounded well in the Retors eares, and so presently
he sent for the Bargits, which are as Counsellers of
the Citie, and there they promised mee on the kings head
or in the behalfe of the king, that neither I nor my
goods should have any harme, but that we should be
safe and sure: of which promise there were made publike
notes. And then I sent for my goods and had them on
land, and payde my custome, which is in that countrey
ten in the hundreth of the same goods, and for my more
securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house.
The Captaine of the Portugales, and all the Portugall
marchants were put out of the Citie, and I with twentie
and two poore men which were officers in the shippe, had
my dwelling in the Citie. After this, the Gentiles devised
to be revenged of the Portugales; but they would not put
it in execution untill such time as our small shippe had
discharged all her goods, and then the next night following came from Pegu
foure thousand soldiers with some
Elephants of warre; and before that they made any
tumult in the citie, the Retor sent, and gave commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie, when they
heard any rumour or noyse, that for any thing they should
not goe out of their houses, as they tendered their owne
health. Then foure houres within night I heard a great
rumour and noyse of men of warre, with Elephants which
threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales, and their houses of wood and strawe, in the which
tumult there were some Portugales wounded, and one
of them slaine; and others without making proofe of their
manhoode, which the day before did so bragge, at that
time put themselves to flight most shamefully, and saved
themselves a boord of litle shippes, that were at an anker
in the harbour, and some that were in their beds fled
away naked, and that night they caried away all the
Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie, and
those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes
also. After this the Portugales that were fledde into the
shippes to save themselves, tooke a newe courage to themselves, and came on lande and set fire on the houses in
the suburbes, which houses being made of boorde and
strawe, and the winde blowing fresh, in small time were
burnt and consumed, with which fire halfe the Citie had
like to have beene burnt; when the Portugales had done
this, they were without all hope to recover any part of
their goods againe, which goods might amount to the
summe of sixteene thousand duckats, which, if they had
not set fire to the towne, they might have had againe
without any losse at all. Then the Portugales understanding that this thing was not done by the consent of
the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the
citie were very ill content, knowing that they had made
a great fault, yet the next morning following, the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against
the Citie, which batterie of theirs continued foure days,
but all was in vaine, for the shotte never hit the Citie, but
lighted on the top of a small hill neere unto it, so that the
citie had no harme. When the Retor perceived that the
Portugales made battery against the Citie, hee tooke one
and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie, and
sent them foure miles into the Countrey, there to tarry
untill such time as the other Portugales were departed,
that made the batterie, who after their departure let them
goe at their owne libertie without any harme done unto
them. I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good
guard appointed me by the Retor, that no man should
doe me injurie, nor harme me nor my goods; in such
wise that hee perfourmed all that he had promised me
in the name of the king, but he would not let me depart
before the comming of the king, which was greatly to
my hinderance, because I was twenty and one moneths
sequestred, that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of
marchandize. Those commodities that I brought thither,
were peper, sandols, and Porcellan of China: so when
the king was come home, I made my supplication unto
him, and I was licenced to depart when I would.
From Martavan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie
in the kingdome of Pegu
, which is also called after the
name of the kingdome, which voyage is made by sea in
three or foure daies; they may goe also by lande, but
it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea
and lesser charge. And in this voyage you shall have a
Macareo, which is one of the most marvellous things in
the world that nature hath wrought, and I never saw any
thing so hard to be beleeved as this, to wit, the great
increasing & diminishing of the water there at one push
or instant, and the horrible earthquake and great noyse
that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth. We
departed from Martavan in barkes, which are like to our
Pylot boates, with the increase of the water, and they
goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow, so long as the
tide runneth with them, and when the water is at the
highest, then they drawe themselves out of the Chanell
towardes some banke, and there they come to anker, and
when the water is diminished, then they rest on dry land:
and when the barkes rest dry, they are as high from the
bottome of the Chanell, as any house top is high from
the ground. They let their barkes lie so high for this
respect, that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the
Chanell, with such force commeth in the water, that it
would overthrowe shippe or barke: yet for all this, that
the barkes be so farre out of the Channell, and though
the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before
it come so high, yet they make fast their prowe to the
streme, and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull,
and if the anker did not holde her prow up by strength,
shee would be overthrowen and lost with men and goods.
When the water beginneth to increase, it maketh such
a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake, and presently at the first it maketh three waves.
So that the first washeth over the barke, from stemme
to sterne, the second is not so furious as the first, and
the thirde rayseth the Anker, and then for the space of
sixe houres while the water encreaseth, they rowe with
such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly: in
these tydes there must be lost no jot of time, for if you
arrive not at the stagions before the tyde be spent, you
must turne backe from whence you came. For there is
no staying at any place, but at these stagions, and there
is more daunger at one of these places then at another,
as they be higher and lower one then another. When
as you returne from Pegu
to Martavan, they goe but halfe
the tide at a time, because they will lay their barkes
up aloft on the bankes, for the reason aforesayd. I could
never gather any reason of the noyse that this water
maketh in the increase of the tide, and in deminishing of
the water. There is another Macareo in
Cambaya, but
that is nothing in comparison of this. By the helpe of
God we came safe to Pegu
, which are two cities, the olde
and the newe, in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers,
and marchantes of the Countrey, for there are the greatest
doings and the greatest trade. This citie is not very
great, but it hath very great suburbes. Their houses be
made with canes, and covered with leaves, or with strawe,
but the marchants have all one house or Magason, which
house they call Godon which is made of brickes, and
there they put all their goods of any valure, to save them
from the often mischances that there happen to houses
made of such stuffe. In the new citie is the pallace of
the king, and his abiding place with all his barons and
nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was
there, they finished the building of the new citie: it is a
great citie, very plaine and flat, and foure square, walled
round about and with ditches that compasse the wals
about with water, in which diches are many crocodils,
it hath no drawe bridges, yet it hath twentie gates, five
for every square on the walles, there are many places
made for centinels to watch, made of wood and covered
or guilt with gold, the streetes thereof are the fayrest
that I have seene, they are as streight as a line from one
gate to another, and standing at the one gate you may
discover to the other, and they are as broad as 10 or 12
men may ride a breast in them: and those streetes that
be thwart are faire and large, these streetes, both on
the one side and on the other, are planted at the doores
of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very
commodious shadowe, the houses be made of wood and
covered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups, very necessary for their use, the kings palace is in the middle of
the citie, made in forme of a walled castle, with ditches
full of water round about it, the lodgings within are made
of wood all over gilded, with fine pinacles, and very costly
worke, covered with plates of golde. Truely it may be
a kings house: within the gate there is a faire large court,
from the one side to the other, wherein there are made
places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed
for the service of the kings person, and amongst all other
Eliphants, he hath foure that be white, a thing so rare
that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any
such, and if this king knowe any other that hath white
Eliphantes, he sendeth for them as for a gift. The time
that I was there, there were two brought out of a farre
Countrey, and that cost me something the sight of them,
for they commaund the marchants to goe to see them,
and then they must give somewhat to the men that bring
them: the brokers of the marchants give for every man
halfe a duckat, which they call a Tansa, which amounteth
to a great summe, for the number of merchants that are
in that citie; and when they have payde the aforesayde
Tansa, they make chuse whether they will see them at
that time or no, because that when they are in the kings
stall, every man may see them that will: but at that time
they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure
it should be so. This King amongst all other his titles,
is called the King of the white Eliphants, and it is
reported that if this king knewe any other king that had
any of these white Eliphantes, and would not send them
unto him, that he would hazard his whole kingdome to
conquer them, he esteemeth these white Eliphants very
deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept with
very meete service, every one of them is in a house, all
guilded over, and they have their meate given them in
vessels of silver and golde, there is one blacke Eliphant
the greatest that hath bene seene, and he is kept according
to his bignesse, he is nine cubites high, which is a marveilous thing. It is reported that this king hath foure
thousand Elephants of warre, and all have their teeth,
and they use to put on their two uppermost teeth sharpe
pikes of yron, and make them fast with rings, because
these beastes fight, and make battell with their teeth;
hee hath also very many yong Eliphants that have not
their teeth sprowted foorth: also this king hath a brave
devise in hunting to take these Eliphants when hee will,
two miles from the Citie. He hath builded a faire pallace
all guilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and
rounde about there are made an infinite number of places
for men to stande to see this hunting: neere unto this
Pallace is a mighty great wood, through the which the
hunts-men of the king ride continually on the backs of
the feminine Eliphants, teaching them in this businesse.
Every hunter carieth out with him five or sixe of these
feminines, and they say that they anoynt the secret place
with a certaine composition that they have, that when
the wilde Eliphant doeth smell thereunto, they followe
the feminines and cannot leave them: when the huntsmen have made provision, & the Eliphant is so entangled,
they guide the feminines towards the Pallace which is
called Tambell, and this Pallace hath a doore which doth
open and shut with engines, before which doore there
is a long streight way with trees on both the sides, which
covereth the way in such wise as it is like darkenesse in
a corner: the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this
way, thinketh that he is in the woods. At end of this
darke way there is a great field, when the hunters have
gotten this praye, when they first come to this field, they
send presently to give knowledge thereof to the Citie,
and with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on
horsebacke, and doe beset the fielde rounde about: in the
great fielde then the females which are taught in this
businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way,
and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there, the
hunters shoute and make a great noyse, asmuch as is
possible, to make the wilde Eliphant enter in at the gate
of that Pallace, which is then open, and assoone as hee
is in, the gate is shut without any noyse, and so the
hunters with the female Eliphants and the wilde one are
all in the Court together, and then within a small time
the females withdraw themselves away one by one out
of the Court, leaving the wilde Eliphant alone: and when:
he perceiveth that he is left alone, he is so madde that
for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest
pleasure in the world: he weepeth, hee flingeth, hee
runneth, he justleth, hee thrusteth under the places where
the people stand to see him, thinking to kil some of them,
but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that hee
cannot hurt any body, yet hee oftentimes breaketh his
teeth in the grates; at length when hee is weary and hath
laboured his body that hee is all wet with sweat, then
he plucketh in his truncke into his mouth, and then hee
throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he
sprinckleth it over the heades of the lookers on, to the
uttermost of them, although it bee very high: and then
when they see him very weary, there goe certaine officers
into the Court with long sharpe canes in their hands, and
prick him that they make him to goe into one of the
houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made long and narrow,
that when the Eliphant is in, he cannot turne himself to
go backe againe. And it is requisite that these men
should be very wary and swift, for although their canes
be long, yet the Eliphant would kill them if they were
not swift to save themselves: at length when they have
gotten him into one of those houses, they stand over him
in a loft and get ropes under his belly and about his
necke, and about his legges, and binde him fast, and so
let him stand foure or five dayes, and give him neither
meate nor drinke. At the ende of these foure or five
dayes, they unloose him and put one of the females unto
him, and give them meate and drinke, and in eight dayes
he is become tame. In my judgment there is not a beast
so intellective as are these Eliphants, nor of more understanding in al the world: for he wil do all things that
his keeper saith, so that he lacketh nothing but humaine
speech.
It is reported that the greatest strength that the king
of Pegu
hath is in these Eliphants, for when they goe to
battell, they set on their backes a Castle of wood bound
thereto, with bands under their bellies: and in every
Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with
hargubushes, with bowes and arrowes, with darts and
pikes, and other launcing weapons: and they say that
the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard, that an harquebusse
will not pierce it, unlesse it bee in the eye, temples, or
some other tender place of his body. And besides this,
they are of great strength, and have a very excellent
order in their battel, as I have seene at their feastes which
they make in the yeere, in which feastes the king maketh
triumphes, which is a rare thing and worthy memorie,
that in so barbarous a people there should be such goodly
orders as they have in their armies, which be distinct in
squares of Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and
pikemen, that truly the number of them are infinite: but
their armour and weapons are very nought and weake as
well the one as the other: they have very bad pikes, their
swords are worse made, like long knives without points,
his harquebushes are most excellent, and alway in his
warres he hath eightie thousand harquebushes, and the
number of them encreaseth dayly. Because the king will
have them shoote every day at the Plancke, and so by
continuall exercise they become most excellent shot: also
hee hath great Ordinance made of very good mettall;
to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath
more power or strength then this king of Pegu
, because
hee hath twentie and sixe crowned kings at his commaunde. He can make in his Campe a million and an
halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies.
The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his army,
is a thing incredible to consider, & the victuals that should
maintaine such a number of people in the warres: but he
that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people, will
easily beleeve it. I have seene with mine eyes, that those
people and souldiers have eaten of all sorts of wild beasts
that are on the earth, whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serveth for their mouthes: yea, I have seene
them eate Scorpions and Serpents, also they feed of all
kinde of herbes and grasse. So that if such a great armie
want not water and salt, they wil maintaine themselves
a long time in a bush with rootes, flowers and leaves
of trees, they cary rice with them for their voyage, &
that serveth them in stead of comfits, it is so daintie unto
them. This king of Pegu
hath not any army or power
by sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, golde and
silver, he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke
in treasure and strength. This king hath divers Magasons ful of treasure, as gold, & silver, and every day he
encreaseth it more and more, and it is never diminished.
Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies, Safires & Spinels.
Neere unto his royal pallace there is an inestimable
treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt, for that it
standeth in such a place that every one may see it, and
the place where this treasure is, is a great Court walled
round about with walls of stone, with two gates which
stand open every day. And within this place or Court
are foure gilded houses covered with lead, & in every
one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great
valure. In the first house there is a stature of the image
of a man of gold very great, & on his head a crowne of
gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round
about him are 4. litle children of gold. In the second
house there is the stature of a man of silver, that is set
as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in
height, as hee sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse
exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house; I
measured his feete, and found that they were as long as
all my body was in height, with a crowne on his head
like to the first. And in the thirde house, there is a
stature of brasse of the same bignesse, with a like crowne
on his head. In the 4. and last house there is a stature
of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa,
which is the metall they make their money of, & this
metall is made of copper & leade mingled together. This
stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first:
this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth in
an open place that every man at his pleasure may go
& see it: for the keepers therof never forbid any man
the sight thereof. I say as I have said before, that this
king every yere in his feastes triumpheth: & because it
is worthy of the noting, I thinke it meet to write therof,
which is as foloweth. The king rideth on a triumphant
cart or wagon all gilded, which is drawen by 16. goodly
horses: and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy
over it, behind the cart goe 20. of his Lordes & nobles,
with every one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart
for to hold it upright that it fal not. The king sitteth
in the middle of the cart; & upon the same cart about
the king stande 4. of his nobles most favored of him, and
before this cart wherein the king is, goeth all his army
as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all his
nobilitie, round about the cart, there are in his dominions,
a marveilous thing it is to see so many people, such riches
& such good order in a people so barbarous as they be.
This king of Pegu
hath one principal wife which is kept
in a Seralio, he hath 300 concubines, of whom it is
reported that he hath 90. children. This king sitteth every
day in person to heare the suites of his subjects, but he
nor they never speake one to another, but by supplications
made in this order. The king sitteth up aloft in a great
hall, on a tribunall seat, and lower under him sit all his
Barons round about, then those that demaund audience
enter into a great Court before the king, and there set
them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the
kings person, and amongst those people there is no
difference in matters of audience before the king, but all
alike, and there they sit with their supplications in their
hands, which are made of long leaves of a tree, these
leaves are 3. quarters of a yard long, & two fingers broad,
which are written with a sharpe iron made for yt purpose,
& in those leaves are their supplications written, & with
their supplications, they have in their hands a present
or gift, according to the waightines of their matter.
Then come ye secretaries downe to read these supplications, taking them & reading them before the king, &
if the king think it good to do to them that favour or
justice that they demaund, then he commandeth to take
the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their
demand be not just or according to right, he commandeth
them away without taking of their gifts or presents. In
the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good to
bring to Pegu
, unlesse it bee at some times by chance
to bring Opium of Cambaia, and if he bring money he
shall lose by it. Now the commodities that come from
S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place, which
is the great quantity of cloth made there, which they use
in Pegu
; which cloth is made of bombast woven and
painted, so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed,
the more livelie they shewe their colours, which is a rare
thing, and there is made such accompt of this kinde of
cloth which is of so great importance, that a small bale
of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets. Also
from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne, of
bombast died with a roote which they call Saia, as aforesayd, which colour will never out. With which marchandise every yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome
to Pegu
, of great importance, and they usually depart
from S. Tome to Pegu
the 11. or 12. of September, & if
she stay until the twelfth, it is a great hap if she returne.
not without making of her voiage. Their use was to
depart the sixt of September, and then they made sure
voyages, and now because there is a great labour about
that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection, and that it
be well dried, as also the greedinesse of the Captaine that
would make an extraordinary gaine of his fraight, thinking to have the wind alwayes to serve their turne, they
stay so long, that at sometimes the winde turneth. For
in those parts the windes blow firmely for certaine times,
with the which they goe to Pegu
with the winde in poope,
and if they arrive not there before the winde change, and
get ground to anker, perforce they must returne backe
againe: for that the gales of the winde blowe there for
three or foure moneths together in one place with great
force. But if they get the coast & anker there, then with
great labour they may save their voyage. Also there
goeth another great shippe from Bengala every yeere,
laden with fine cloth of bombast of all sorts, which
arriveth in the harbour of Pegu
, when the ship that commeth from S. Tome departeth. The harbour where these
two ships arrive is called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martavan, which is a port in Pegu
, there come many small
ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Porcellan
of China, Camfora, Bruneo and other marchandise. The
ships that come from Mecca
enter into the port of Pegu
and Cirion, and those shippes bring cloth of Wooll,
Scarlets, Velvets, Opium, and Chickinos, by the which
they lose, and they bring them because they have no
other thing that is good for Pegu
: but they esteeme not
the losse of them, for that they make such great gaine
of their commodities that they cary from thence out of
that kingdome. Also the king of Assi his ships come
thither into the same port laden with peper; from the
coast of S. Tome of Bengala out of the
Sea of Bara to
Pegu
are three hundreth miles, and they go it up the
river in foure daies, with the encreasing water, or with
the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come
to take the note and markes of all the goods of every
man, & take the charge of the goods on them, and convey
them to Pegu
, into the kings house, wherin they make
the custome of the marchandize. When the Customers
have taken the charge of the goods & put them into barks,
the
Retor of the City giveth licence to the Marchants
to take barke, and goe up to Pegu
with their marchandize; and so three or foure of them take a barke and
goe up to Pegu
in company. God deliver every man that
hee give not a wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to steale
any custome: for if they do, for the least trifle that is,
he is utterly undone, for the king doeth take it for a
most great affront to bee deceived of his custome; and
therefore they make diligent searches, three times at the
lading and unlading of the goods, and at the taking of
them a land. In Pegu
this search they make when they
goe out of the ship for Diamonds, Pearles, and fine
cloth which taketh little roome: for because that all the
jewels that come into Pegu
, and are not found of that
countrey, pay custome, but Rubies, Safyres and Spinels
pay no custome in nor out: because they are found growing in that Countrey. I have spoken before, how that
all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must
cary al maner of household stuffe with them which is necessary for a house, because that there is not any lodging
nor Innes nor hostes, nor chamber roome in that Countrey,
but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to any
City is to hier a house, either by the yeere or by the
moneth, or as he meanes to stay in those parts.
In Pegu
their order is to hire their houses for sixe
moneths. Nowe from Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they
goe in sixe houres with the flood, and if it be ebbing
water, then they make fast their boate to the river side,
and there tary until the water flow againe. It is a very
commodious and pleasant voyage, having on both sides of
the rivers many great vilages, which they call Cities : in
the which hennes, pigeons, egges, milke, rice, and other
things be very good cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly
Countrey, and in eight dayes you may make your voyage
up to Macceo, distant from Pegu
twelve miles, & there
they discharge their goods, & lade them in Carts or waines
drawen with oxen, and the Marchants are caried in a
closet which they call Deling, in the which a man shall
be very well accommodated, with cushions under his head,
and covered for the defence of the Sunne and raine, and
there he may sleepe if he have wil thereunto: and his
foure Falchines cary him running away, changing two at
one time and two at another. The custome of Pegu
and
fraight thither, may amount unto twentie or twentie two
per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or lesse
stolen from him that day they custome the goods. It is
requisite that a man have his eyes watchfull, and to be
carefull, and to have many friendes, for when they custome in the great hall of the king, there come many
gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaves,
and these gentlemen have no shame that their slaves rob
strangers : whether it be cloth in shewing of it or any
other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Marchants helpe one another to keepe watch, & looke to their
goods, they cannot looke therto so narrowly but one or
other wil rob something, either more or lesse, according
as their marchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this
day there is a worse thing then this: although you have
set so many eyes to looke there for your benefit, that you
escape unrobbed of the slaves, a man cannot choose but
that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome
house. For paying the custome with the same goods
oftentimes they take the best that you have, & not by rate
of every sort as they ought to do, by which meanes a
man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the
goods be dispatched out of the custome house in this
order, the Marchant causeth them to be caried to his
house, and may do with them at his pleasure.
There are in Pegu
8. brokers of the kings, which are
called Tareghe, who are bound to sell all the marchandize
which come to Pegu
, at the common or the currant price:
then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that price,
they sel them away, and the brokers have two in the
hundreth of every sort of marchandise, and they are
bound to make good the debts of those goods, because
they be sold by their hands or meanes, & on their wordes,
and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he
giveth his goods, yet he cannot lose any thing thereby,
for that the broker is bound in any wise to pay him, and
if the marchant sel his goods without the consent of the
broker, yet neverthelesse he must pay him two per cento,
and be in danger of his money: but this is very seldom
seene, because the wife, children, and slaves of the debtor
are bound to the creditor, and when his time is expired
and paiment not made, the creditor may take the debtor
and cary him home to his house, and shut him up in
a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and
not being able to pay the creditor, he may take the wife,
children, and slaves of the debtor, and sel them, for so
is the lawe of that kingdome. The currant money that
is in this city, and throughout all this kingdom is called
Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and leade:
It is not the money of the king, but every man may stamp
it that wil, because it hath his just partition or value:
but they make many of them false, by putting overmuch
lead into them, and those will not passe, neither will any
take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy golde
or silver, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For
there is no other money currant amongst them. And
Golde, silver and other marchandize are at one time
dearer then another, as all other things be.
This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, & this name of
Byza goeth for ye accompt of the weight, and commonly
a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our accompt) halfe a
ducat, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and silver
is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza never changeth:
every Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so
the number of the money is Byza. He that goeth to
Pegu
to buy Jewels, if he wil do well, it behoveth him
to be a whole yere there to do his businesse. For if so
be that he would return with the ship he came in, he
cannot do any thing so conveniently for the brevitie of
the time, because that when they custome their goods
in Pegu
that come from S. Tome in their ships, it is as
it were about Christmas: and when they have customed
their goods, then must they sell them for their credits
sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of
March the ships depart. The Marchants that come from
S. Tome take for the paiment of their goods, gold, and
silver, which is never wanting there. And 8. or 10. dayes
before their departure they are all satisfied: also they
may have Rubies in paiment, but they make no accompt
of them : and they that will winter there for another yere,
it is needfull that they be advertized, that in the sale of
their goods, they specifie in their bargaine, the terme of
two or 3. moneths paiment, & that their paiment shalbe
in so many Ganza, and neither golde nor silver: because
that with the Ganza they may buy & sel every thing with
great advantage. And how needful is it to be advertized,
when they wil recover their paiments, in what order they
shal receive their Ganza? Because he that is not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the
Gansa, as also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight
he may be greatly deceived, because that from place to
place it doth rise and fall greatly: and therefore when
any wil receive money or make paiment, he must take
a publique wayer of money, a day or two before he go
about his businesse, and give him in paiment for his
labour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this he is bound
to make good all your money, & to maintaine it for good,
for that hee receiveth it and scales the bags with his
seale: and when hee hath received any store, then hee
causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of the Marchant, that is the owner of it.
That money is very weightie, for fourtie Byza is a
strong Porters burden; and also where the Marchant
hath any payment to be made for those goods which he
buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiveth his
money must make the payment thereof. So that by this
meanes, the Marchant with the charges of two Byzes a
moneth, receiveth and payeth out his money without losse
or trouble. The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu
are
Gold, Silver, Rubies, Saphyres, Spinelles, great store of
Benjamin, long peper, Leade, Lacca, rice, wine, some
sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in
the Countrey, for that they have aboundance of Canes,
but they give them to Eliphants to eate, and the people
consume great store of them for food, and many more
doe they consume in vaine things, as these following.
In that kingdome they spend many of these Sugar canes
in making of houses and tents which they call Varely
for their idoles, which they call Pagodes, whereof there
are great aboundance, great and smal, and these houses
are made in forme of little hilles, like to Sugar loaves or to
Bells, and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foote they are very large, some of
them be in circuit a quarter of a mile. The saide houses
within are full of earth, and walled round about with
brickes and dirt in steade of lime, and without forme,
from the top to the foote they make a covering for them
with Sugar canes, and plaister it with lime all over, for
otherwise they would bee spoyled, by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those Countreys. Also they
consume about these Varely or idol houses great store
of leafe-gold, for that they overlay all the tops of the
houses with gold, and some of them are covered with
golde from the top to the foote: in covering whereof there
is great store of gold spent, for that every 10. yeeres
they new overlay them with gold, from the top to the
foote, so that with this vanitie they spend great aboundance of golde. For every 10. yeres the raine doeth
consume the gold from these houses. And by this meanes
they make golde dearer in Pegu
then it would bee, if
they consumed not so much in this vanitie. Also it is
a thing to bee noted in the buying of jewels in Pegu
,
that he that hath no knowledge shall have as good jewels,
and as good cheap, as he that hath bene practized there
a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this wise.
There are in Pegu
foure men of good reputation, which
are called Tareghe, or brokers of Jewels. These foure
men have all the Jewels or Rubies in their handes, and
the Marchant that wil buy commeth to one of these
Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to
imploy in Rubies. For through the hands of these foure
men passe all the Rubies: for they have such quantitie,
that they knowe not what to doe with them, but sell
them at most vile and base prices. When the Marchant
hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe,
they cary him home to one of their Shops, although he
hath no knowledge in Jewels: and when the Jewellers
perceive that hee will employ a good round summe, they
will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him alone. The
use generally of this Citie is this; that when any Marchant hath bought any great quantitie of Rubies, and
hath agreed for them, hee carieth them home to his house,
let them be of what value they will, he shall have space
to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes:
and if he hath no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes
have many Marchants in that Citie that have very good
knowledge in Jewels; with whom he may alwayes conferre and take counsell, and may shew them unto whom
he will; and if he finde that hee hath not employed his
money well, hee may returne his Jewels backe to them
whom hee had them of, without any losse at all. Which
thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to have his Jewels
returne, that he had rather beare a blow on the face
then that it should be thought that he solde them so deere
to have them returned. For these men have alwayes
great care that they affoord good peniworths, especially
to those that have no knowledge. This they doe, because
they woulde not loose their credite: and when those Marchants that have knowledge in Jewels buy any, if they
buy them deere, it is their own faults and not the brokers :
yet it is good to have knowledge in Jewels, by reason
that it may somewhat ease the price. There is also a
very good order which they have in buying of Jewels,
which is this; There are many Marchants that stand by
at the making of the bargaine, and because they shall
not understand howe the Jewels be solde, the Broker
and the Marchants have their hands under a cloth, and
by touching of fingers and nipping the joynts they know
what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So
that the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for
them, although it be for a thousand or 10. thousand
duckets. For every joynt and every finger hath his signification. For if the Marchants that stande by should
understand the bargaine, it would breede great controversie amongst them. And at my being in Pegu
in the
moneth of August, in
Anno 1569. having gotten well by
my endevour, I was desirous to see mine owne Countrey,
and I thought it good to goe by the way of S. Tome,
but then I should tary until March.
In which journey I was counsailed, yea, and fully
resolved to go by the way of Bengala, with a shippe
there ready to depart for that voyage. And then wee
departed from Pegu
to Chatigan a great harbour or port,
from whence there goe smal ships to Cochin, before the
fleete depart for Portugall, in which ships I was fully
determined to goe to Lisbon
, and so to Venice
. When
I had thus resolved my selfe, I went a boord of the
shippe of Bengala, at which time it was the yeere of
Touffon : concerning which Touffon ye are to understand,
that in the East Indies often times, there are not stormes
as in other countreys; but every 10. or 12. yeeres there
are such tempests and stormes, that it is a thing
incredible, but to those that have scene it, neither do
they know certainly what yeere they wil come.
Unfortunate are they that are at sea in that yere and
time of the Touffon, because few there are that escape
that danger. In this yere it was our chance to be at sea
with the like storme, but it happened well unto us, for
that our ship was newly over-plancked, and had not any
thing in her save victuall and balasts, Silver and golde,
which from Pegu
they cary to Bengala, and no other
kinde of Marchandise. This Touffon or cruel storme
endured three dayes and three nights: in which time it
caried away our sailes, yards, and rudder; and because
the shippe laboured in the Sea, wee cut our mast over
boord: which when we had done she laboured a great
deale more then before, in such wise, that she was almost
full with water that came over the highest part of her
and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes
and three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water
out of her in this wise, twentie men in one place, and
twentie men in another place, and twentie in a thirde
place: and for all this storme, the shippe was so good,
that shee tooke not one jot of water below through her
sides, but all ran downe through the hatches, so that
those sixtie men did nothing but cast the Sea into the
Sea. And thus driving too and fro as the winde and
Sea would, we were in a darke night about foure of the
clocke cast on a sholde: yet when it was day, we could
neither see land on one side nor other, and knew not
where we were. And as it pleased the divine power, there
came a great wave of the Sea, which drave us beyonde
the should. And when wee felt the shippe aflote, we rose
up as men revived, because the Sea was calme and smooth
water, and then sounding we found twelve fadome water,
and within a while after wee had but sixe fadome, and
then presently we came to anker with a small anker that
was left us at the sterne, for all our other were lost in
the storme: and by and by the shippe strooke a ground,
and then wee did prop her that she should not overthrow.
When it was day the shippe was all dry, and wee
found her a good mile from the Sea on drie land. This Touffon being ended, we discovered an Island not farre
from us, and we went from the shippe on the sands to
see what Island it was : and wee found it a place inhabited,
and, to my judgement, the fertilest Island in all the world,
the which is divided into two parts by a chanell which
passeth betweene it, & with great trouble we brought our
ship into the same chanel, which parteth the Island at
flowing water, and there we determined to stay 40. dayes
to refresh us. And when the people of the Island saw
the ship, and that we were comming a land: presently
they. made a place of bazar or a market, with shops right
over against the ship with all maner of provision of
victuals to eate, which they brought downe in great
abundance, and sold it so good cheape, that we were
amazed at the cheapenesse thereof. I bought many salted
kine there, for the provision of the ship, for halfe a Larine
a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence,
being very good and fat; and 4. wilde hogges ready
dressed for a Larine; great fat hennes for a Bizze a piece,
which is at the most a pennie: and the people told us that
we were deceived the halfe of our money, because we
bought things so deare. Also a sacke of fine rice for a
thing of nothing, and consequently all other things for
humaine sustenance were there in such aboundance, that
it is a thing incredible but to them that have seene it.
This Island is called Sondiva belonging to the kingdome
of Bengala, distant 120. miles from Chatigan, to which
place wee were bound. The people are Moores, and the
king a very good man of a Moore
king, for if he had
bin a tyrant as others be, he might have robbed us of
all, because the Portugall captaine of Chatigan was in
armes against the Retor of that place, & every day there
were some slaine, at which newes we rested there with no
smal feare, keeping good watch and ward aboord every
night as the use is, but the governour of the towne did
comfort us, and bad us that we should feare nothing, but
that we should repose our selves securely without any
danger, although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine
the governour of that City, and said that we were not
culpable in that fact: and moreover he did us every day
what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to
our expectations considering that they & the people of
Chatigan were both subjects to one king. We departed
from Sondiva, & came to Chatigan the great port of
Bengala, at the same time when the Portugales had made
peace and taken a truce with the governours of the towne,
with this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship should depart without any lading:
for there were then at that time 18. ships of Portugales
great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and
of good courage, was notwithstanding contented to depart
to his greatest hinderance, rather then hee would seeke
to hinder so many of his friends as were there, as also
because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the
Indies. The night before he departed, every ship that
had any lading therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to
helpe to ease his charge and to recompence his courtesies.
In this time there came a messenger from the king of
Rachim to this Portugal Captaine, who saide in the
behalfe of his king, that hee had heard of the courage
and valure of him, desiring him gently that he would
vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and comming thither he should be very wel intreated. This Portugal
went thither and was very well satisfied of this
King.
This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast
betweene Bengala and Pegu
, and the greatest enemie he
hath is the king of Pegu
: which king of Pegu
deviseth
night and day how to make this king of Rachim his
subject, but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because
the king of Pegu
hath no power nor armie by Sea. And
this king of Rachim may arme two hundreth Galleyes or
Fusts by Sea, and by land he hath certaine sluses with
the which when the king of Pegu
pretendeth any harme
towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great
part of the Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth
off the way whereby the king of Pegu
should come with
his power to hurt him.
From the great port of Chatigan they cary for the
Indies great store of rice, very great quantitie of Bombast
cloth of every sort, Suger, come, and money, with other
marchandize. And by reason of the warres in Chatigan,
the Portugall ships taried there so long, that they arrived
not at Cochin so soone as they were wont to doe other
yeeres. For which cause the fleete that was at Cochin
was departed for Portugal
before they arrived there, and
I being in one of the small shippes before the fleete, in
discovering of Cochin, we also discovered the last shippe
of the Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall, where
shee made saile, for which I was marveilously discomforted, because that all the yeere following, there was
no going for Portugale, and when we arrived at Cochin
I was fully determined to goe for Venice
by the way of
Ormus, and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged
by the people of Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this
assault, because they supposed that it would not continue
long. For all this I embarked my selfe in a Galley that
went for Goa, meaning there to shippe my selfe for
Ormus: but when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would
not suffer any Portugal
to depart, by reason of the warres.
And being in Goa but a small time, I fell sicke of an
infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths: which with
phisicke and diet cost me eight hundred duckets, and
there I was constrained to sell a smal quantitie of Rubies
to sustaine my neede: and I solde that for five hundreth
duckets, that was worth a thousand. And when I
beganne to waxe well of my disease, I had but little of
that money left, every thing was so scarse: For every
chicken (and yet not good) cost mee seven or eight Livers,
which is sixe shillings, or sixe shillings eight pence.
Beside this great charges, the Apothecaries with their
medicines were no small charge to me. At the ende of
sixe moneths they raised the siege, and then I beganne
to worke, for Jewels were risen in their prices: for,
whereas before I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to sell the rest of all my Jewels that I had
there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu
. And for
because that at my departure from Pegu
, Opium was in
great request, I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good
round summe of money in Opium, and there I bought 60.
percels of Opium, which cost me two thousand & a
hundreth duckets, every ducket at foure shillings two
pence. Moreover I bought three bales of Bombast cloth,
which cost me eight hundred duckats, which was a good
commoditie for Pegu
: when I had bought these things,
the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the Opium
should be paide in Goa, and paying custome there I
might cary it whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of
cloth at Chaul in a shippe that went for Cochin, and I
went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my Opium,
and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was
for the voyage of Pegu
, and went to winter then at S.
Tome. When I came to Cochin, I understood that the
ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and
lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats: and
departing from Cochin to goe for S. Tome, in casting
about for the
Island of Zeilan the Pilote was deceived,
for that the Cape of the
Island of Zeilan lieth farre out
into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might have
passed hard aboord the Cape, and paying roomer in the
night; when it was morning we were farre within the
Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds
blew so fiercely against us. So that by this meanes we
lost our voyage for that yere, and we went to Manar
with the ship to winter there, the ship having lost her
mastes, and with great diligence we hardly saved her,
with great losses to the Captaine of the ship, because
he was forced to fraight another ship in S. Tome for
Pegu
with great losses and interest, and I with my
friends agreed together in Manar to take a bark to cary
us to S. Tome; which thing we did with al the rest of
the marchants; and ariving at S. Tome I had news
through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium
was very deare, and I knew that in S. Tome there was
no Opium but mine to go for Pegu
that yere, so that I
was holden of al the marchants there to be very rich: and
so it would have proved, if my adverse fortune had not
bin contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time
there went a great ship from Cambaya, to the king of
Assi, with great quantitie of Opium, & there to lade
peper: in which voyage there came such a storme, that
the ship was forced with wether to goe roomer 800. miles,
and by this meanes came to Pegu
, whereas they arived
a day before mee; so that Opium which was before very
deare, was now at a base price: so that which was sold
for fiftie Bizze before, was solde for 2. Bizze & an halfe,
there was such quantitie came in that ship; so that I
was glad to stay two yeres in Pegu
unlesse I would
have given away my commoditie : and at the end of two
yeres of my 2100. duckets which I bestowed in
Cambaya,
I made but a thousand duckets. Then I departed againe
from Pegu
to goe for the Indies and for Ormus with
great quantitie of Lacca, and from Ormus I returned into
the Indies for Chaul, and from Chaul to Cochin, and
from Cochin to Pegu
. Once more I lost occasion to
make me riche, for whereas I might have brought good
store of Opium againe, I brought but a little, being fearefull of my other voyage before. In this small quantitie
I made good profite. And now againe I determined to
go for my Countrey, and departing from Pegu
, I tarried
and wintered in Cochin, and then I left the Indies and
came for Ormus.
I thinke it very necessary before I ende my voyage, to
reason somewhat, and to shewe what fruits the Indies do
yeeld and bring forth. First, in the Indies and other
East parts of India there is Peper and ginger, which
groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the
Indies, the greatest quantitie of peper groweth amongst
wilde bushes, without any maner of labour: saving, that
when it is ripe they goe and gather it. The tree that the
peper groweth on is like to our Ivie, which runneth up
to the tops of trees wheresoever it groweth : and if it
should not take holde of some tree, it would lie flat and
rot on the ground. This peper tree hath his floure and
berry like in all parts to our Ivie berry, and those berries
be graines of peper: so that when they gather them they
be greene, and then they lay them in the Sunne, and they
become blacke.
The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled
and sowen, and the herbe is like to Panizzo, and the
roote is the ginger. These two spices grow in divers places.
The Cloves come all from the Moluccas
, which Moluccas
are two Islands, not very great, and the tree that they
grow on is like to our Lawrell tree.
The Nutmegs and Maces, which grow both together,
are brought from the
Island of Banda, whose tree is like
to our walnut tree, but not so big.
All the good white Sandol is brought from the
Island
of Timor. Canfora being compound commeth all from
China
, and all that which groweth in canes commeth from
Borneo
, & I thinke that this Canfora commeth not into
these parts : for that in India they consume great store,
and that is very deare. The good Lignum Aloes commeth
from Cauchinchina.
The Benjamin commeth from the kingdome of Assi
and Sion
.
Long peper groweth in Bengala, Pegu
, and Java
.
Muske commeth from Tartaria, which they make in
this order, as by good information I have bene told.
There is a certaine beast in
Tartaria, which is wilde and
as big as a wolfe, which beast they take alive, & beat
him to death with small staves yt his blood may be spread
through his whole body, then they cut it in pieces, &
take out all the bones, & beat the flesh with the blood
in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to
put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske.
Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and
there are divers opinions of it, but this is most certaine,
it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on land, and found
upon the sea bankes.
The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the
kingdome of Pegu
. The Diamants come from divers
places; and I know but three sorts of them. That sort
of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from
Bezeneger. Those that be pointed naturally come from
the land of Delly, and from Java
, but the Diamants of
Java are more waightie then the other. I could never
understand from whence they that are called Balassi
come.
Pearles they fish in divers places, as before in this
booke is showne.
From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth
in certaine canes, whereof I found many in Pegu
, when
I made my house there, because that (as I have said
before) they make their houses there of woven canes like
to mats. From Chaul they trade alongst the coast of
Melinde in Ethiopia
, within the land of Cafraria: on that
coast are many good harbors kept by the Moores.
Thither the Portugals bring a kinde of Bombast cloth
of a low price, and great store of Paternosters or beads
made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the use of the Countrey: and from thence they
cary Elephants teeth for India, slaves called Cafari, and
some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as
great importance as any castle that hee hath in all his
Indies under his protection, and the Captaine of this
castle hath certaine voyages to this Cafraria, to which
places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this
Captaine : and they use to goe in small shippes, and trade
with the Cafars, and their trade in buying and selling is
without any speach one to the other. In this wise the
Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the
Sea coast, and lay them downe: and so depart, and the
Cafar Marchants come and see the goods, & there they
put downe as much gold as they thinke the goods are
worth, and so goe their way and leave their golde and
the goods together, then commeth the Portugal
, and
finding the golde to his content, hee taketh it and goeth
his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar and
taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde
the golde there still, it is a signe that the Portugals are
not contented, and if the Cafar thinke he hath put too
little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is worth:
and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt;
for if they doe, then they will have no more trade with
them: For they disdaine to be refused, when they thinke
that they have offered ynough, for they be a peevish
people, and have dealt so of a long time: and by this
trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold,
and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is in an
Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria
on the coast of Ethiopia
, and is distant from India 2800.
miles. Now to returne to my voyage, when I came to
Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice,
and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for
70. duckets, and with us there went other Marchants,
which did ease our fraight, and very commodiously wee
came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for providing a Carovan of barks to go to Babylon, because they
use not to goe two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30.
because in the night they cannot go, but must make
them fast to the banks of the river, and then we must
make a very good & strong guard, and be wel provided
of armor, for respect & safegard of our goods, because
the number of theeves is great that come to spoile and
rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon
we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or
40. dayes long, but we were 50. dayes on it. When we
came to Babylon we stayed there 4. moneths, until the
Carovan was ready to go over the wildernes, or desert for
Alepo; in this citie we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together, five Venetians and a Portugal
; whose
names were as followeth, Messer Florinasa with one of
his kinsmen, Messer Andrea de Polo, the Portugal
& M.
Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selves
with victuals and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes;
and wee bought horses and mules, for that they bee very
good cheape there, I my selfe bought a horse there for
11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30. duckets.
Also we bought a Tent which did us very great pleasure:
we had also amongst us 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2. duckets for every camels
lading, and for every 10. camels they made 11, for so is
their use and custome. We take also with us 3. men to
serve us in the voyage, which are used to goe in those
voyages for five D d. a man, and are bound to serve us
to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any
trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pavilion
was the first that was erected. The Carovan maketh but
small journeis about 20. miles a day, & they set forwards
every morning before day two houres, and about two in
the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap
in our voyage, for that it rained : For which cause we
never wanted water, but every day found good water, so
that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet
we caried a camel laden alwayes with water for every
good respect that might chance in the desert, so that wee
had no want neither of one thing, nor other that was to
bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well
furnished of every thing, and every day we eat fresh
mutton, because there came many shepheards with us
with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought
in Babylon, and every marchant marked his sheepe with
his owne marke, and we gave the shepheards a Medin,
which is two pence of our money, for the keeping and
feeding our sheep on the way, and for killing of them.
And beside the Medin they have the heads, the skinnes,
and the intrals of every sheepe they kil. We sixe bought
20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we had 7. alive
of them. And in the Carovan they use this order, that the
marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they
will not cary raw flesh with them, but pleasure one another
by lending one one day, and another another day.
From Babylon to Alepo is 40. dayes journey, of the
which they make 36. dayes over the wildernes, in which
36. dayes they neither see house, trees, nor people that
inhabite it, but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way
in the world. The Pilots go before, and the Carovan
followeth after. And when they sit downe all the
Carovan unladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the
stations where the wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we passe
over the wildernesse. For when wee depart from Babylon
two dayes we passe by villages inhabited until we have
passed the river Euphrates
. And then within two dayes
of Alepo we have villages inhabited. In this Carovan
there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Justice unto all
men: and every night they keepe watch about the
Carovan, and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli
,
whereas Master Florin, and Master Andrea Polo, and I,
with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with us to
Jerusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arrived at Jaffa
:
from which place in a day and halfe we went to Jerusalem,
and we gave order to our barke to tary for us untill our
returne. Wee stayed in Jerusalem 14. dayes, to visite
those holy places: from whence we returned to Jaffa
, and
from Jaffa
to Tripolie, and there wee shipped our selves
in a ship of Venice
called the Bagazzana: And by the
helpe of the divine power, we arrived safely in Venice
the
fift of November 1581. If there be any that hath any
desire to goe into those partes of India, let him not be
astonied at the troubles that I have passed: because I was
intangled in many things : for that I went very poore from
Venice
with 1200. duckets imployed in marchandize, and
when I came to Tripolie, I fell sicke in the house of
Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods
with a small Carovan that went from Tripolie to Alepo,
and the Carovan was robd, and all my goods lost saving
foure chests of glasses which cost me 200. duckets, of
which glasses I found many broken: because the theeves
thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them up,
and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone.
And with this onely stocke I adventured to goe into
the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by
diligence in my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so
that I got a good stocke. I will not be unmindfull to
put them in remembrance, that have a desire to goe into
those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and give
them to their heires at the time of their death, and howe
this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the
Portugales have in the Indies, there is a house called the
schoole of Sancta misericordia comissaria : the governours
whereof, if you give them for their paines, will take a
coppy of your will and Testament, which you must alwayes
cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies.
In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those
voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer
Justice to all Christians of the Portugales. Also this
captaine hath authoritie to recover the goods of those
Marchants that by chance die in those voyages, and they
that have not made their Wills and registred them in the
aforesaide schooles, the Captaines wil consume their
goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for
their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same
voyages some marchants that are commissaries of the
schoole of Sancta misericordia, that if any Marchant die
and have his Will made, and hath given order that the
schoole of Misericordia shall have his goods and sell them,
then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of
Misericordia in
Lisbone, with that copie of his Testament,
then from Lisbon
they give intelligence thereof, into what
part of Christendome soever it be, and the heires of such
a one comming thither, with testimoniall that they be
heires, they shall receive there the value of his goods:
in such wise that they shall not loose any thing. But
they that die in the kingdome of Pegu
loose the thirde
part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey,
that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu
, the
king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods,
and there hath never bene any deceit or fraude used in
this matter. I have knowen many rich men that have
dwelled in Pegu
, and in their age they have desired to
go into their owne Countrey to die there, and have
departed with al their goods and substance without let or
trouble.
In Pegu
the fashion of their apparel is all one, as well
the Noble man, as the simple: the onely difference is in
the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one
finer then another, and they weare their apparell in this
wise : First, a white Bombast cloth which serveth for a
shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of
foureteene brases, which they binde up betwixt their
legges, and on their heads they weare a small tock of
three braces, made in guize of a myter, and some goe
without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hive on their heades,
which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it
is lifted up: they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men
never goe on foote, but are caried by men in a seate with
great reputation, with a hat made of the leaves of a tree
to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they
ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops.
All sorts of women whatsoever they be, weare a smocke
downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to
the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open before;
so straite that they cannot goe, but they must shewe
their secret as it were aloft, and in their going they faine
to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by reason of
the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this use was
invented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight
thereof might remove from men the vices against nature,
which they are greatly given unto: which sight should
cause them to regard women the more. Also the women
goe bare footed, their armes laden with hoopes of golde
and Jewels: And their fingers full of precious rings, with
their haire rolled up about their heads. Many of them
weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloake.
Now to finish that which I have begunne to write, I say,
that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that
a man that hath litle, shall make a great deale thereof;
alwayes they must governe themselves that they be taken
for honest men. For why? to such there shal never want
helpe to doe wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at
home and not go thither, because he shall alwayes be a
begger, and die a poore man.
