The principal voyages of the English Nation to the Isles of Trinidad, Margarita, Dominica , Deseada, Monserrate, Guadalupe , Martinino, and all the rest of the Antilles ; As likewise to S. Juan de Puerto Rico, to Hispaniola, Jamaica and Cuba : and also to Tierra Firma, and all along the coast and Islands therof, even from Cumana and the Caracos to the neckland of Dariene, and over it to the Gulfe of S. Michael and the Isle of Perles in the South sea: and further to Cabeca Cativa, Nombre de dios, and Venta de cruzes, to Puerto Belo, Rio de Chagre, and the Isle of Escudo, along the maine of Beragua, to the Cape and Gulfe of the Honduras, to Truxillo, Puerto de Cavallos, and all other the principall Townes, Islands and harbours of accompt within the said Gulfe, and up Rio dolce falling into this Gulfe, above 30. leagues : As also to the Isle of Cocumel, and to Cape Cotoche, the towne of Campeche , and other places upon the land of lucatan; and lower downe to S. Juan de Ullua, Vera Cruz, Rio de Panuco, Rio de Palmas, &c. within the Bay of Mexico: and from thence to the Isles of the Tortugas, the port of Havana , the Cape of Florida, and the Gulfe of Bahama homewards. With the taking, sacking, ransoming, or burning of most of the principall Cities and townes upon the coasts of Tierra firma, Nueva Espanna, and all the foresaid Islands; since the most traiterous burning of her Majesties ship the Jesus of Lubec and murthering of her Subjects in the port of S. Juan de Ullua, and the last generall arrest of her Highnesse people, with their ships and goods throughout all the dominions of the King of Spaine in the moneth of June 1585. Besides the manifold and tyrannicall oppressions of the Inquisition inflicted on our nation upon most light and frivolous occasions.
The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert, and Sebastian Cabot, about the eight yeere of King Henry the eight, which was the yere 1516. to Brasil , Santo Domingo, and S. Juan de Puerto rico.
THAT learned and painefull writer Richard Eden in a certaine Epistle of his to the duke of Northumberland , before a worke which he translated out of Munster in the yeere 1553, called A treatise of new India , maketh mention of a voyage of discoverie undertaken out of England by sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota, about the 8. yere of King Henry the eight of famous memorie, imputing the overthrow thereof unto the cowardise and want of stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert, in maner following. If manly courage, saith he, (like unto that which hath bene seene & proved in your Grace, as well in forreine realmes, as also in this our countrey) had not bene wanting in other in these our dayes, at such time as our soveraigne lord of famous memorie king Henry the 8. about the same yeere of his raigne, furnished and sent out certaine shippes under the governance of Sebastian Cabot yet living and one Sir Thomas Pert, whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage tooke none effect; if, I say, such manly courage, whereof wee have spoken, had not at that time beene wanting, it might happily have come to passe, that that rich treasurie called Perularia, (which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Sivill, and so named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfoundland of Peru ) might long since have beene in the tower of London , to the kings great honour and wealth of this realme. Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull M. Robert Thorne wrote to the sayde king Henry the 8. in the yeere 1527. by doctor Leigh his ambassadour sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles the fift, whose wordes bee these. Now rest to be discovered the North parts, the which it seemeth unto me, is onely your highnes charge and dutie, because the situation of this your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also, for that already you have taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so litle cost, labour and danger be followed and obteined. Though hitherto your grace have made thereof a proofe, & found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shalbe none impediment: for there may be now provided remedies for things then lacked, and the inconveniences and lets remooved, that then were cause your graces desire tooke no full effect: which is, the courses to be changed, and to follow the aforesayd new courses. And concerning the mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meete and convenient, much better then hitherto: by reason whereof, & by Gods grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect. And whereas in the aforesayd wordes M. Robert Thorne sayth, that he would have the old courses to bee changed, and the newe courses (to the North) to be followed: It may plainely be gathered, that the former voyage, whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention, wherein it is like that sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king, was made towarde Brasill and the South parts. Moreover it seemeth that Gon salvo de Oviedo , a famous Spanish writer, alludeth unto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies, agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresaid voyage was begun. The authors wordes are these, as I finde them translated into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusius. That in the yeere 1517. an English Rover under the colour of travelling to discover, came with a great shippe unto the parts of Brasill on the coast of the firme land, and from thence he crossed over unto this Iland of Hispaniola, and arrived neere unto the mouth of the haven of this citie of S. Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare, and demaunded leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came with marchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour of the castle Francis de Tapia caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the ship, for she bare in directly with the haven. When the Englishmen sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were in the shipboate, got themselves with all speede on shipboord. And in trueth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the shippe had entred into the haven the men thereof could not have come on lande without leave both of the citie and of the castle. Therefore the people of the ship seeing how they were received, sayled toward the Iland of S. John, and entring into the port of S. Germaine, the English men parled with those of the towne, requiring victuals and things needefull to furnish their ship, and complained of the inhabitants of the city of S. Domingo, saying that they came not to doe any harme, but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise. In this place they had certaine victuals, and for recompence they gave and paid them with certain vessell of wrought tinne and other things. And afterward they departed toward Europe , where it is thought they arrived not: for wee never heard any more newes of them. Thus farre proceedeth Gonsalvo de Oviedo, who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rover, yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words, that they came to discover, and by their traffique for pewter vessell and other wares at the towne of S. Germaine in the Iland of S. John de puerto rico, it cannot bee denied but that they were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange. But whosoever is conversant in reading the Portugall and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies, shall commonly finde that they account all other nations for pirats, rovers and theeves, which visite any heathen coast that they have once sayled by or looked on. Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee prejudiciall to other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable travels in discoverie.A briefe note concerning a voyage of one Thomas Tison an English man, made before the yeere 1526. to the West Indies, & of his abode there in maner of a secret factor for some English marchants, which under hand had trade thither in those dayes : taken out of an olde ligier-booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder, a worshipfull marchant of Bristol .
IT appeareth out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance, in the custodie of mee Richard Hakluyt, written 1526. by master Nicolas Thorne the elder, a principall marchant of Bristol , unto his friend and factour Thomas Midnall, and his servant William Ballard at that time remaining at S. Lucar in Andaluzia: that before the sayd yeere one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found the way to the West Indies, and was there resident: unto whom the aforesayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd. This Thomas Tison (so farre as I can conjecture) may seeme to have bene some secret factour for M. Thorne and other English marchants in those remote partes; whereby it is probable that some of our marchants had a kinde of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times and before also: neither doe I see any reason why the Spaniards should debarre us from it at this present.The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir John Hawkins, sometimes treasurer of her Majesties navie Roial, made to the West Indies 1562.
MASTER JOHN HAUKINS having made divers voyages to the Iles of the Canaries, and there by his good and upright dealing being growen in love and favour with the people, informed himselfe amongst them by diligent inquisition, of the state of the West India, whereof hee had received some knowledge by the instructions of his father, but increased the same by the advertisments and reports of that people. And being amongst other particulars assured, that Negros were very good marchandise in Hispaniola, and that store of Negros might easily bee had upon the coast of Guinea, resolved with himselfe to make triall thereof, and communicated that devise with his worshipful friendes of London : namely with Sir Lionell Ducket, sir Thomas Lodge, M. Gunson his father in law, sir William Winter, M. Bromfield, and others. All which persons liked so well of his intention, that they became liberall contributers and adventurers in the action. For which purpose there were three good ships immediatly provided: The one called the Salomon of the burthen of 120. tunne, wherein M. Haukins himselfe went as Generall: The second the Swallow of 100. tunnes, wherein went for Captaine M. Thomas Hampton: and the third the Jonas a barke of 40. tunnes, wherein the Master supplied the Captaines roome: in which small fleete M. Hawkins tooke with him not above 100. men for feare of sicknesse and other inconveniences, whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subject. With this companie he put off and departed from the coast of England in the moneth of October 1562. and in his course touched first at Teneriffe , where hee received friendly intertainement. From thence he passed to Sierra Leona, upon the coast of Guinea, which place by the people of the countrey is called Tagarin, where he stayed some good time, and got into his possession, partly by the sworde, and partly by other meanes, to the number of 300. Negros at the least, besides other merchandises which that countrey yeeldeth. With this praye hee sayled over the Ocean sea unto the Iland of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the port of Isabella: and there hee had reasonable utterance of his English commodities, as also of some part of his Negros, trusting the Spaniards no further, then that by his owne strength he was able still to master them. From the port of Isabella he went to Puerto de Plata, where he made like sales, standing alwaies upon his guard: from thence also hee sayled to Monte Christi another port on the North side of Hispaniola, and the last place of his touching, where he had peaceable traffique, and made vent of the whole number of his Negros : for which he received in those 3. places by way of exchange such quantitie of merchandise, that hee did not onely lade his owne 3. shippes with hides, ginger, sugars, and some quantitie of pearles, but he fraighted also two other hulkes with hides and other like commodities, which hee sent into Spaine. And thus leaving the Iland, he returned and disemboqued, passing out by the Ilands of the Caycos, without further entring into the bay of Mexico , in this his first voyage to the West India. And so with prosperous successe and much gaine to himselfe and the aforesayde adventurers, he came home, and arrived in the moneth of September 1563.The voyage made by M. John Hawkins Esquire, and afterward knight, Captaine of the Jesus of Lubek, one of her Majesties shippes, and Generall of the Salomon, and other two barkes going in his companie, to the coast of Guinea, and the Indies of Nova Hispania, begun in An. Dom. 1564.
MASTER JOHN HAWKINS with the Jesus of Lubek, a shippe of 700. and the Salomon a shippe of 140. the Tiger a barke of 50. and the Swallow of 30. tunnes, being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundreth threescore and tenne, as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voyage, departed out of Plymmouth the 18. day of October, in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde: at which departing, in cutting the foresaile, a marvellous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the shippe, who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand, being a sorrowfull beginning to them all. And after their setting out ten leagues to the sea, he met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queenes Majestie, whereof was Captaine David Carlet, and also her consort the John Baptist of London, being bounde to Guinea also, who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance for joy of their meeting: which done, the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merlin of London, which was a sterne out of sight, leaving in M. Hawkins companie the John Baptist her other consort. Thus sayling forwards on their way with a prosperous winde untill the 21. of the same moneth, at that time a great storme arose, the winde being at Northeast about nine a clocke in the night, and continued so 23. houres together, in which storme M. Hawkins lost the companie of the John Baptist aforesayd, and of his pinnesse called the Swallow, his other 3. shippes being sore beaten with a storme. The 23. day the Swallow to his no small rejoycing, came to him againe in the night, 10. leagues to the Northward of Cape Finister, he having put roomer, not being able to double the Cape, in that there rose a contrary winde at Southwest. The 25. the wind continuing contrary, hee put into a place in Galicia , called Ferroll, where hee remained five dayes, and appointed all the Masters of his shippes an order for the keeping of good companie in this manner: The small shippes to bee alwayes ahead and aweather of the Jesus, and to speake twise a day with the Jesus at least: if in the day the Ensigne bee over the poope of the Jesus, or in the night two lights, then shall all the shippes speake with her: If there bee three lights aboord the Jesus, then doeth she cast about: If the weather bee extreme, that the small shippes cannot keepe companie with the Jesus, then all to keepe companie with the Salomon, and foorthwith to repaire to the Iland of Teneriffe, to the Northward of the road of Sirroes; If any happen to any misfortune then to shew two lights, and to shoote off a piece of ordinance. If any lose companie, and come in sight againe, to make three yawes, and strike the Myson three times: Serve God daily, love one another, preserve your victuals, beware of fire, and keepe good companie. The 26. day the Minion came in also where hee was, for the rejoycing whereof hee gave them certaine pieces of ordinance, after the courtesie of the sea for their welcome: but the Minions men had no mirth, because of their consort the Merline, whome at their departure from Master Hawkins upon the coast of England they went to seeke, and having met with her, kept companie two dayes together, and at last by misfortune of fire (through the negligence of one of their gunners) the powder in the gunners roome was set on fire, which with the first blast strooke out her poope, and therewithall lost three men, besides many sore burned (which escaped by the brigandine being at her sterne) and immediatly, to the great losse of the owners, and most horrible sight to the beholders, she sunke before their eyes. The 20. day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and companie of the Minion, having nowe both the brigandines at her sterne, wayed anker, and set saile on their voyage, having a prosperous winde thereunto. The fourth of November they had sight of the Iland of Madera, and the sixt day of Teneriffe, which they thought to have beene the Canarie, in that they supposed themselves to have beene to the Eastward of Teneriffe, and were not: but the Minion being three or foure leagues ahead of us, kept on her course to Teneriffe, having better sight thereof then the other had, and by that meanes they parted companie. For M. Hawkins and his companie went more to the West, upon which course having sayled a while, hee espied another Iland, which hee thought to bee Teneriffe, and being not able by meanes of the fogge upon the hils, to discerne the same, nor yet to fetch it by night, went roomer untill the morning, being the seventh of November, which as yet hee could not discerne, but sayled along the coast the space of two houres, to perceive some certaine marke of Teneriffe, and found no likelyhood thereof at all, accompting that to bee, as it was in deede, the Ile of Palmes: and so sayling forwards, espied another Iland called Gomera , and also Teneriffe, with the which hee made, and sayling all night, came in the morning the next day to the port of Adecia, where he found his pinnesse which had departed from him the sixt of the moneth, being in the weather of him, and espying the pike of Teneriffe all a high, bare thither. At his arrivall somewhat before hee came to anker, hee hoysed out his shippes pinnesse rowing a shoare, intending to have sent one with a letter to Peter de ponte, one of the governours of the Iland, who dwelt a league from the shoare: but as hee pretended to have landed, suddenly there appeared upon the two points of the roade, men levelling of bases and harguebuzes to them, with divers others to the number of fourescore, with halberds, pikes, swordes and targets, which happened so contrary to his expectation, that it did greatly amaze him, and the more, because hee was nowe in their danger, not knowing well howe to avoyde it without some mischiefe. Wherefore hee determined to call to them for the better appeasing of the matter, declaring his name, and professing himselfe to bee an especiall friend to Peter de ponte, and that he had sundry things for him which he greatly desired. And in the meane time, while hee was thus talking with them, whereby hee made them to holde their hands, hee willed the marriners to rowe away, so that at last he gat out of their danger: and then asking for Peter de ponte, one of his sonnes being Sennor Nicolas de Ponte, came forth, whom hee perceiving, desired to put his men aside, and hee himselfe would leape a shoare and commune with him, which they did: so that after communication had betweene them of sundry things, and of the feare they both had, master Hawkins desired to have certaine necessaries provided for him. In the meane space, while these things were providing, hee trimmed the maine mast of the Jesus which in the storme aforesayd was sprung: here he sojourned 7. dayes, refreshing himselfe and his men. In the which time Peter de ponte dwelling at S. Cruz, a citie 20. leagues off, came to him, and gave him as gentle intertainment as if he had bene his owne brother. To speake somewhat of these Ilands, being called in olde time Insulae fortunatae, by the meanes of the flourishing thereof, the fruitfulnesse of them doeth surely exceede farre all other that I have heard of: for they make wine better then any in Spaine, they have grapes of such bignesse, that they may bee compared to damsons, and in taste inferiour to none: for sugar, suckets, raisins of the Sunne, and many other fruits, abundance: for rosine & raw silke, there is great store, they want neither corne, pullets, cattell, nor yet wilde foule: they have many Camels also, which being young, are eaten of the people for victuals, and being olde, they are used for caryage of necessaries: whose propertie is as hee is taught to kneele at the taking of his loade, and unlading againe: his nature is to ingender backward contrary to other beastes: of understanding very good, but of shape very deformed, with a little bellie, long misshapen legges, and feete very broad of flesh, without a hoofe, all whole, saving the great toe, a backe bearing up like a molehill, a large and thin necke, with a little head, with a bunch of hard flesh, which nature hath given him in his breast to leane upon. This beast liveth hardly, and is contented with strawe and stubble, but of force strong, being well able to carrie 500. weight. In one of these Ilands called Fierro, there is by the reports of the inhabitants, a certaine tree that raineth continually, by the dropping whereof the inhabitants and cattell are satisfied with water, for other water have they none in all the Iland. And it raineth in such abundance, that it were incredible unto a man to beleeve such a vertue to bee in a tree, but it is knowen to be a divine matter, and a thing ordeined by God, at whose power therein wee ought not to marvell, seeing he did by his providence as we read in the Scriptures, when the children of Israel were going into the land of promise, feede them with Manna from heaven, for the space of 40. yeeres. Of the trees aforesaid wee saw in Guinie many, being of great height, dropping continually, but not so abundantly as the other, because the leaves are narrower, and are like the leaves of a peare tree. About these Ilands are certaine flitting Ilands, which have beene oftentimes seene, and when men approched neere them, they vanished: as the like hath bene of these Ilands nowe knowen by the report of the inhabitants, which were not found of long time one after the other: and therefore it should seeme hee is not yet borne to whom God hath appoynted the finding of them. In this Iland of Teneriffe there is a hill called The Pike, because it is piked, which is in heigth by their reports twentie leagues, having both winter and summer abundance of snowe in the top of it: this Pike may bee scene in a cleere day fiftie leagues off, but it sheweth as though it were a blacke cloude a great heigth in the element. I have heard of none to be compared with this in heigth, but in the Indias I have scene many, and in my judgement not inferiour to the Pike, and so the Spaniards write. The 15. of November at night we departed from Teneriffe, and the 20. of the same wee had sight of ten Caravels, that were fishing at sea, with whome we would have spoken, but they fearing us, fled into a place of Barbarie, called Cape de las Barbas. The twentieth, the ships pinnesse with.two men in her, sayling by the ship, was overthrowen by the oversight of them that went in her, the winde being so great, that before they were espied, and the ship had cast about for them, she was driven half a league to leeward of the pinnesse, and had lost sight of her, so that there was small hope of recoverie, had not Gods helpe and the Captaines deligence bene, who having wel marked which way the pinnesse was by the Sunne, appointed 24 of the lustiest rowers in the great boate, to rowe to the wind-wardes, and so recovered, contrary to all mens expectations, both the pinnesse and the men sitting upon the keele of her. The 25 he came to Cape Blanco, which is upon the coast of Africa , and a place where the Portugals do ride, that fish there in the moneth of November especially, and is a very good place of fishing, for Pargoes, Mullet, and Dogge fish. In this place the Portugals have no holde for their defence, but have rescue of the Barbarians, whom they entertaine as their souldiers, for the time of their being there and for their fishing upon that coast of Africa , doe pay a certaine tribute to the king of the Moores. The people of that part of Africa are tawnie, having long haire without any apparell, saving before their privie members. Their weapons in warres are bowes and arrowes. The 26 we departed from S. Avis Baye, within Cape Blanco, where we refreshed our selves with fish, and other necessaries: and the 29 wee came to Cape Verde, which lieth in 14 degrees, and a halfe. These people are all blacke, and are called Negros, without any apparell, saving before their privities: of stature goodly men, and well liking by reason of their food, which passeth all other Guyneans for kine, goats, pullin, rise, fruits, and fish. Here wee tooke fishes with heads like conies, and teeth nothing varying, of a jolly thickenesse, but not past a foote long, and is not to be eaten without flaying or cutting off his head. To speake somewhat of the sundry sortes of these Guyneans: the people of Cape Verde are called Leophares, and counted the goodliest men of all other, saving the Congoes, which do inhabite on this side the cape de Buena Esperanca. These Leophares have warres against the Ieloffes, which are borderers by them: their weapons are bowes and arrowes, targets, and short daggers, darts also, but varying from other Negros : for whereas the other use a long dart to fight with in their hands, they cary five or sixe small ones a peece, which they cast with. These men also are more civill then any other, because of their dayly trafficke with the Frenchmen, and are of nature very gentle and loving: for while we were there, we tooke in a Frenchman, who was one of the 19 that going to Brasile , in a Barke of Diepe, of 60 tunnes, and being a sea boord of Cape Verde, 200 leagues, the plankes of their Barke with a sea brake out upon them so suddenly, that much a doe they had to save themselves in their boats: but by Gods providence, the wind being Westerly, which is rarely seene there, they got to the shore, to the Isle Brava, and in great penurie gotte to Cape Verde, where they remained sixe weekes, and had meate and drinke of the same people. The said Frenchman having forsaken his fellowes, which were three leagues off from the shore, and wandring with the Negros too and fro, fortuned to come to the waters side: and communing with certaine of his countreymen, which were in our ship, by their perswasions came away with us : but his entertainement amongst them was such, that he desired it not: but through the importunate request of his Countreymen, consented at the last. Here we stayed but one night, and part of the day: for the 7 of December wee came away, in that pretending to have taken Negros there perforce, the Mynions men gave them there to understand of our comming, and our pretence, wherefore they did avoyde the snares we had layd for them. The 8 of December wee ankered by a small Island called Alcatrarsa, wherein at our going a shore, we found nothing but sea-birds, as we call them Ganets, but by the Portugals, called Alcatrarses, who for that cause gave the said Island the same name. Herein halfe of our boates were laden with yong and olde fowle, who not being used to the sight of men, flew so about us, that we stroke them downe with poles. In this place the two shippes riding, the two Barkes, with their boates, went into an Island of the Sapies, called La Formio, to see if they could take any of them, and there landed to the number of 80 in armour, and espying certaine made to them, but they fled in such order into the woods, that it booted them not to follow: so going on their way forward till they came to a river, which they could not passe over, they espied on the otherside two men, who with their bowes and arrowes shot terribly at them. Whereupon we discharged certaine harquebuzes to them againe, but the ignorant people wayed it not, because they knewe not the danger thereof: but used a marveilous crying in their fight with leaping and turning their tayles, that it was most strange to see, and gave us great pleasure to beholde them. At the last, one being hurt with a harquebuz upon the thigh, looked upon his wound and wist not howe it came, because hee could not see the pellet. Here Master Hawkins perceiving no good to be done amongst them, because we could not finde their townes, and also not knowing how to goe into Rio grande, for want of a Pilote, which was the very occasion of our comming thither: and finding so many sholes, feared with our great ships to goe in, and therefore departed on our pretended way to the Idols. The 10 of December, we had a Northeast winde, with raine and storme, which weather continuing two dayes together, was the occasion that the Salomon, and Tygre loste our companie: for whereas the Jesus, and pinnesse ankered at one of the Islands called Sambula, the twelfth day, the Salomon and Tygre came not thither till the 14. In this Island we stayed certaine daies, going every day on shore to take the Inhabitants, with burning and spoiling their townes, who before were Sapies, and were conquered by the Samboses, Inhabitants beyond Sierra Leona. These Samboses had inhabited there three yeres before our comming thither, and in so short space have so planted the ground, that they had great plentie of Mil, Rise, Rootes, Pompions, Pullin, goates, of small frye dried, every house full of the Countrey fruite planted by Gods providence, as Palmito trees, fruites like dates, and sundry other in no place in all that Countrey so aboundantly, whereby they lived more deliciously then other. These inhabitants have diverse of the Sapies, which they tooke in the warres as their slaves, whome onely they kept to till the ground, in that they neither have the knowledge thereof, nor yet will worke themselves, of whome wee tooke many in that place, but of the Samboses none at all, for they fled into the maine. All the Samboses have white teeth as we have, farre unlike to the Sapies which doe inhabite about Rio grande, for their teeth are all filed, which they doe for a braverie, to set out themselves, and doe jagge their flesh, both legges, armes, and bodies, as workemanlike, as a Jerkinmaker with us pinketh a jerkin. These Sapies be more civill then the Samboses: for whereas the Samboses live most by the spoile of their enemies, both in taking their victuals, and eating them also. The Sapies doe not eate mans flesh, unlesse in the warre they be driven by necessitie thereunto, which they have not used but by the example of the Samboses, but live onely with fruites, and cattell, whereof they have great store. This plentie is the occasion that the Sapies desire not warre, except they be therunto provoked by the invasions of the Samboses, whereas the Samboses for want of foode are inforced thereunto, and therefore are not woont onely to take them that they kill, but also keepe those that they take, untill such time as they want meate, and then they kill them. There is also another occasion that provoketh the Samboses to warre against the Sapies which is for covetousnes of their riches. For whereas the Sapies have an order to burie their dead in certaine places appointed for that purpose, with their golde about them, the Samboses digge up the ground, to have the same treasure: for the Samboses have not the like store of golde, that the Sapies have. In this Island of Sambula we found about 50 boates called Almadyes, or Canoas, which are made of one peece of wood, digged out like a trough but of a good proportion, being about 8 yards long, and one in breadth, having a beakhead and a sterne very proportionably made, and on the out side artifically carved, and painted red and blewe: they are able to cary twenty or thirty men, but they are about the coast able to cary threescore and upward. In these canoas they rowe standing upright, with an oare somewhat longer then a man, the ende whereof is made about the breadth and length of a mans hand, of the largest sort. They row very swift, and in some of them foure rowers and one to steere make as much way, as a paire of oares in the Thames of London. Their Townes are pretily divided with a maine streete at the entring in, that goeth thorough their Towne, and another overthwart street, which maketh their townes crosse wayes: their houses are built in a ranke very orderly in the face of the street, and they are made round, like a dovecote, with stakes set full of Palmito leaves, in stead of a wall: they are not much more then a fathome large, and two of heigth, & thatched with Palmito leaves very close, other some with reede, and over the roofe thereof, for the better garnishing of the same, there is a round bundle of reede, pretily contrived like a louer: in the inner part they make a loft of stickes, whereupon they lay all their provision of victuals: a place they reserve at their enterance for the kitchin, and the place they lie in is devided with certaine mattes artificially made with the rine of Palmito trees: their bedsteades are of small staves layd along, and raysed a foote from the ground, upon which is layde a matte, and another upon them when they list: for other covering they have none. In the middle of the towne there is a house larger and higher then the other, but in forme alike, adjoyning unto the which there is a place made of foure good stancions of woode, and a round roofe over it, the grounde also raised round with claye a foote high, upon the which floore were strawed many fine mats : this is the Consultation-house, the like whereof is in all Townes, as the Portugals affirme: in which place, when they sitte in Counsell the King or Captaine sitteth in the midst, and the Elders upon the floore by him: (for they give reverence to their Elders) and the common sorte sitte round about them. There they sitte to examine matters of theft, which if a man be taken with, to steale but a Portugal cloth from another, hee is sold to the Portugals for a slave. They consult also, and take order what time they shall goe to warres: and as it is certainely reported by the Portugals, they take order in gathering of the fruites in the season of the yeere, and also of Palmito wine, which is gathered by a hole cut in the top of a tree, and a gourde set for the receiving thereof, which falleth in by droppes, and yeeldeth fresh wine againe within a moneth, and this devided part and portion-like to every man, by the judgement of the Captaine and Elders, every man holdeth himselfe contented: and this surely I judge to be a very good order: for otherwise, whereas scarsitie of Palmito is, every man would have the same, which might breed great strife: but of such things, as every man doeth plant for himselfe, the sower thereof reapeth it to his owne use, so that nothing is common, but that which is unset by mans hands. In their houses there is more common passage of Lizardes like Evats, and other greater, of blacke and blew colour, of neere a foote long, besides their tailes, then there is with us of Mise in great houses. The Sapies and Samboses also use in their warres bowes, and arrowes made of reedes, with heads of yron poysoned with the juyce of a Cucumber, whereof I had many in my handes. In their battels they have target-men, with broad wicker targets, and darts with heades at both endes, of yron, the one in forme of a two edged sworde, a foote and an halfe long, and at the other ende, the yron long of the same length made to counterpease it, that in casting it might flie level, rather then for any other purpose as I can judge. And when they espie the enemie, the Captaine to cheere his men, cryeth Hungry, and they answere Heygre, and with that every man placeth himselfe in order, for about every target man three bowemen will cover themselves, and shoote as they see advantage: and when they give the onset, they make such terrible cryes, that they may bee heard two miles off. For their beliefe, I can heare of none that they have, but in such as they themselves imagine to see in their dreames, and so worshippe the pictures, whereof wee sawe some like unto devils. In this Island aforesayde wee sojourned unto the one and twentieth of December, where having taken certaine Negros, and asmuch of their fruites, rise, and mill, as we could well cary away, (whereof there was such store, that wee might have laden one of our Barkes therewith) wee departed, and at our departure divers of our men being desirous to goe on shore, to fetch Pompions, which having prooved, they found to bee very good, certaine of the Tygres men went also, amongst the which there was a Carpenter, a yong man, who with his fellowes having fet many, and caryed them downe to their boates, as they were ready to depart, desired his fellow to tary while he might goe up to fetch a few which he had layed by for him selfe, who being more licorous then circumspect, went up without weapon, and as he went up alone, possibly being marked of the Negros that were upon the trees, espying him what hee did, perceaving him to be alone, and without weapon, dogged him, and finding him occupyed in binding his Pompions together, came behinde him, overthrowing him and straight cutte his throate, as hee afterwardes was found by his fellowes, who came to the place for him, and there found him naked. The two and twentieth the Captaine went into the River, called Callowsa, with the two Barkes, and the Johns Pinnesse, and the Salomons boate, leaving at anker in the Rivers mouth the two shippes, the River being twenty leagues in, where the Portugals roade: hee came thither the five and twentieth, and dispatched his businesse, and so returned with two Caravels, loaden with Negros. The 27. the Captaine was advertised by the Portugals of a towne of the Negros called Bymba, being in the way as they returned, where was not onely great quantitie of golde, but also that there were not above fortie men, and an hundred women and children in the Towne, so that if hee would give the adventure upon the same, hee might gette an hundreth slaves: with the which tydings hee being gladde, because the Portugals shoulde not thinke him to bee of so base a courage, but that hee durst give them that, and greater attempts: and being thereunto also the more provoked with the prosperous successe hee had in other Islands adjacent, where he had put them all to flight, and taken in one boate twentie together, determined to stay before the Towne three or foure houres, to see what hee could doe: and thereupon prepared his men in armour and weapon together, to the number of fortie men well appointed, having to their guides certaine Portugals, in a boat, who brought some of them to their death: wee landing boat after boat, and divers of our men scattering themselves, contrary to the Captaines will, by one or two in a company, for the hope that they had to finde golde in their houses, ransacking the same, in the meane time the Negros came upon them, and hurte many being thus scattered, whereas if five or sixe had bene together, they had bene able, as their companions did, to give the overthrow to 40 of them, and being driven downe to take their boates, were followed so hardly by a route of Negros, who by that tooke courage to pursue them to their boates, that not onely some of them, but others standing on shore, not looking for any such matter by meanes that the Negros did flee at the first, and our companie remained in the towne, were suddenly so set upon that some with great hurt recovered their boates; othersome not able to recover the same, tooke the water, and perished by meanes of the oaze. While this was doing, the Captaine who with a dosen men, went through the towne, returned, finding 200 Negros at the waters side, shooting at them in the boates, and cutting them in pieces which were drowned in the water, at whose comming, they ranne all away: so he entred his boates, and before he could put off from the shore, they returned againe, and shot very fiercely and hurt divers of them. Thus wee returned backe some what discomforted, although the Captaine in a singular wise maner caried himselfe, with countenance very cheerefull outwardly, as though hee did litle weigh the death of his men, nor yet the great hurt of the rest, although his heart inwardly was broken in pieces for it; done to this ende, that the Portugals being with him, should not presume to resist against him, nor take occasion to put him to further displeasure or hinderance for the death of our men: having gotten by our going ten Negros, and lost seven of our best men, whereof M. Field Captaine of the Salomon, was one, and we had 27 of our men hurt. In the same houre while this was doing, there happened at the same instant, a marveilous miracle to them in the shippes, who road ten leagues to sea-ward, by many sharkes or Tiburons, who came about the ships: among which, one was taken by the Jesus, and foure by the Salomon, and one very sore hurt escaped: and so it fell out of our men, whereof one of the Jesus men, and foure of the Salomons were killed, and the fift having twentie wounds was rescued, and scaped with much adoe. The 28 they came to their ships, the Jesus, and the Salomon, and the 30 departed from thence to Taggarin. The first of January the two barkes, and both the boates forsooke the ships, and went into a river called the Casserroes, and the 6 having dispatched their businesse, the two barkes returned, and came to Taggarin, where the two ships were at anker. Not two dayes after the comming of the two ships thither, they put their water caske a shore, and filled it with water, to season the same, thinking to have filled it with fresh water afterward: and while their men were some on shore, and some at their boates, the Negros set upon them in the boates, and hurt divers of them, and came to the caskes, and cut of the hoopes of twelve buts, which lost us 4 or 5 dayes time, besides great want we had of the same: sojourning at Taggarin, the Swallow went up the river about her trafficke, where they saw great townes of the Negros, and Canoas, that had threescore men in a piece: there they understood by the Portugals, of a great battell betweene them of Sierra Leona side, and them of Taggarin: they of Sierra Leona, had prepared three hundred Canoas to invade the other. The time was appointed not past sixe dayes after our departure from thence, which we would have seene, to the intent we might have taken some of them, had it not bene for the death and sickenesse of our men, which came by the contagiousnes of the place, which made us to make hast away. The 18 of Januarie at night, wee departed from Taggarin, being bound for the West Indies, before which departure certaine of the Salomons men went on shore to fill water in the night, and as they came on shore with their boat being ready to leape on land, one of them espied an Negro in a white coate, standing upon a rocke, being ready to have received them when they came on shore, having in sight of his fellowes also eight or nine, some in one place leaping out, and some in another, but they hid themselves streight againe: whereupon our men doubting they had bene a great companie, and sought to have taken them at more advantage, as God would, departed to their ships, not thinking there had bene such a mischiefe pretended toward them, as then was in deede. Which the next day we understood of a Portugal that came downe to us, who had trafficked with the Negros, by whom hee understood, that the king of Sierra Leona had made all the power hee could, to take some of us, partly for the desire he had to see what kinde of people we were, that had spoiled his people at the Idols, whereof he had newes before our comming, and as I judge also, upon other occasions provoked by the Tangomangos, but sure we were that the armie was come downe, by meanes that in the evening wee saw such a monstrous fire, made by the watring place, that before was not seene, which fire is the only marke for the Tangomangos to know where their armie is alwayes. If these men had come downe in the evening, they had done us great displeasure, for that wee were on shore filling water: but God, who worketh all things for the best, would not have it so, and by him we escaped without danger, his name be praysed for it. The 29 of this same moneth we departed with all our shippes from Sierra Leona, towardes the West Indies, and for the space of eighteene dayes, we were becalmed, having nowe and then contrary windes, and some Ternados, amongst the same calme, which happened to us very ill, beeing but reasonably watered, for so great a companie of Negros, and our selves, which pinched us all, and that which was worst, put us in such feare that many never thought to have reached to the Indies, without great death of Negros, and of themselves: but the Almightie God, who never suffereth his elect to perish, sent us the sixteenth of Februarie, the ordinary Brise, which is the Northwest winde, which never left us, till wee came to an Island of the Canybals, called Dominica , where wee arrived the ninth of March, upon a Saturday: and because it was the most desolate place in all the Island, we could see no Canybals, but some of their houses where they dwelled, and as it should seeme forsooke the place for want of fresh water, for wee could finde none there but raine water, and such as fell from the hilles, and remained as a puddle in the dale, whereof wee filled for our Negros. The Canybals of that Island, and also others adjacent are the most desperate warriers that are in the Indies, by the Spaniardes report, who are never able to conquer them, and they are molested by them not a little, when they are driven to water there in any of those Islands: of very late, not two moneths past, in the said Island, a Caravel being driven to water, was in the night sette upon by the inhabitants, who cutte their cable in the halser, whereby they were driven a shore, and so taken by them, and eaten. The greene Dragon of Newhaven, whereof was Captaine one Bontemps, in March also, came to one of those Islands, called Granada , and being driven to water, could not doe the same for the Canybals, who fought with him very desperatly two dayes. For our part also, if we had not lighted upon the desertest place in all that Island, wee could not have missed, but should have bene greatly troubled by them, by all the Spaniards reports, who make them devils in respect of me. The tenth day at night, we departed from thence, and the fifteenth had sight of nine Islands, called the Testigos : and the sixteenth of an Island, called Margarita, where wee were entertayned by the Alcalde, and had both Beeves and sheepe given us, for the refreshing of our men: but the Governour of the Island, would neither come to speake with our Captaine, neither yet give him any licence to trafficke: and to displease us the more, whereas wee had hired a Pilote to have gone with us, they would not onely not suffer him to goe with us, but also sent word by a Caravel out of hand, to Santo Domingo, to the Vice-roy, who doeth represent the kings person, of our arrivall in those partes, which had like to have turned us to great displeasure, by the meanes that the same Vice-roy did send word to Cape de la Vela, and to other places along the coast, commanding them that by the vertue of his authoritie, and by the obedience that they owe to their Prince, no man should trafficke with us, but should resist us with all the force they could. In this Island, notwithstanding that wee were not within foure leagues of the Towne, yet were they so afraid, that not onely the Governour himselfe, but also all the inhabitants forsooke their Towne, assembling all the Indians to them and fled into the mountaines, as wee were partly certified, and also sawe the experience our selves, by some of the Indians comming to see us who by three Spaniards a horsebacke passing hard by us, went unto the Indians, having every one of them their bowes, and arrowes, procuring them away, who before were conversant with us. Here perceiving no trafficke to be had with them, nor yet water for the refreshing of our men, we were driven to depart the twentieth day, and the 2 and twentieth we came to a place in the maine called Cumana , whither the Captaine going in his Pinnisse, spake with certaine Spaniards, of whom he demanded trafficke, but they made him answere, they were but souldiers newely come thither, and were not able to by one Negro : whereupon hee asked for a watring place, and they pointed him a place two leagues off, called Santa Fe, where we found marveilous goodly watering, and commodious for the taking in thereof: for that the fresh water came into the Sea, and so our shippes had aboord the shore twentie fathome water. Neere about this place, inhabited certaine Indians, who the next day after we came thither, came down to us, presenting mill and cakes of breade, which they had made of a kinde of corne called Maiz, in bignesse of a pease, the eare whereof is much like to a teasell, but a spanne in length, having thereon a number of granes. Also they brought down to us Hennes, Potatoes and Pines, which we bought for beades, pewter whistles, glasses, knives, and other trifles. These Potatoes be the most delicate rootes that may be eaten, and doe farre exceed our passeneps or carets. Their pines be of the bignes of two fists, the outside whereof is of the making of a pine-apple, but it is soft like the rinde of a Cucomber, and the inside eateth like an apple, but it is more delicious then any sweet apple sugred. These Indians being of colour tawnie like an Olive, having every one of them both men and women, haire all blacke, and no other colour, the women wearing the same hanging downe to their shoulders, and the men rounded, and without beards, neither men nor women suffering any haire to growe in any part of their body, but dayly pull it off as it groweth. They goe all naked, the men covering no part of their body but their yard, upon the which they weare a gourd or piece of cane, made fast with a thrid about their loynes, leaving the other parts of their members uncovered, whereof they take no shame. The women also are uncovered, saving with a cloth which they weare a hand-breath, wherewith they cover their privities both before and behind. These people be very small feeders, for travelling they cary but two small bottels of gourdes, wherein they put in one the juice of Sorrell whereof they have great store, and in the other flowre of their Maiz, which being moist, they eate, taking sometime of the other. These men cary every man his bowe and arrowes, whereof some arrowes are poisoned for warres, which they keepe in a Cane together, which Cane is of the bignesse of a mans arme, other some with broad heades of iron wherewith they stricke fish in the water: the experience whereof we saw not once nor twise, but dayly for the time we taried there, for they are so good archers that the Spaniards for feare thereof arme themselves and their horses with quilted canvas of two ynches thicke, and leave no place of their body open to their enemies, saving their eyes which they may not hide, and yet oftentimes are they hit in that so small a scantling: their poyson is of such a force, that a man being stricken therewith dyeth within foure and twentie howers, as the Spaniards do affirme, & in my judgement it is like there can be no stronger poyson as they make it, using thereunto apples which are very faire and red of colour, but are a strong poyson, with the which together with venemous Bats, Vipers, Adders and other serpents, they make a medley, and therewith anoint the same. The Indian women delight not when they are yong in bearing of children, because it maketh them have hanging breastes which they account to bee great deforming in them, and upon that occasion while they bee yong, they destroy their seede, saying, that it is fittest for olde women. Moreover, when they are delivered of childe, they goe straight to washe themselves, without making any further ceremonie for it, not lying in bed as our women doe. The beds which they have are made of Gossopine cotton, and wrought artificially of divers colours, which they cary about with them when they travell, and making the same fast to two trees, lie therein they and their women. The people be surely gentle and tractable, and such as desire to live peaceably, or els had it bene unpossible for the Spaniards to have conquered them as they did, and the more to live now peaceably, they being so many in number, and the Spaniards so few. From hence we departed the eight and twentie, and the next day we passed betweene the maine land, and the Island called Tortuga, a very lowe Island, in the yeere of our Lorde God one thousande five hundred sixty five aforesaide, and sayled along the coast untill the first of Aprill, at which time the Captaine sayled along in the Jesus pinnesse to discerne the coast, and saw many Caribes on shore, and some also in their Canoas, which made tokens unto him of friendship, and shewed him golde, meaning thereby that they would trafficke for wares. Whereupon he stayed to see the maners of them, and so for two or three trifles they gave such things as they had about them, and departed: but the Caribes were very importunate to have them come on shore, which if it had not bene for want of wares to trafficke with them, he would not have denyed them, because the Indians which we saw before were very gentle people, and such as do no man hurt. But as God would have it, hee wanted that thing, which if hee had had, would have bene his confusion: for these were no such kinde of people as wee tooke them to bee, but more devilish a thousand partes and are eaters and devourers of any man they can catch, as it was afterwards declared unto us at Burboroata, by a Caravel comming out of Spaine with certaine souldiers, and a Captaine generall sent by the king for those Eastward parts of the Indians, who sayling along in his pinnesse, as our Captaine did to descry the coast, was by the Caribes called a shoore with sundry tokens made to him of friendshippe, and golde shewed as though they desired trafficke, with the which the Spaniard being mooved, suspecting no deceite at all, went ashore amongst them: who was no sooner ashore, but with foure or five more was taken, the rest of his company being invaded by them, saved themselves by flight, but they that were taken, paied their ransome with their lives, and were presently eaten. And this is their practise to toll with their golde the ignorant to their snares: they are bloodsuckers both of Spaniards, Indians, and all that light in their laps, not sparing their owne countreymen if they can conveniently come by them. Their policie in fight with the Spaniards is marvellous : for they chuse for their refuge the mountaines and woodes where the Spaniards with their horses cannot follow them, and if they fortune to be met in the plaine where one horseman may overrunne 100. of them, they have a devise of late practised by them to pitch stakes of wood in the ground, and also small iron pikes to mischiefe their horses, wherein they shew themselves politique warriers. They have more abundance of golde then all the Spaniards have, and live upon the mountaines where the Mines are in such number, that the Spaniards have much adoe to get any of them from them, and yet sometimes by assembling a great number of them, which happeneth once in two yeeres, they get a piece from them, which afterwards they keepe sure ynough. Thus having escaped the danger of them, wee kept our course along the coast, and came the third of April to a Towne called Burboroata, where his ships came to an ancker, and hee himselfe went a shore to speake with the Spaniards, to whom hee declared himselfe to be an Englishman, and came thither to trade with them by the way of marchandize, and therefore required licence for the same. Unto whom they made answere, that they were forbidden by the king to trafique with any forren nation, upon penaltie to forfeit their goods, therfore they desired him not to molest them any further, but to depart as he came, for other comfort he might not looke for at their handes, because they were subjects and might not goe beyond the law. But hee replied that his necessitie was such, as he might not so do: for being in one of the Queens Armadas of England , and having many souldiours in them, hee had neede both of some refreshing for them, and of victuals, and of money also, without the which hee coulde not depart, and with much other talke perswaded them not to feare any dishonest part of his behalfe towards them, for neither would hee commit any such thing to the dishonour of his prince, nor yet for his honest reputation and estimation, unlesse hee were too rigorously dealt withall, which hee hoped not to finde at their handes, in that it should as well redound to their profite as his owne, and also hee thought they might doe it without danger, because their princes were in amitie one with another, and for our parts wee had free trafique in Spain and Flanders , which are in his dominions, and therefore he knew no reason why he should not have the like in all his dominions. To the which the Spaniards made answere, that it lay not in them to give any licence, for that they had a governour to whom the government of those parts was committed, but if they would stay tenne dayes, they would send to their governour who was threescore leagues off, and would returne answere within the space appointed, of his minde. In the meane time they were contented hee should bring his ships into harbour, and there they would deliver him any victuals he would require. Whereupon the fourth day we went in, where being one day and receiving all things according to promise, the Captaine advised himselfe, that to remaine there tenne dayes idle, spending victuals and mens wages, and perhaps in the ende receive no good answere from the governour, it were meere follie, and therefore determined to make request to have licence for the sale of certaine leane and sicke Negros which hee had in his shippe like to die upon his hands if he kept them ten dayes, having little or no refreshing for them, whereas other men having them, they would bee recovered well ynough. And this request hee was forced to make, because he had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals & for necessaries which he should take: which request being put in writing and presented, the officers and towne-dwellers assembled together, and finding his request so reasonable, granted him licence for thirtie Negros, which afterwards they caused the officers to view, to the intent they should graunt to nothing but that were very reasonable, for feare of answering thereunto afterwards. This being past, our Captaine according to their licence, thought to have made sale, but the day past and none came to buy, who before made shewe that they had great neede of them, and therefore wist not what to surmise of them, whether they went about to prolong the time of the Governour his answere because they would keepe themselves blamelesse, or for any other pollicie hee knew not, and for that purpose sent them worde, marveiling what the matter was that none came to buy them. They answered, because they had granted licence onely to the poore to buy those Negros of small price, and their money was not so ready as other mens of more wealth. More then that, as soone as ever they sawe the shippes, they conveyed away their money by their wives that went into the mountaines for feare, & were not yet returned, & yet asked two dayes to seeke their wives and fetch their money. Notwithstanding, the next day divers of them came to cheapen, but could not agree of price, because they thought the price too high. Whereupon the Captaine perceiving they went about to bring downe the price, and meant to buy, and would not confesse if hee had licence, that he might sell at any reasonable rate, as they were worth in other places, did send for the principals of the Towne, and made a shewe hee would depart, declaring himselfe to be very sory that he had so much troubled them, and also that he had sent for the governour to come downe, seeing nowe his pretence was to depart, whereat they marveiled much, and asked him what cause mooved him thereunto, seeing by their working he was in possibilitie to have his licence. To the which he replied, that it was not onely a licence that he sought, but profit, which he perceived was not there to bee had, and therefore would seeke further, and withall shewed him his writings what he payed for his Negros, declaring also the great charge he was at in his shipping, and mens wages, and therefore to countervaile his charges, hee must sell his Negros for a greater price then they offered. So they doubting his departure, put him in comfort to sell better there then in any other place. And if it fell out that he had no licence that he should not loose his labour in tarying, for they would buy without licence. Whereupon, the Captaine being put in comfort, promised them to stay, so that hee might make sale of his leane Negros, which they granted unto. And the next day did sell some of them, who having bought and payed for them, thinking to have had a discharge of the Customer, for the custome of the Negros, being the Kings duetie, they gave it away to the poore for Gods sake, and did refuse to give the discharge in writing, and the poore not trusting their wordes, for feare, least hereafter it might bee demaunded of them, did refraine from buying any more, so that nothing else was done untill the Governours comming downe, which was the fourteenth day, and then the Captaine made petition, declaring that hee was come thither in a shippe of the Queenes Majesties of England , being bound to Guinie, and thither driven by winde and weather, so that being come thither, hee had neede of sundry necessaries for the reparation of the said Navie, and also great need of money for the paiment of his Souldiours, unto whom hee had promised paiment, and therefore although hee would, yet would not they depart without it, & for that purpose he requested licence for the sale of certaine of his Negros, declaring that although they were forbidden to trafique with strangers, yet for that there was a great amitie betweene their princes, and that the thing perteined to our Queenes highnesse, he thought hee might doe their prince great service, and that it would bee well taken at his hands, to doe it in this cause. The which allegations with divers others put in request, were presented unto the Governour, who sitting in counsell for that matter, granted unto his request for licence. But yet there fell out another thing which was the abating of the kings Custome, being upon every slave 30. duckets, which would not be granted unto. Whereupon the Captaine perceiving that they would neither come neere his price hee looked for by a great deale, nor yet would abate the Kings Custome of that they offered, so that either he must be a great looser by his wares, or els compell the officers to abate the same kings Custome which was too unreasonable, for to a higher price hee coulde not bring the buyers: Therefore the sixteenth of April hee prepared one hundred men well armed with bowes, arrowes, harquebuzes and pikes, with the which hee marched to the townewards, and being perceived by the Governour, he straight with all expedition sent messengers to knowe his request, desiring him to march no further forward untill he had answere againe, which incontinent he should have. So our Captaine declaring how unreasonable a thing the Kings Custome was, requested to have the same abated, and to pay seven and a halfe per centum, which is the ordinarie Custome for wares through his dominions there, and unto this if they would not graunt, hee would displease them. And this word being caried to the Governour, answere was returned that all things should bee to his content, and thereupon hee determined to depart, but the souldiers and Mariners finding so little credite in their promises, demanded gages for the performance of the premisses, or els they would not depart. And thus they being constrained to send gages, wee departed, beginning our trafique, and ending the same without disturbance. Thus having made trafique in the harborough untill the 28. our Captaine with his ships intended to goe out of the roade, and purposed to make shew of his departure, because nowe the common sort having imployed their money, the rich men were come to towne, who made no shew that they were come to buy, so that they went about to bring downe the price, and by this pollicie the Captaine knew they would be made the more eager, for feare least we departed, and they should goe without any at all. The nine and twentie wee being at ancker without the road, a French ship called the Greene Dragon of Newhaven, whereof was Captaine one Bon Temps came in, who saluted us after the maner of the Sea, with certaine pieces of Ordinance, and we resaluted him with the like againe: with whom having communication, he declared that hee had bene at the Mine in Guinie, and was beaten off by the Portugals gallies, and inforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had: and further that the like was happened unto the Minion: besides the Captaine Davie Carlet and a Marchant, with a dozen Mariners betrayed by the Negros at their first arrivall thither, and remayning prisoners with the Portugals; and besides other misadventures of the losse of their men, happened through the great lacke of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home the ships: which was most sorrowfull for us to understand. Thus having ended our trafique here the 4. of May, we departed, leaving the Frenchman behinde us, the night before the which the Caribes, whereof I have made mention before, being to the number of 200. came in their Canoas to Burboroata, intending by night to have burned the towne, and taken the Spaniards, who being more vigilant because of our being there, then their custome was, perceiving them comming, raised the towne, who in a moment being a horsebacke, by meanes their custome is for all doubts to keepe their horses ready sadled, in the night set upon them, & tooke one, but the rest making shift for themselves, escaped away. But this one, because he was their guide, and was the occasion that divers times they had made invasion upon them, had for his traveile a stake thrust through his fundament, and so out at his necke. The sixt of May aforesaide, wee came to an yland called Curacao , where wee had thought to have anckered, but could not find ground, and having let fal an ancker with two cables, were faine to weigh it againe: and the seventh sayling along the coast to seeke an harborow, and finding none, wee came to an ancker where we rode open in the Sea. In this place we had trafique for hides, and found great refreshing both of beefe, mutton and lambes, whereof there was such plentie, that saving the skinnes, we had the flesh given us for nothing, the plentie whereof was so abundant, that the worst in the ship thought scorne not onely of mutton, but also of sodden lambe, which they disdained to eate unrosted. The increase of cattell in this yland is marvellous, which from a doozen of each sort brought thither by the governour, in 25. yeres he had a hundreth thousand at the least, & of other cattel was able to kill without spoile of the increase 1500. yeerely, which hee killeth for the skinnes, and of the flesh saveth onely the tongues, the rest hee leaveth to the foule to devoure. And this I am able to affirme, not onely upon the Governours owne report, who was the first that brought the increase thither, which so remaineth unto this day, but also by that I saw my selfe in one field, where an hundred oxen lay one by another all whole, saving the skinne and tongue taken away. And it is not so marveilous a thing why they doe thus cast away the flesh in all the ylands of the West Indies, seeing the land is great, and more then they are able to inhabite, the people fewe, having delicate fruites and meates ynough besides to feede upon, which they rather desire, and the increase which passeth mans reason to beleeve, when they come to a great number: for in S. Domingo an yland called by the finders thereof Hispaniola, is so great quantitie of cattell, and such increase therof, that notwithstanding the daily killing of them for their hides, it is not possible to asswage the number of them, but they are devoured by wilde dogs, whose number is such by suffering them first to range the woods and mountaines, that they eate and destroy 60000. a yeere, and yet small lacke found of them. And no marveile, for the said yland is almost as bigge as all England , and being the first place that was founde of all the Indies, and of long time inhabited before the rest, it ought therefore of reason to be most populous: and to this houre the Viceroy and counsell royall abideth there as in the chiefest place of all the Indies, to prescribe orders to the rest for the kings behalfe, yet have they but one Citie and 13. villages in all the same yland, whereby the spoile of them in respect of the increase is nothing. The 15. of the foresaid moneth wee departed from Curacao , being not a little to the rejoycing of our Captaine and us, that wee had there ended our trafique: but notwithstanding our sweete meate, wee had sower sauce, for by reason of our riding so open at sea, what with blastes whereby our anckers being a ground, three at once came home, and also with contrary windes blowing, whereby for feare of the shore we were faine to hale off to have anker-hold, sometimes a whole day and a night we turned up and downe; and this happened not once, but halfe a dozen times in the space of our being there. The 16. wee passed by an yland called Aruba , and the 17. at night anckered sixe houres at the West ende of Cabo de la vela, and in the morning being the 18. weighed againe, keeping our course, in the which time the Captaine sailing by the shore in the pinnesse, came to the Rancheria, a place where the Spaniards use to fish for pearles, and there spoke with a Spaniard, who tolde him how far off he was from Rio de la Hacha, which because he would not overshoot, he ankered that night againe, & the 19. came thither; where having talke with the kings treasurer of the Indies resident there, he declared his quiet trafique in Burboroata, & shewed a certificate of the same, made by the governour thereof, & therefore he desired to have the like there also: but the treasurer made answere that they were forbidden by the Viceroy and councill of S. Domingo, who having intelligence of our being on the coast, did sende expresse commission to resist us, with all the force they could, insomuch that they durst not trafique with us in no case, alleaging that if they did, they should loose all that they did trafique for, besides their bodies at the magistrates commaundement. Our Captaine replied, that hee was in an Armada of the Queenes Majesties of England, and sent about other her affaires, but driven besides his pretended voyage, was inforced by contrary windes to come into those parts, where he hoped to finde such friendship as hee should doe in Spaine, to the contrary whereof hee knewe no reason, in that there was amitie betwixt their princes. But seeing they would contrary to all reason go about to withstand his trafique, he would it should not be said by him, that having the force he hath, to be driven from his trafique perforce, but he would rather put it in adventure to try whether he or they should have the better, and therefore willed them to determine either to give him licence to trade, or else to stand to their owne harmes: So upon this it was determined hee should have licence to trade, but they would give him such a price as was the one halfe lesse then he had sold for before, and thus they sent word they would do, and none otherwise, and if it liked him not, he might do what he would, for they were not determined to deale otherwise with him. Whereupon, the captaine waying their unconscionable request, wrote to them a letter, that they dealt too rigorously with him, to go about to cut his throte in the price of his commodities, which were so reasonably rated, as they could not by a great deale have the like at any other mans handes. But seeing they had sent him this to his supper, hee would in the morning bring them as good a breakefast. And therefore in the morning being the 21. of May, hee shot off a whole Culvering to summon the towne, and preparing one hundred men in armour, went a shore, having in his great boate two Faulcons of brasse, and in the other boates double bases in their noses, which being perceived by the Townesmen, they incontinent in battell aray with their drumme and ensigne displayed, marched from the Towne to the sands, of footemen to the number of an hundred and fiftie, making great bragges with their cries, and weaving us a shore, whereby they made a semblance to have fought with us in deed. But our Captaine perceiving them so bragge, commanded the two Faulcons to be discharged at them, which put them in no small feare to see, (as they afterward declared) such great pieces in a boate. At every shot they fell flat to the ground, and as wee approched neere unto them, they broke their aray, and dispersed themselves so much for feare of the Ordinance, that at last they went all away with their ensigne. The horsemen also being about thirtie, made as brave a shew as might be, coursing up and downe with their horses, their brave white leather Targets in the one hand, and their javelings in the other, as though they would have received us at our landing. But when wee landed, they gave ground, and consulted what they should doe, for little they thought wee would have landed so boldly: and therefore as the Captaine was putting his men in aray, and marched forward to have encountred with them, they sent a messenger on horsebacke with a flagge of truce to the Captaine, who declared that the Treasurer marveiled what he meant to doe to come a shore in that order, in consideration that they had granted to every reasonable request that he did demaund: but the Captaine not well contented with this messenger, marched forwards. The messenger prayed him to stay his men, and saide, if hee would come apart from his men, the Treasurer would come and speake with him, whereunto hee did agree to commune together. The Captaine onely with his armour without weapon, and the Treasurer on horsebacke with his javeling, was afraide to come neere him for feare of his armour, which he said was worse then his weapon, and so keeping aloofe communing together, granted in fine to all his requests. Which being declared by the Captaine to the company, they desired to have pledges for the performance of all things, doubting that otherwise when they had made themselves stronger, they would have bene at defiance with us: and seeing that now they might have what they would request, they judged it to be more wisedome to be in assurance then to be forced to make any more labours about it. So upon this, gages were sent, and we made our trafique quietly with them. In the mean time while we stayed here, wee watered a good breadth off from the shore, where by the strength of the fresh water running into the Sea, the salt water was made fresh. In this River we saw many Crocodils of sundry bignesses, but some as bigge as a boate, with 4. feete, a long broad mouth, and a long taile, whose skinne is so hard, that a sword wil not pierce it. His nature is to live out of the water as a frogge doth, but he is a great devourer, and spareth neither fish, which is his common food, nor beastes, nor men, if hee take them, as the proofe thereof was knowen by a Negro, who as hee was filling water in the River was by one of them caried cleane away, and never seene after. His nature is ever when hee would have his prey, to cry and sobbe like a Christian body, to provoke them to come to him, and then hee snatcheth at them, and thereupon came this proverbe that is applied unto women when they weepe, Lachrymae Crocodili, the meaning whereof is, that as the Crocodile when hee crieth, goeth then about most to deceive, so doeth a woman most commonly when she weepeth. Of these the Master of the Jesus watched one, and by the banks side stroke him with a pike of a bill in the side, and after three or foure times turning in sight, hee sunke downe, and was not afterward seene. In the time of our being in the Rivers Guinie, wee sawe many of a monstrous bignesse, amongst the which the captaine being in one of the Barks comming downe the same, shot a Faulcon at one, which very narowly hee missed, and with a feare hee plunged into the water, making a streame like the way of a boate. Now while we were here, whether it were of a feare that the Spaniards doubted wee would have done them some harme before we departed, or for any treason that they intended towards us, I am not able to say; but then came thither a Captaine from some of the other townes, with a dozen souldiers upon a time when our Captaine and the treasurer cleared al things betweene them, and were in a communication of a debt of the governors of Burboroata, which was to be payd by the said treasurer, who would not answer the same by any meanes. Whereupon certaine words of displeasure passed betwixt the Captaine and him, and parting the one from the other, the treasurer possibly doubting that our Captaine would perforce have sought the same, did immediately command his men to armes, both horsemen and footemen : but because the Captaine was in the River on the backe side of the Towne with his other boates, and all his men unarmed and without weapons, it was to be judged he ment him little good, having that advantage of him, that comming upon the sudden, hee might have mischieved many of his men: but the Captaine having understanding thereof, not trusting to their gentlenesse, if they might have the advantage, departed aboord his ships, and at night returned againe, and demanded amongst other talke, what they ment by assembling their men in that order, & they answered, that their Captaine being come to towne did muster his men according to his accustomed maner. But it is to be judged to bee a cloake, in that comming for that purpose hee might have done it sooner, but the trueth is, they were not of force untill then, whereby to enterprise any matter against us, by meanes of pikes and harquebuzes, whereof they have want, and were now furnished by our Captaine, and also 3. Faulcons, which having got in other places, they had secretly conveyed thither, which made them the bolder, and also for that they saw now a convenient place to do such a feat, and time also serving thereunto, by the meanes that our men were not onely unarmed and unprovided, as at no time before the like, but also were occupied in hewing of wood, and least thinking of any harme: these were occasions to provoke them thereunto. And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect, in that I with another gentleman being in the towne, thinking of no harme towards us, and seeing men assembling in armour to the treasurers house, whereof I marveiled, and revoking to minde the former talke betweene the Captaine and him, and the unreadinesse of our men, of whom advantage might have bene taken, departed out of the Towne immediatly to give knowledge thereof, but before we came to our men by a flight-shot, two horse men riding a gallop were come neere us, being sent, as wee did gesse, to stay us least wee should cary newes to our Captaine, but seeing us so neere our men they stayed their horses, comming together, and suffring us to passe, belike because wee were so neere, that if they had gone about the same, they had bene espied by some of our men which then immediatly would have departed, whereby they should have bene frustrate of their pretence: and so the two horsemen ridde about the bushes to espie what we did, and seeing us gone, to the intent they might shadow their comming downe in post, whereof suspition might bee had, fained a simple excuse in asking whether he could sell any wine, but that seemed so simple to the Captaine, that standing in doubt of their courtesie, he returned in the morning with his three boats, appointed with Bases in their noses, and his men with weapons accordingly, where as before he caried none: and thus dissembling all injuries conceived of both parts, the Captaine went ashore, leaving pledges in the boates for himselfe, and cleared all things betweene the treasurer and him, saving for the governers debt, which the one by no meanes would answere, and the other, because it was not his due debt, woulde not molest him for it, but was content to remit it untill another time, and therefore departed, causing the two Barkes which rode neere the shore to weigh and go under saile, which was done because that our Captaine demanding a testimoniall of his good behaviour there, could not have the same untill hee were under saile ready to depart: and therefore at night he went for the same againe, & received it at the treasurers hand, of whom very courteously he tooke his leave and departed, shooting off the bases of his boat for his farewell, and the townesmen also shot off foure Faulcons and 30. harquebuzes, and this was the first time that he knew of the conveyance of their Faulcons. The 31. of May wee departed, keeping our course to Hispaniola, and the fourth of June wee had sight of an yland, which wee made to be Jamaica , marveiling that by the vehement course of the Seas we should be driven so farre to leeward: for setting our course to the West end of Hispaniola we fel with the middle of Jamaica , notwithstanding that to al mens sight it shewed a headland, but they were all deceived by the clouds that lay upon the land two dayes together, in such sort that we thought it to be the head land of the said yland. And a Spaniard being in the ship, who was a Marchant, and inhabitant in Jamaica , having occasion to go to Guinie, and being by treason taken of the Negros, & afterwards bought by the Tangomangos, was by our Captaine brought from thence, and had his passage to go into his countrey, who perceiving the land, made as though he knew every place thereof, and pointed to certaine places which he named to be such a place, and such a mans ground, and that behinde such a point was the harborow, but in the ende he pointed so from one point to another, that we were a leeboord of all places, and found our selves at the West end of Jamaica before we were aware of it, and being once to leeward, there was no getting up againe, so that by trusting of the Spaniards knowledge, our Captaine sought not to speake with any of the inhabitants, which if he had not made himselfe sure of, he would have done as his custome was in other places: but this man was a plague not onely to our Captaine, who made him loose by overshooting the place 2000. pounds by hides, which hee might have gotten, but also to himselfe, who being three yeeres out of his Countrey, and in great misery in Guinie, both among the Negros and Tangomangos, and in hope to come to his wife and friendes, as he made sure accompt, in that at his going into the pinnesse, when he went to shore he put on his new clothes, and for joy flung away his old, could not afterwards finde any habitation, neither there nor in all Cuba , which we sailed all along, but it fell out ever by one occasion or other, that wee were put beside the same, so that he was faine to be brought into England , and it happened to him as it did to a duke of Samaria , when the Israelites were besieged, and were in great misery with hunger, & being tolde by the Prophet Elizaeus, that a bushell of flower should be sold for a sickle, would not beleeve him, but thought it unpossible: and for that cause Elizaeus prophesied hee should see the same done, but hee should not eate thereof: so this man being absent three yeeres, and not ever thinking to have seene his owne Countrey, did see the same, went upon it, and yet was it not his fortune to come to it, or to any habitation, whereby to remaine with his friends according to his desire. Thus having sailed along the coast two dayes, we departed the seventh of June, being made to beleeve by the Spaniard that it was not Jamaica , but rather Hispaniola, of which opinion the Captaine also was, because that which hee made Jamaica seemed to be but a piece of the land, and thereby tooke it rather to be Hispaniola, by the lying of the coast, and also for that being ignorant of the force of the current, he could not beleeve he was so farre driven to leeward, and therfore setting his course to Jamaica , and after certaine dayes not finding the same, perceived then certainly that the yland which he was at before was Jamaica , and that the cloudes did deceive him, whereof he marvelled not a little: and this mistaking of the place came to as ill a passe as the overshooting of Jamaica : for by this did he also overpasse a place in Cuba , called Santa Cruz, where, as he was informed, was great store of hides to be had: & thus being disappointed of two of his portes, where he thought to have raised great profite by his trafique, and also to have found great refreshing of victuals and water for his men, hee was now disappointed greatly, and such want he had of fresh water, that he was forced to seeke the shore to obteine the same, which he had sight of after certaine dayes overpassed with stormes and contrary windes, but yet not of the maine of Cuba , but of certaine ylands in number two hundred, whereof the most part were desolate of inhabitants: by the which ylands the Captaine passing in his pinnesse, could finde no fresh water untill hee came to an yland bigger then all the rest, called the yle of Pinas, where wee anckered with our ships the 16. of June, and found water, which although it were neither so toothsome as running water, by the meanes it is standing, and but the water of raine, and also being neere the Sea was brackish, yet did wee not refuse it, but were more glad thereof, as the time then required, then wee should have bene another time with fine Conduit water. Thus being reasonably watered we were desirous to depart, because the place was not very convenient for such ships of charge as they were, because there were many shoales to leeward, which also lay open to the sea for any wind that should blow: and therfore the captaine made the more haste away, which was not unneedfull : for little sooner were their anckers weyed, and foresaile set, but there arose such a storme, that they had not much to spare for doubling out of the shoales: for one of the barks not being fully ready as the rest, was faine for haste to cut the cable in the hawse, and loose both ancker and cable to save her selfe. Thus the 17. of June, we departed and on the 20. wee fell with the West end of Cuba , called Cape S. Antony, where for the space of three dayes wee doubled along, till wee came beyond the shoales, which are 20. leagues beyond S. Anthony. And the ordinary Brise taking us, which is the Northeast winde, put us the 24. from the shoare, and therefore we went to the Northwest to fetch wind, and also to the coast of Florida to have the helpe of the current, which was judged to have set to the Eastward : so the 29. wee found our selves in 27. degrees, and in the soundings of Florida , where we kept our selves the space of foure dayes, sailing along the coast as neere as we could, in tenne or twelve fadome water, having all the while no sight of land. The fift of July we had sight of certeine Islands of sand, called the Tortugas (which is lowe land) where the captaine went in with his pinnesse, and found such a number of birds, that in halfe an houre he laded her with them; and if they had beene ten boats more, they might have done the like. These Islands beare the name of Tortoises, because of the number of them, which there do breed, whose nature is to live both in the water and upon land also, but breed onely upon the shore, in making a great pit wherein they lay egges, to the number of three or foure hundred, and covering them with sand, they are hatched by the heat of the Sunne; and by this meanes commeth the great increase. Of these we tooke very great ones, which have both backe and belly all of bone, of the thicknes of an inch: the fish whereof we proved, eating much like veale; and finding a number of egges in them, tasted also of them, but they did eat very sweetly. Heere wee ankered sixe houres, and then a faire gale of winde springing, we weyed anker, and made saile toward Cuba , whither we came the sixt day, and weathered as farre as the Table, being a hill so called, because of the forme thereof: here we lay off and on all night, to keepe that we had gotten to windward, intending to have watered in the morning, if we could have done it, or els if the winde had come larger, to have plied to wind-ward to Havana , which is an harborow whereunto all the fleet of the Spanyards come, and doe there tary to have one the company of another. This hill we thinking to have beene the Table, made account (as it was indeed) that Havana was but eight leagues to wind-ward, but by the perswasion of a French man, who made the captaine beleeve he knew the Table very well, and had beene at Havana , sayd that it was not the Table, and that the Table was much higher, and neerer to the sea side, and that there was no plaine ground to the Eastward, nor hilles to the Westward, but all was contrary, and that behinde the hilles to the Westward was Havana . To which persuasion credit being given by some, and they not of the woorst, the captaine was persuaded to goe to leeward, and so sailed along the seventh and eight dayes, finding no habitation, nor no other Table; and then perceiving his folly to give eare to such praters, was not a little sory, both because he did consider what time he should spend yer he could get so far to wind-ward againe, which would have bene, with the weathering which we had, ten or twelve dayes worke, & what it would have bene longer he knew not, and (that which was woorst) he had not above a dayes water and therfore knew not what shift to make: but in fine, because the want was such, that his men could not live with it, he determined to seeke water, and to goe further to leeward, to a place (as it is set in the card) called Rio de los puercos, which he was in doubt of, both whether it were inhabited, & whether there were water or not, and whether for the shoalds he might have such accesse with his ships, that he might conveniently take in the same. And while we were in these troubles, and kept our way to the place aforesayd, almighty God our guide (who would not suffer us to run into any further danger, which we had bene like to have incurred, if we had ranged the coast of Florida along as we did before, which is so dangerous (by reports) that no ship escapeth which commeth thither, (as the Spanyards have very wel proved the same) sent us the eight day at night a faire Westerly winde, whereupon the captaine and company consulted, determining not to refuse Gods gift, but every man was contented to pinch his owne bellie, whatsoever had happened; and taking the sayd winde, the ninth day of July got to the Table, and sailing the same night, unawares overshot Havana ; at which place wee thought to have watered: but the next day, not knowing that wee had overshot the same, sailed along the coast, seeking it, and the eleventh day in the morning, by certeine knowen marks, we understood that we had overshot it 20 leagues: in which coast ranging, we found no convenient watering place, whereby there was no remedy but to disemboque, and to water upon the coast of Florida : for, to go further to the Eastward, we could not for the shoalds, which are very dangerous; and because the current shooteth to the Northeast, we doubted by the force thereof to be set upon them, and therefore durst not approch them: so making but reasonable way the day aforesayd, and all the night, the twelfth day in the morning we fell with the Islands upon the cape of Florida , which we could scant double by the meanes that fearing the shoalds to the Eastwards, and doubting the current comming out of the West, which was not of that force we made account of; for we felt little or none till we fell with the cape, and then felt such a current, that bearing all sailes against the same, yet were driven backe againe a great pace: the experience whereof we had by the Jesus pinnesse, and the Salomons boat, which were sent the same day in the afternoone, whiles the ships were becalmed, to see if they could finde any water upon the Islands aforesaid; who spent a great part of the day in rowing thither, being further off then they deemed it to be, and in the meane time a faire gale of winde springing at sea, the ships departed, making a signe to them to come away, who although they saw them depart, because they were so neere the shore, would not lose all the labour they had taken, but determined to keepe their way, and see if there were any water to be had, making no account but to finde the shippes well enough: but they spent so much time in filling the water which they had found, that the night was come before they could make an end. And having lost the sight of the ships, they rowed what they could, but were wholly ignorant which way they should seeke them againe; as indeed there was a more doubt then they knew of: for when they departed, the shippes were in no current; and sailing but a mile further, they found one so strong, that bearing all sailes, it could not prevaile against the same, but were driven backe: whereupon the captaine sent the Salomon, with the other two barks, to beare neere the shore all night, because the current was lesse there a great deale, and to beare light, with shooting off a piece now and then, to the intent the boats might better know how to come to them. The Jesus also bare a light in her toppe gallant, and shot off a piece also now and then, but the night passed, and the morning was come, being the thirteenth day, and no newes could be heard of them, but the ships and barkes ceased not to looke still for them, yet they thought it was all in vaine, by the meanes they heard not of them all the night past; and therefore determined to tary no longer, seeking for them till noone, and if they heard no newes, then they would depart to the Jesus, who perforce (by the vehemency of the current) was caried almost out of sight; but as God would have it, now time being come, and they having tacked about in the pinnesses top, had sight of them, and tooke them up: they in the boats, being to the number of one and twenty, having sight of the ships, and seeing them tacking about; whereas before at the first sight of them they did greatly rejoyce, were now in a greater perplexitie then ever they were: for by this they thought themselves utterly forsaken, whereas before they were in some hope to have found them. Truly God wrought marvellously for them, for they themselves having no victuals but water, and being sore oppressed with hunger, were not of opinion to bestow any further time in seeking the shippes then that present noone time; so that if they had not at that instant espied them, they had gone to the shore to have made provision for victuals, and with such things as they could have gotten, either to have gone for that part of Florida where the French men were planted (which would have bene very hard for them to have done, because they wanted victuals to bring them thither, being an hundred and twenty leagues off) or els to have remained amongst the Floridians; at whose hands they were put in comfort by a French man, who was with them, that had remained in Florida at the first finding thereof, a whole yeere together, to receive victuals sufficient, and gentle entertainment, if need were, for a yeere or two, untill which time God might have provided for them. But how contrary this would have fallen out to their expectations, it is hard to judge, seeing those people of the cape of Florida are of more savage and fierce nature, and more valiant then any of the rest; which the Spanyards well prooved, who being five hundred men, who intended there to land, returned few or none of them, but were inforced to forsake the same: and of their cruelty mention is made in the booke of the Decades, of a frier, who taking upon him to persuade the people to subjection, was by them taken, and his skin cruelly pulled over his eares, and his flesh eaten. In these Islands they being a shore, found a dead man, dried in a maner whole, with other heads and bodies of men: so that these sorts of men are eaters of the flesh of men, aswel as the Canibals. But to returne to our purpose. The foureteenth day the shippe and barks came to the Jesus, bringing them newes of the recovery of the men, which was not a little to the rejoycing of the captaine, and the whole company: and so then altogether they kept on their way along the coast of Florida , and the fifteenth day come to an anker, and so from sixe and twenty degrees to thirty degrees and a halfe, where the French men abode, ranging all the coast along, seeking for fresh water, ankering every night, because we would overshoot no place of fresh water, and in the day time the captaine in the ships pinnesse sailed along the shore, went into every creeke, speaking with divers of the Floridians, because hee would understand where the French men inhabited; and not finding them in eight and twenty degrees, as it was declared unto him, marvelled thereat, and never left sailing along the coast till he found them, who inhabited in a river, by them called the river of May, and standing in thirty degrees and better. In ranging this coast along, the captaine found it to be all an Island, and therefore it is all lowe land, and very scant of fresh water, but the countrey was marvellously sweet, with both marish and medow ground, and goodly woods among. There they found sorell to grow as abundantly as grasse, and where their houses were, great store of maiz and mill, and grapes of great bignesse, but of taste much like our English grapes. Also Deere great plentie, which came upon the sands before them. Their houses are not many together, for in one house an hundred of them do lodge; they being made much like a great barne, and in strength not inferiour to ours, for they have stanchions and rafters of whole trees, and are covered with palmito-leaves, having no place divided, but one small roome for their king and queene. In the middest of this house is a hearth, where they make great fires all night, and they sleepe upon certeine pieces of wood hewen in for the bowing of their backs, and another place made high for their heads, which they put one by another all along the walles on both sides. In their houses they remaine onely in the nights, and in the day they desire the fields, where they dresse their meat, and make provision for victuals, which they provide onely for a meale from hand to mouth. There is one thing to be marvelled at, for the making of their fire, and not onely they but also the Negros doe the same, which is made onely by two stickes, rubbing them one against another: and this they may doe in any place they come, where they finde sticks sufficient for the purpose. In their apparell the men onely use deere skinnes, wherewith some onely cover their privy members, othersome use the same as garments to cover them before and behind; which skinnes are painted, some yellow and red, some blacke & russet, and every man according to his owne fancy. They do not omit to paint their bodies also with curious knots, or antike worke, as every man in his owne fancy deviseth, which painting, to make it continue the better, they use with a thorne to pricke their flesh, and dent in the same, whereby the painting may have better hold. In their warres they use a sleighter colour of painting their faces, thereby to make themselves shew the more fierce; which after their warres ended, they wash away againe. In their warres they use bowes and arrowes, whereof their bowes are made of a kind of Yew, but blacker then ours, and for the most part passing the strength of the Negros or Indians, for it is not greatly inferior to ours: their arrowes are also of a great length, but yet of reeds like other Indians, but varying in two points, both in length and also for nocks and feathers, which the other lacke, whereby they shoot very stedy: the heads of the same are vipers teeth, bones of fishes, flint stones, piked points of knives, which they having gotten of the French men, broke the same, & put the points of them in their arrowes head: some of them have their heads of silver, othersome that have want of these, put in a kinde of hard wood, notched, which pierceth as farre as any of the rest. In their fight, being in the woods, they use a marvellous pollicie for their owne safegard, which is by clasping a tree in their armes, and yet shooting notwithstanding: this policy they used with the French men in their fight, whereby it appeareth that they are people of some policy: and although they are called by the Spanyards Gente triste, that is to say, Bad people, meaning thereby, that they are not men of capacity: yet have the French men found them so witty in their answeres, that by the captaines owne report, a counseller with us could not give a more profound reason. The women also for their apparell use painted skinnes, but most of them gownes of mosse, somewhat longer then our mosse, which they sowe together artificially, and make the same surplesse wise, wearing their haire downe to their shoulders, like the Indians. In this river of May aforesayd, the captaine entring with his pinnesse, found a French ship of fourescore tun, and two pinnesses of fifteene tun a piece, by her, and speaking with the keepers thereof, they tolde him of a fort two leagues up, which they had built, in which their Captaine Monsieur Laudonniere was, with certeine souldiers therein. To whom our captaine sending to understand of a wateringplace, where he might conveniently take it in, and to have licence for the same, he straight, because there was no convenient place but up the river five leagues, where the water was fresh, did send him a pilot for the more expedition thereof, to bring in one of his barks, which going in with other boats provided for the same purpose, ankered before the fort, into the which our captaine went; where hee was by the Generall, with other captaines and souldiers, very gently enterteined, who declared unto him the time of their being there, which was fourteene moneths, with the extremity they were driven to for want of victuals, having brought very little with them; in which place they being two hundred men at their first comming, had in short space eaten all the maiz they could buy of the inhabitants about them, and therefore were driven certeine of them to serve a king of the Floridians against other his enemies, for mill and other victuals: which having gotten, could not serve them, being so many, so long a time: but want came upon them in such sort, that they were faine to gather acorns, which being stamped small, and often washed, to take away the bitternesse of them, they did use for bread, eating withall sundry times, roots, whereof they found many good and holesome, and such as serve rather for medecines then for meates alone. But this hardnesse not contenting some of them, who would not take the paines so much as to fish in the river before their doores, but would have all things put in their mouthes, they did rebell against the captaine, taking away first his armour, and afterward imprisoning him: and so to the number of fourescore of them, departed with a barke and a pinnesse, spoiling their store of victuall, and taking away a great part thereof with them, and so went to the Islands of Hispaniola and Jamaica a roving, where they spoiled and pilled the Spanyards; and having taken two caravels laden with wine and casavi, which is a bread made of roots, and much other victuals and treasure, had not the grace to depart therewith, but were of such haughty stomacks, that they thought their force to be such that no man durst meddle with them, and so kept harborow in Jamaica , going dayly ashore at their pleasure. But God which would not suffer such evill doers unpunished, did indurate their hearts in such sort, that they lingered the time so long, that a ship and galliasse being made out of Santa Domingo came thither into the harborow, and tooke twenty of them, whereof the most part were hanged, and the rest caried into Spaine, and some (to the number of five and twenty) escaped in the pinnesse, and came to Florida ; where at their landing they were put in prison, and incontinent foure of the chiefest being condemned, at the request of the souldiers, did passe the harquebuzers, and then were hanged upon a gibbet. This lacke of threescore men was a great discourage and weakening to the rest, for they were the best souldiers that they had: for they had now made the inhabitants weary of them by their dayly craving of maiz, having no wares left to content them withall, and therefore were inforced to rob them, and to take away their victual perforce, which was the occasion that the Floridians (not well contented therewith) did take certeine of their company in the woods, and slew them; wherby there grew great warres betwixt them and the Frenchmen: and therefore they being but a few in number durst not venture abroad, but at such times as they were inforced thereunto for want of food to do the same: and going twenty harquebuzers in a company, were set upon by eighteene kings, having seven or eight hundred men, which with one of their bowes slew one of their men, and hurt a dozen, & drove them all downe to their boats; whose pollicy in fight was to be marvelled at: for having shot at divers of their bodies which were armed, and perceiving that their arrowes did not prevaile against the same, they shot at their faces and legs, which were the places that the Frenchmen were hurt in. Thus the Frenchmen returned, being in ill case by the hurt of their men, having not above forty souldiers left unhurt, whereby they might ill make any more invasions upon the Floridians, and keepe their fort withall: which they must have beene driven unto, had not God sent us thither for their succour; for they had not above ten dayes victuall left before we came. In which perplexity our captaine seeing them, spared them out of his ship twenty barrels of meale, & foure pipes of beanes, with divers other victuals and necessaries which he might conveniently spare: and to helpe them the better homewards, whither they were bound before our comming, at their request we spared them one of our barks of fifty tun. Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had, the ground doth yeeld victuals sufficient, if they would have taken paines to get the same; but they being souldiers, desired to live by the sweat of other mens browes: for while they had peace with the Floridians, they had fish sufficient, by weares which they made to catch the same: but when they grew to warres, the Floridians tooke away the same againe, and then would not the Frenchmen take the paines to make any more. The ground yeeldeth naturally grapes in great store, for in the time that the Frenchmen were there, they made 20 hogsheads of wine. Also it yeeldeth roots passing good, Deere marvellous store, with divers other beasts, and fowle, serviceable to the use of man. These be things wherewith a man may live, having corne or maiz wherewith to make bread: for maiz maketh good savory bread, and cakes as fine as flowre. Also it maketh good meale, beaten and sodden with water, and eateth like pap wherewith we feed children. It maketh also good beverage, sodden in water, and nourishable; which the Frenchmen did use to drinke of in the morning, and it assuageth their thirst, so that they had no need to drinke all the day after. And this maiz was the greatest lacke they had, because they had no labourers to sowe the same, and therfore to them that should inhabit the land it were requisit to have labourers to till and sowe the ground: for they having victuals of their owne, whereby they neither rob nor spoile the inhabitants, may live not onely quietly with them, who naturally are more desirous of peace then of warres, but also shall have abundance of victuals profered them for nothing: for it is with them as it is with one of us, when we see another man ever taking away from us, although we have enough besides, yet then we thinke all too little for our selves: for surely we have heard the Frenchmen report, and I know it by the Indians, that a very little contenteth them: for the Indians with the head of maiz rosted, will travell a whole day, and when they are at the Spanyards finding, they give them nothing but sodden herbs & maiz: and in this order I saw threescore of them feed, who were laden with wares, and came fifty leagues off. The Floridians when they travell, have a kinde of herbe dried, who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, doe sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therwith they live foure or five dayes without meat or drinke, and this all the Frenchmen used for this purpose: yet do they holde opinion withall, that it causeth water & fleame to void from their stomacks. The commodities of this land are more then are yet knowen to any man: for besides the land it selfe, whereof there is more then any king Christian is able to inhabit, it flourisheth with medow, pasture ground, with woods of Cedar and Cypres, and other sorts, as better can not be in the world. They have for apothecary herbs, trees, roots and gummes great store, as Storax liquida, Turpintine, Gumme, Myrrhe, and Frankinsence, with many others, whereof I know not the names. Colours both red, blacke, yellow, & russet, very perfect, wherewith they so paint their bodies, and Deere skinnes which they weare about them, that with water it neither fadeth away, nor altereth colour. Golde and silver they want not: for at the Frenchmens first comming thither they had the same offered them for little or nothing, for they received for a hatchet two pound weight of golde, because they knew not the estimation thereof: but the souldiers being greedy of the same, did take it from them, giving them nothing for it: the which they perceiving, that both the Frenchmen did greatly esteeme it, and also did rigorously deale with them, by taking the same away from them, at last would not be knowen they had any more, neither durst they weare the same for feare of being taken away: so that saving at their first comming, they could get none of them: and how they came by this golde and silver the French men know not as yet, but by gesse, who having travelled to the Southwest of the cape, having found the same dangerous, by meanes of sundry banks, as we also have found the same: and there finding masts which were wracks of Spanyards comming from Mexico , judged that they had gotten treasure by them. For it is most true that divers wracks have beene made of Spanyards, having much treasure : for the Frenchmen having travelled to the capeward an hundred and fiftie miles, did finde two Spanyards with the Floridians, which they brought afterward to their fort, whereof one was in a caravel comming from the Indies, which was cast away foureteene yeeres ago, & the other twelve yeeres; of whose fellowes some escaped, othersome were slain by the inhabitants. It seemeth they had estimation of their golde & silver, for it is wrought flat and graven, which they weare about their neckes; othersome made round like a pancake, with a hole in the midst, to boulster up their breasts withall, because they thinke it a deformity to have great breasts. As for mines either of gold or silver, the Frenchmen can heare of none they have upon the Island, but of copper, whereof as yet also they have not made the proofe, because they were but few men: but it is not unlike, but that in the maine where are high hilles, may be golde and silver aswell as in Mexico , because it is all one maine. The Frenchmen obteined pearles of them of great bignesse, but they were blacke, by meanes of rosting of them, for they do not fish for them as the Spanyards doe, but for their meat: for the Spanyards use to keepe dayly afishing some two or three hundred Indians, some of them that be of choise a thousand: and their order is to go in canoas, or rather great pinnesses, with thirty men in a piece, whereof the one halfe, or most part be divers, the rest doe open the same for the pearles : for it is not suffered that they should use dragging, for that would bring them out of estimation, and marre the beds of them. The oisters which have the smallest sort of pearles are found in seven or eight fadome water, but the greatest in eleven or twelve fadome. The Floridians have pieces of unicornes hornes which they weare about their necks, whereof the Frenchmen obteined many pieces. Of those unicornes they have many; for that they doe affirme it to be a beast with one home, which comming to the river to drinke, putteth the same into the water before he drinketh. Of this unicornes home there are of our company, that having gotten the same of the Frenchmen, brought home thereof to shew. It is therfore to be presupposed that there are more commodities aswell as that, which for want of time, and people sufficient to inhabit the same, can not yet come to light: but I trust God will reveale the same before it be long, to the great profit of them that shal take it in hand. Of beasts in this countrey besides deere, foxes, hares, polcats, conies, ownces, & leopards, I am not able certeinly to say: but it is thought that there are lions and tygres as well as unicornes; lions especially; if it be true that is sayd, of the enmity betweene them and the unicornes: for there is no beast but hath his enemy, as the cony the polcat, a sheepe the woolfe, the elephant the rinoceros; and so of other beasts the like: insomuch, that whereas the one is, the other can not be missing. And seeing I have made mention of the beasts of this countrey, it shall not be from my purpose to speake also of the venimous beasts, as crocodiles, whereof there is great abundance, adders of great bignesse, whereof our men killed some of a yard and a halfe long. Also I heard a miracle of one of these adders, upon the which a faulcon seizing, the sayd adder did claspe her tail about her; which the French captaine seeing, came to the rescue of the faulcon, and tooke her slaying the adder; and this faulcon being wilde, he did reclaim her, and kept her for the space of two moneths, at which time for very want of meat he was faine to cast her off. On these adders the Frenchmen did feed, to no little admiration of us, and affirmed the same to be a delicate meat. And the captaine of the Frenchmen saw also a serpent with three heads and foure feet, of the bignesse of a great spaniell, which for want of a harquebuz he durst not attempt to slay. Of fish also they have in the river, pike, roch, salmon, trout, and divers other small fishes, and of great fish, some of the length of a man and longer, being of bignesse accordingly, having a snout much like a sword of a yard long. There be also of sea fishes, which we saw comming along the coast flying, which are of the bignesse of a smelt, the biggest sort whereof have foure wings, but the other have but two: of these wee sawe comming out of Guinea a hundred in a company, which being chased by the gilt-heads, otherwise called the bonitos, do to avoid them the better, take their flight out of the water, but yet are they not able to flie farre, because of the drying of their wings, which serve them not to flie but when they are moist, and therefore when they can flie no further they fall into the water, and having wet their wings, take a new flight againe. These bonitos be of bignesse like a carpe, and in colour like a makarell, but it is the swiftest fish in swimming that is, and followeth her prey very fiercely, not onely in the water, but also out of the water: for as the flying fish taketh her flight, so doeth this bonito leape after them, and taketh them sometimes above the water. There were some of those bonitos, which being galled by a fisgig, did follow our shippe comming out of Guinea 500. leagues. There is a sea-fowle also that chaseth this flying fish aswell as the bonito: for as the flying fish taketh her flight, so doth this fowle pursue to take her, which to beholde is a greater pleasure then hawking, for both the flights are as pleasant, and also more often then an hundred times: for the fowle can flie no way, but one or other lighteth in her pawes, the number of them are so abundant. There is an innumerable yoong frie of these flying fishes, which commonly keepe about the ship, and are not so big as butter-flies, and yet by flying do avoid the unsatiablenesse of the bonito. Of the bigger sort of these fishes wee tooke many, which both night and day flew into the sailes of our ship, and there was not one of them which was not woorth a bonito: for being put upon a hooke drabling in the water, the bonito would leap thereat, and so was taken. Also, we tooke many with a white cloth made fast to a hooke, which being tied so short in the water, that it might leape out and in, the greedie bonito thinking it to be a flying fish leapeth thereat, and so is deceived. We tooke also dolphins which are of very goodly colour and proportion to behold, and no lesse delicate in taste. Fowles also there be many, both upon land and upon sea: but concerning them on the land I am not able to name them, because my abode was there so short. But for the fowle of the fresh rivers, these two I noted to be the chiefe, whereof the Flemengo is one, having all red feathers, and long red legs like a herne, a necke according to the bill, red, whereof the upper neb hangeth an inch over the nether; and an egript, which is all white as the swanne, with legs like to an hearnshaw, and of bignesse accordingly, but it hath in her taile feathers of so fine a plume, that it passeth the estridge his feather. Of the sea-fowle above all other not common in England , I noted the pellicane, which is fained to be the lovingst bird that is; which rather then her yong should want, wil spare her heart bloud out of her belly: but for all this lovingnesse she is very deformed to beholde; for she is of colour russet: notwithstanding in Guinea I have seene of them as white as a swan, having legs like the same, and a body like a hearne, with a long necke, and a thick long beake, from the nether jaw whereof downe to the breast passeth a skinne of such a bignesse, as is able to receive a fish as big as ones thigh, and this her big throat and long bill doeth make her seem so ougly. Here I have declared the estate of Florida , and the commodities therein to this day knowen, which although it may seeme unto some, by the meanes that the plenty of golde and silver, is not so abundant as in other places, that the cost bestowed upon the same will not be able to quit the charges: yet am I of the opinion, that by that which I have seene in other Islands of the Indians, where such increase of cattell hath bene, that of twelve head of beasts in five & twenty yeeres, did in the hides of them raise a thousand pound profit yerely, that the increase of cattel onely would raise profit sufficient for the same: for wee may consider, if so small a portion did raise so much gaines in such short time, what would a greater do in many yeres? and surely I may this affirme, that the ground of the Indians for the breed of cattell, is not in any point to be compared to this of Florida , which all the yeere long is so greene, as any time in the Summer with us: which surely is not to be marvelled at, seeing the countrey standeth in so watery a climate: for once a day without faile they have a shower of raine; which by meanes of the countrey it selfe, which is drie, and more fervent hot then ours, doeth make all things to flourish therein. And because there is not the thing we all seeke for, being rather desirous of present gaines, I doe therefore affirme the attempt thereof to be more requisit for a prince, who is of power able to go thorow with the same, rather then for any subject. From thence wee departed the 28 of July, upon our voyage homewards, having there all things as might be most convenient for our purpose: and tooke leave of the Frenchmen that there still remained, who with diligence determined to make as great speede after, as they could. Thus by meanes of contrary windes oftentimes, wee prolonged our voyage in such manner that victuals scanted with us, so that we were divers times (or rather the most part) in despaire of ever comming home, had not God of his goodnesse better provided for us, then our deserving. In which state of great miserie, wee were provoked to call upon him by fervent prayer, which mooved him to heare us, so that we had a prosperous winde, which did set us so farre shot, as to be upon the banke of Newfound land, on Saint Bartholomews eve, and we sounded therupon, finding ground at an hundred and thirty fadoms, being that day somewhat becalmed, and tooke a great number of fresh codde-fish, which greatly relieved us: and being very glad thereof, the next day we departed, and had lingring little gales for the space of foure or five dayes, at the ende of which we sawe a couple of French shippes, and had of them so much fish as would serve us plentifully for all the rest of the way, the Captaine paying for the same both golde and silver, to the just value thereof, unto the chiefe owners of the saide shippes, but they not looking for any thing at all, were glad in themselves to meete with such good intertainement at sea, as they had at our hands. After which departure from them, with a good large winde the twentieth of September we came to Padstow in Cornewall, God be thanked, in safetie, with the losse of twentie persons in all the voyage, and with great profit to the venturers of the said voyage, as also to the whole realme, in bringing home both golde, silver, Pearles and other jewels great store. His name therefore be praised for evermore. Amen. The names of certaine Gentlemen that were in this voyage.- M. John Hawkins.
- M. John Chester, { sir William Chesters sonne.
- M. Anthony Parkhurst.
- M. Fitzwilliam.
- M. Thomas Woorley.
- M. Edward Lacie, {with divers others.
The Register and true accounts of all herein
expressed hath beene approoved by me John
Sparke the younger, who went upon the same
voyage, and wrote the same.
The third troublesome voyage made with the Jesus of Lubeck, the Minion, and foure other ships, to the parts of Guinea, and the West Indies, in the yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. John Hawkins.
THE ships departed from Plimmouth, the second day of October, Anno 1567 and had reasonable weather untill the seventh day, at which time fortie leagues North from Cape Finister, there arose an extreme storme, which continued foure dayes, in such sort, that the fleete was dispersed, and all our great boats lost, and the Jesus our chiefe shippe, in such case, as not thought able to serve the voyage: whereupon in the same storme we set our course homeward, determining to give over the voyage: but the eleventh day of the same moneth, the winde changed with faire weather, whereby we were animated to followe our enterprise, and so did, directing our course with the Ilands of the Canaries, where according to an order before prescribed, all our shippes before dispersed, met at one of those Ilands, called Gomera , where we tooke water, and departed from thence the fourth day of November, towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde, the eighteenth of November: where we landed 150 men, hoping to obtaine some Negros, where we got but fewe, and those with great hurt and damage to our men, which chiefly proceeded of their envenomed arrowes: and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawen of them, but died in strange sort, with their mouthes shut some tenne dayes before they died, and after their wounds were whole; where I my selfe had one of the greatest woundes, yet thankes be to God, escaped. From thence we past the time upon the coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence the rivers from Rio Grande, unto Sierra Leona, till the twelfth of Januarie, in which time we had not gotten together a hundreth and fiftie Negros: yet notwithstanding the sicknesse of our men, and the late time of the yeere commanded us away: and thus having nothing wherewith to seeke the coast of the West Indias, I was with the rest of our company in consultation to goe to the coast of the Mine, hoping there to have obtained some golde for our wares, and thereby to have defraied our charge. But even in that present instant, there came to us a Negro , sent from a king, oppressed by other Kings his neighbours, desiring our aide, with promise that as many Negros as by these warres might be obtained, aswell of his part as of ours, should be at our pleasure: whereupon we concluded to give aide, and sent 120 of our men, which the 15 of Januarie, assaulted a towne of the Negros of our Allies adversaries, which had in it 8000 Inhabitants, being very strongly impaled and fenced after their manner, but it was so well defended, that our men prevailed not, but lost sixe men and fortie hurt: so that our men sent forthwith to me for more helpe: whereupon considering that the good successe of this enterprise might highly further the commoditie of our voyage, I went my selfe, and with the helpe of the king of our side, assaulted the towne, both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry Palme leaves) obtained the towne, put the Inhabitants to flight, where we tooke 250 persons, men, women, & children, and by our friend the king of our side, there were taken 600 prisoners, whereof we hoped to have had our choise: but the Negro (in which nation is seldome or never found truth) meant nothing lesse: for that night he remooved his campe and prisoners, so that we were faine to content us with those few which we had gotten our selves. Now had we obtained between foure and five hundred Negros, wherwith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the West Indies, and there, for our Negros, and other our merchandize, we hoped to obtaine, whereof to countervaile our charges with some gaines, wherunto we proceeded with all diligence, furnished our watering, tooke fuell, and departed the coast of Guinea the third of Februarie, continuing at the sea with a passage more hard, then before hath bene accustomed till the 27 day of March, which day we had sight of an Iland, called Dominica , upon the coast of the West Indies, in fourteene degrees: from thence we coasted from place to place, making our traffike with the Spaniards as we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had straightly commanded all his Governors in those parts, by no meanes to suffer any trade to be made with us: notwithstanding we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainement, from the Ile of Margarita unto Cartagena , without any thing greatly worth the noting, saving at Capo de la Vela, in a towne called Rio de la Hacha (from whence come all the pearles) the treasurer who had the charge there, would by no meanes agree to any trade, or suffer us to take water, he had fortified his towne with divers bulwarkes in all places where it might be entered, and furnished himselfe with an hundred Hargabuziers, so that he thought by famine to have inforced us to have put a land our Negros: of which purpose he had not greatly failed, unlesse we had by force entred the towne: which (after we could by no meanes obtaine his favour) we were enforced to doe, and so with two hundred men brake in upon their bulwarkes, and entred the towne with the losse onely of two men of our partes, and no hurt done to the Spaniards because after their voley of shot discharged, they all fled. Thus having the town with some circumstance, as partly by the Spaniards desire of Negros, and partly by friendship of the Treasurer, we obtained a secret trade: whereupon the Spaniards resorted to us by night, and bought of us to the number of 200 Negros: in all other places where we traded the Spaniards inhabitants were glad of us and traded willingly. At Cartagena the last towne we thought to have seene on the coast, we could by no meanes obtaine to deale with any Spaniard, the governour was so straight, and because our trade was so neere finished we thought not good either to adventure any landing, or to detract further time, but in peace departed from thence the 24 of July, hoping to have escaped the time of their stormes which then soone after began to reigne, the which they call Furicanos, but passing by the West end of Cuba , towards the coast of Florida there happened to us the 12 day of August an extreme storme which continued by the space of foure dayes, which so beat the Jesus, that we cut downe all her higher buildings, her rudder also was sore shaken, and withall was in so extreme a leake that we were rather upon the point to leave her then to keepe her any longer, yet hoping to bring all to good passe, we sought the coast of Florida , where we found no place nor Haven for our ships, because of the shalownesse of the coast : thus being in greater dispaire, and taken with a newe storme which continued other 3 dayes, we were inforced to take for our succour the Port which serveth the citie of Mexico called Saint John de Ullua, which standeth in 19 degrees: in seeking of which Port we tooke in our way 3 ships which carried passengers to the number of an hundred, which passengers we hoped should be a meane to us the better to obtaine victuals for our money, & a quiet place for the repairing of our fleete. Shortly after this the 16 of September we entered the Port of Saint John de Ullua and in our entrie the Spaniardes thinking us to be the fleete of Spaine, the chiefe officers of the Countrey came aboord us, which being deceived of their expectation were greatly dismayed: but immediatly when they sawe our demand was nothing but victuals, were recomforted. I found also in the same Port twelve ships which had in them by report two hundred thousand pound in gold & silver, all which (being in my possession, with the kings Iland as also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed) I set at libertie, without the taking from them the waight of a groat: onely because I would not be delayed of my dispatch, I stayed two men of estimation and sent post immediatly to Mexico , which was two hundred miles from us, to the Presidentes and Councell there, shewing them of our arrivall there by the force of weather, and the necessitie of the repaire of our shippes and victuals, which wantes we required as friends to king Philip to be furnished of for our money: and that the Presidents and Councell there should with all convenient speede take order, that at the arrivall of the Spanish fleete, which was dayly looked for, there might no cause of quarrell rise betweene us and them, but for the better maintenance of amitie, their commandement might be had in that behalfe. This message being sent away the sixteenth day of September at night, being the very day of our arrivall, in the next morning which was the seventeenth day of the same moneth, we sawe open of the Haven thirteene great shippes, and understanding them to bee the fleete of Spaine, I sent immediatly to advertise the Generall of the fleete of my being there, doing him to understand, that before I would suffer them to enter the Port, there should some order of conditions passe betweene us for our safe being there, and maintenance of peace. Now it is to be understood that this Port is made by a little Iland of stones not three foote above the water in the highest place, and but a bowshoot of length any way, this Iland standeth from the maine land two bow shootes or more, also it is to be understood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arrive in safety, because the North winde hath there such violence, that unlesse the shippes be very safely mored with their ankers fastened upon this Iland, there is no remedie for these North windes but death: also the place of the Haven was so little, that of necessitie the shippes must ride one aboord the other, so that we could not give place to them, nor they to us: and here I beganne to bewaile that which after followed, for now, said I, I am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them. That was, either I must have kept out the fleete from entring the Port, the which with Gods helpe I was very well able to doe, or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which they never faile to execute, where they may have opportunitie, to compasse it by any meanes: if I had kept them out, then had there bene present shipwracke of all the fleete which amounted in value to sixe Millions, which was in value of our money 1800000. li. which I considered I was not able to answere, fearing the Queenes Majesties indignation in so waightie a matter. Thus with my selfe revolving the doubts, I thought rather better to abide the Jutt of the uncertainty, then the certaintie. The uncertaine doubt I account was their treason which by good policie I hoped might be prevented, and therefore as chusing the least mischiefe I proceeded to conditions. Now was our first messenger come and returned from the fleete with report of the arrivall of a Viceroy, so that hee had authoritie, both in all this Province of Mexico (otherwise called Nueva Espanna） and in the sea, who sent us word that we should send our conditions, which of his part should (for the better maintenance of amitie betweene the Princes) be both favourably granted, and faithfully performed, with many faire wordes how passing the coast of the Indies he had understood of our honest behaviour towardes the inhabitants where we had to doe, aswell elsewhere as in the same Port, the which I let passe: thus following our demand, we required victuals for our money, and licence to sell as much ware as might furnish our wants, and that there might be of either part twelve gentlemen as hostages for the maintenance of peace: and that the Iland for our better safetie might be in our owne possession, during our abode there, and such ordinance as was planted in the same Iland which were eleven peeces of brasse: and that no Spaniard might land in the Iland with any kind of weapon: these conditions at the first he somewhat misliked, chiefly the guard of the Iland to be in our owne keeping, which if they had had, we had soone knowen our fare: for with the first North winde they had cut our cables and our ships had gone ashore: but in the ende he concluded to our request, bringing the twelve hostages to ten, which with all speede of either part were received, with a writing from the Viceroy signed with his hande and sealed with his scale of all the conditions concluded, & forthwith a trumpet blowen with commandement that none of either part should be meane to violate the peace upon paine of death: and further it was concluded that the two Generals of the fleetes should meete, and give faith ech to other for the performance of the premisses which was so done. Thus at the end of 3 dayes all was concluded & the fleete entered the Port, saluting one another as the maner of the sea doth require. Thus as I said before, thursday we entred the Port, Friday we saw the fleete, and on munday at night they entered the Port: then we laboured 2. daies placing the English ships by themselves & the Spanish ships by themselves, the captaines of ech part & inferiour men of their parts promising great amity of al sides: which even as with all fidelitie it was ment on our part, so the Spaniards ment nothing lesse on their parts, but from the maine land had furnished themselves with a supply of men to the number of 1000, and ment the next thursday being the 23 of September at dinner time to set upon us on all sides. The same Thursday in the morning the treason being at hand, some appearance shewed, as shifting of weapon from ship to ship, planting and bending of ordinance from the ships to the Iland where our men warded, passing too and fro of companies of men more then required for their necessary busines, & many other ill likelihoods, which caused us to have a vehement suspition, and therewithall sent to the Viceroy to enquire what was ment by it, which sent immediatly straight commandement to unplant all things suspicious, and also sent word that he in the faith of a Viceroy would be our defence from all villanies. Yet we being not satisfied with this answere, because we suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship of 900 tunnes, which was mored next unto the Minion, sent againe to the Viceroy the master of the Jesus which had the Spanish tongue, and required to be satisfied if any such thing were or not. The Viceroy now seeing that the treason must be discovered, foorthwith stayed our master, blew the Trumpet, and of all sides set upon us: our men which warded a shore being stricken with sudden feare, gave place, fled, and sought to recover succour of the ships; the Spaniardes being before provided for the purpose landed in all places in multitudes from their ships which they might easily doe without boates, and slewe all our men a shore without mercie, a fewe of them escaped aboord the Jesus. The great ship which had by the estimation three hundred men placed in her secretly, immediatly fell aboord the Minion, but by Gods appointment, in the time of the suspicion we had, which was onely one halfe houre, the Minion was made readie to avoide, and so leesing her hedfasts, and hayling away by the sternefastes she was gotten out: thus with Gods helpe she defended the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men. The Minion being past out, they came aboord the Jesus, which also with very much a doe and the losse of manie of our men were defended and kept out. Then there were also two other ships that assaulted the Jesus at the same instant, so that she had hard getting loose, but yet with some time we had cut our head-fastes and gotten out by the sterne-fastes. Nowe when the Jesus and the Minion were gotten about two shippes length from the Spanish fleete, the fight beganne so hotte on all sides that within one houre the Admirall of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunke, their Viceadmirall burned and one other of their principall ships supposed to be sunke, so that the shippes were little able to annoy us. Then it is to be understood, that all the Ordinance upon the Ilande was in the Spaniardes handes, which did us so great annoyance, that it cut all the mastes and yardes of the Jesus, in such sort that there was no hope to carrie her away: also it sunke our small shippes, wereupon we determined to place the Jesus on that side of the Minion, that she might abide all the batterie from the land, and so be a defence for the Minion till night, and then to take such reliefe of victuall and other necessaries from the Jesus, as the time would suffer us, and to leave her. As we were thus determining, and had placed the Minion from the shot of the land, suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great shippes which were comming directly with us, and having no meanes to avoide the fire, it bredde among our men a marvellous feare, so that some sayd, let us depart with the Minion, other said, let us see whither the winde will carrie the fire from us. But to be short, the Minions men which had alwayes their sayles in a readinesse, thought to make sure worke, and so without either consent of the Captaine or Master cut their saile, so that very hardly I was received into the Minion. The most part of the men that were left alive in the Jesus, made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat, the rest which the little boate was not able to receive, were inforced to abide the mercie of the Spaniards (which I doubt was very little) so with the Minion only and the Judith (a small barke of 50 tunne) we escaped, which barke the same night forsooke us in our great miserie: we were now remooved with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-shootes, and there rode all that night: the next morning we recovered an Iland a mile from the Spaniardes, where there tooke us a North winde, and being left onely with two ankers and two cables (for in this conflict we lost three cables and two ankers) we thought alwayes upon death which ever was present, but God preserved us to a longer time. The weather waxed reasonable, and the Saturday we set saile, and having a great number of men and little victuals our hope of life waxed lesse and lesse: some desired to yeeld to the Spaniards, some rather desired to obtaine a place where they might give themselves to the Infidels, and some had rather abide with a little pittance the mercie of God at Sea: so thus with many sorowful hearts we wandred in an unknowen Sea by the space of 14 dayes, till hunger inforced us to seek the land, for hides were thought very good meat, rats, cats, mice and dogs, none escaped that might be gotten, parrats and monkeyes that were had in great price, were thought there very profitable if they served the turne one dinner: thus in the end the 8 day of October we came to the land in the botome of the same bay of Mexico in 23 degrees and a halfe, where we hoped to have found inhabitants of the Spaniards, reliefe of victuals, and place for the repaire of our ship, which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and brused with shooting off our owne ordinance, that our wearie and weake armes were scarce able to defende and keepe out water. But all things happened to the contrary, for we found neither people, victuall, nor haven of reliefe, but a place where having faire weather with some perill we might land a boat: our people being forced with hunger desired to be set on land, whereunto I consented. And such as were willing to land I put them apart, and such as were desirous to goe homewardes, I put apart, so that they were indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side: these hundred men we set a land with all diligence in this little place beforesaid, which being landed, we determined there to take in fresh water, and so with our little remaine of victuals to take the sea. The next day having a land with me fiftie of our hundreth men that remained for the speedier preparing of our water aboord, there arose an extreame storme, so that in three dayes we could by no meanes repaire aboord our ship: the ship also was in such perill that every houre we looked for shipwracke. But yet God againe had mercie on us, and sent faire weather, we had aboord our water, and departed the sixteenth day of October, after which day we had faire and prosperous weather till the sixteenth day of November, which day God be praysed we were cleere from the coast of the Indies, and out of the chanell and gulfe of Bahama, which is betweene the Cape of Florida, and the Ilandes of Lucayo. After this growing neere to the colde countrey, our men being oppressed with famine, died continually, and they that were left, grew into such weakenesse that we were scantly able to manage our shippe, and the winde being alwayes ill for us to recover England , we determined to goe with Galicia in Spaine, with intent there to relieve our companie and other extreame wantes. And being arrived the last day of December in a place neere unto Vigo called Ponte Vedra, our men with excesse of fresh meate grew into miserable disseases, and died a great part of them. This matter was borne out as long as it might be, but in the end although there were none of our men suffered to goe a land, yet by accesse of the Spaniards, our feeblenesse was knowen to them. Whereupon they ceased not to seeke by all meanes to betray us, but with all speede possible we departed to Vigo , where we had some helpe of certaine English ships and twelve fresh men, wherewith we repaired our wants as we might, and departing the 20 day of January 1568 arrived in Mounts bay in Cornewall the 25 of the same moneth, praised be God therefore. If all the miseries and troublesome affaires of this sorowfull voyage should be perfectly and throughly written, there should neede a painefull man with his pen, and as great a time as he had that wrote the lives and deathes of the Martyrs. JOHN HAWKINS.
The first voyage attempted and set foorth by the expert and valiant captaine M. Francis Drake himselfe, with a ship called the Dragon, and another ship and a Pinnesse, to Nombre de Dios, and Dariene, about the yeere 1572, Written and recorded by one Lopez Vaz a Portugall borne in the citie of Elvas , in maner follow: which Portugale, with the discourse about him, was taken at the river of Plate by the ships set foorth by the Right Honourable the Earle of Cumberland, in the yeere 1586.
THERE was a certaine English man named Francis Drake, who having intelligence how the towne of Nombre de Dios in Nueva Espanna, had but small store of people remaining there, came on a night, and entred the Port with foure Pinnesses, and landed about 150 men, & leaving 70 men with a trumpet, in a Fort which was there, with the other 80 he entred the towne, without doing any harme, till he came to the market place, and there discharged his calivers, & sounded a trumpet very loud, and the other which he had left in the Fort answered him after the same maner, with the discharging their calivers, and sounding their trumpets: the people hereupon not thinking of any such matter, were put in great feare, and waking out of their sleepe fled all into the mountaines, inquiring one of another what the matter should be, remaining as men amazed, not knowing what that uprore was which happened so suddenly in the towne. But 14 or 15 of them joyning together with their harquebuzes, went to the market place to know what they were that were in the towne, and in a corner of the market place they did discover the Englishmen, and seeing them to be but fewe, discharged their calivers at those Englishmen: their fortune was such that they killed the Trumpetter, and shot one of the principall men thorow the legge, who seeing himselfe hurt, retyred to the Fort, where the rest of their company was left: they which were in the Fort sounded their Trumpet, and seeing that they in the towne did not answere them, and hearing the calivers, thought that all they in the towne had bene slaine, and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses: the English captaine comming to the Fort, and not finding his men which he left there, he and his were in so great feare, that leaving their furniture behind them, and putting off their hose, they swamme, and waded all to their Pinnesses, and so went with their ships againe out of the Port. Thus this English Captaine called Francis Drake, departed from Nombre de Dios, & slew onely one man in the towne which was looking out of a windowe to see what the matter was, and of his men had onely his Trumpetter slaine. But he being discontented with the repulse which he had received there, came to the sound of Dariene, and having conference with certaine Negros which were fled from their masters of Panama, and Nombre de Dios, the Negros did tell him, that certaine Mules came laden with gold and silver from Panama to Nombre de Dios, who in companie of these Negros went thereupon on land, and stayed in the way where the treasure should come with an hundred shot, and so tooke two companies of mules, which came onely with their drivers mistrusting nothing, and he carried away the gold onely, for they were not able to carrie the silver through the mountaines. And two dayes after he came to the house of Crosses, where he killed sixe or seven marchants, but found no golde nor silver but much marchandize: so he fired the house, where was burnt above 200000 Duckets in marchandize, and so went to his ship againe: and within halfe an houre after he was a ship-boord, there came downe to the sandes three hundred shot of the Spaniards in the sight of his ships, of purpose to seeke him, but he cared little for them being out of their reach, and so departed with his treasure.The voyage of John Oxnam of Plimmouth, to the west India , and over the straight of Dariene into the South sea. Anno 1575. Written by the foresaid Lopez Vaz in the said discourse.
THERE was another Englishman, who hearing of the spoyle that Francis Drake had done upon the coast of Nueva Espanna, and of his good adventure and safe returne home, was thereby provoked to undertake the like enterprise, with a ship of 140 tunnes, and 70 men, and came thither, and had also conference with the foresaide Negros: and hearing that the golde and silver which came upon the Mules from Panama to Nombre de Dios, was now conducted with souldiers, he determined to do that which never any man before enterprised: and landed in that place where Francis Drake before had had his conference with the Negros. This man covered his ship after he had brought her aground with boughes of trees, and hid his great Ordinance in the ground, and so not leaving any man in his ship, he tooke two small pieces of ordinance, and his calivers, and good store of victuals, and so went with the Negros about twelve leagues into the maine land, to a river that goeth to the South sea, and there he cut wood and made a Pinnesse, which was five and fortie foote by the keele, and having made this Pinnesse, he went into the South sea, carrying sixe Negros with him to be his guides, and so went to the Iland of Pearles, which is five & twentie leagues from Panama, which is in the way that they come from Peru to Panama, and there he was ten dayes without shewing himselfe to any man, to see if he might get any ship that came from Peru : At last there came a small Barke by, which came from Peru from a place called Quito , which he tooke and found in her sixtie thousand pezos of golde, and much victuals. But not contenting himselfe with this prize, hee stayed long without sending away his prize or any of the men, and in the ende of sixe dayes after, hee tooke another Barke which came from Lima , in which he tooke an hundred thousand pezos of silver in barres, with the which hee thought to have gone, & entred the river, but first he went into the Islands to see if he could find any pearles: where he found a few, and so returned to his pinnesse againe, & so sailing to the river from whence he came, and comming neere to the mouth of the sayd river, hee sent away the two prizes that hee tooke, and with his pinnesse he went up the river. The Negros that dwelt in the Island of pearls, the same night that he went from them, went in Canoas to Panama, and the Governour within two dayes sent foure barkes 100 men, 25 in every one, and Negros to rowe with the captaine John de Ortega, which went to the Island of pearles, and there had intelligence, which way the English men were gone, and following them he met by the way the ships which the English men had taken, of whom he learned, that the English men were gone up the river, and he going thither, when he came to the mouth of the river, the captaine of Panama knew not which way to take, because there were three partitions in the river to goe up in, and being determined to goe up the greatest of the three rivers, he saw comming downe a lesser river many feathers of hennes, which the Englishmen had pulled to eate, and being glad thereof, hee went up that river where hee saw the feathers, and after that he had bene in that river foure daies, he descried the Englishmens pinnesse upon the sands, and comming to her, there were no more then sixe Englishmen, whereof they killed one, and the other five escaped away, and in the pinnesse he found nothing but victuals: but this captaine of Panama not herewith satisfied, determined to seeke out the Englishmen by land, and leaving twenty men in his pinnesses, hee with 80 shot went up the countrey: hee had not gone halfe a league, but hee found a house made of boughs, where they found all the Englishmens goods, and the gold and silver also, and carying it backe to their pinnesses, the Spaniards were determined to goe away, without following the English men any further. But at the end of three dayes, the English Captaine came to the river with all his men, and above 200 Negros, and set upon the Spaniards with great fury: But the Spaniards having the advantage of trees which they stood behind, did easily prevaile, and killed eleven Englishmen, and five Negros, and tooke other seven Englishmen alive, but of the Spaniards, two were slaine and five sore hurt. Among other things, the Spaniards enquired of the Englishmen which they tooke, why they went not away in fifteene dayes liberty which they had. They answered, that their captaine had commanded them to carie all that golde and silver which they had, to the place where they had left their shippe, and they had promised him to carie it, although they made three or foure journeys of it, for hee promised to give them part of it besides their wages, but the mariners would have it by and by, and so their Captaine being angry because they would not take his word, fell out with them, and they with him, in so much that one of the company would have killed the Captaine, so that the Captaine would not have them to carie the treasure, but sayd hee would seeke Negros to carie it, and so he went and sought for Negros, and bringing those Negros to carie it, hee met with the five English men that hee had left in his pinnesse which ranne from the Spaniards, and the rest also which ran from the house, and they told him what the Spaniards had done, and then making friendship with all his men, he promised them halfe of all the treasure if they got it from the Spaniards, and the Negros promised to helpe him with their bowes and arrowes, and thereupon they came to seeke the Spaniards, and now that some of his company were killed and taken, hee thought it best to returne to his ship, and to passe backe for England . The Spanish captaine hearing this, having buried the dead bodies, and having gotten all things into his barkes, and taking the English men and their pinnesse with him, he returned to Panama: so the voyage of that English man did not prosper with him, as hee thought it would have done. Nowe when the foure barkes were come to Panama, they sent advise also to Nombre de dios, and they of Nombre de dios sent also from them other foure barkes which (as the Spaniards say) found the English ship where she was hid, and brought her to Nombre de dios: and that the Viceroy of Peru not thinking it good to suffer fiftie English men to remaine in the countrey, sent a servant of his called Diego de Frees, with a hundreth and fifty shot into the mountaines to seeke them out, who found them making of certaine Canoas to goe into the North sea , and there to take some barke or other: some of them were sicke, and were taken, and the rest fled with the Negros, who in the end betrayed them to the Spaniards, so that they were brought to Panama. And the Justice of Panama asked the English captaine whether hee had the Queenes licence, or the licence of any other Prince or Lord for his attempt. And he answered he had none, whereupon hee and all his company were condemned to dye, and so were all executed, saving the Captaine, the Master, the Pilot, and five boyes which were caried to Lima , and there the Captaine was executed with the other two, but the boyes be yet living. The King of Spaine having intelligence of these matters, sent 300 men of warre against those Negros which had assisted those English men, which before were slaves unto the Spaniards, and as before is sayd, fled from their masters unto those mountaines, and so joyned themselves to the Englishmen, to the ende they might the better revenge themselves on the Spaniards. At the first comming of these 300 souldiers, they tooke many of the Negros, and executed great justice upon them: But after a season, the Negros grew wise and wary, and prevented the Spaniards, so that none of them could be taken. The Spaniards of that country marvelled much at this one thing, to see that since the conquering of this land, there have bene many Frenchmen, that have come to those Countreys, but never saw English men there but onely those two of whom I have spoken. And although there have many Frenchmen bene on the coast, yet never durst they put foote upon land, only those two English men adventured it, and did such exploits, as are before remembred. All these things comming to the hearing of the king of Spaine, he provided two Gallies well appointed to keepe those coastes : and the first yeere they tooke sixe or seven French ships. And after that this was knowen, there were no more Englishmen or Frenchmen of warre that durst adventure to approch the coast, untill this present yeere 1586, that the aforesayd Francis Drake, with a strong fleete of 24 ships arrived there, and made spoile of Santo Domingo, Carthagena, and S. Augustine, things that are knowen to all the worlde. But it is likely that if the King of Spaine live, he will in time provide sufficient remedy, to keepe his countreys and subjects from the invasion of other nations.The voyage of Master Andrew Barker of Bristol, with two ships, the one called the Ragged staffe, the other the Beare, to the coast of Terra firma, and the Bay of Honduras in the West Indies, in the yeere 1576. Wherein the reasons are premised which mooved him to set forth this voyage against the Spaniards: collected out of certaine notes and examinations touching this enterprise by M. Richard Hakluyt.
FIRST of all Andrew Barker having abode in one of the Canary Islands called Tenerif for a certaine time, and returning home left behind him Charles Chester (the sonne of Dominic Chester merchant of Bristol ) to learn the language. Now the sayd Andrew Barker forthwith upon his arrivall in England , in November, 1574, fraighted a small ship (named the Speedwell of Bristol) to goe for the Canaries with cloth and other merchandise of a great value. He sent also one John Drue of Bastable as his Factor to make sale and dispose of the said goods, who when he arrived at Tenerif, landed the marchandize, and sent home the barke with some small quantity of wine, making account to sell the sayd wares to greater advantage in providing wines and sugar for the lading of another ship, which Andrew Barker had appointed to send thither. Also according to this his purpose the said Andrew in March following sent a ship called the Christopher of Dartmouth, captaine whereof was one Henry Roberts of Bristol: who when he had landed in Tenerif, & was in good hope to find the lading of his ship in a readines, contrary to his expectation, was suddenly cast into prison: the Spaniards alleaging that Andrew Barker was accused to the inquisition by Charles Chester, whereupon his goods were confiscat, his factor John Drue was attached, and he also (the said captaine Roberts） being as they supposed Barkers partner, was in like sort to be imprisoned. In fine all the foresaid commodities appertaining to the said Andrew and his brother M. John Barker and others to the value of 1700 pound and upwards (as it doth appeare by proofes of record in the Admiralty) were utterly lost, being confiscat to the said inquisition. Howbeit captaine Roberts by the meanes of a frier was delivered out of prison (which cost him all the marchandize he brought with him in his ship) and so returned with dead fraight to the summe of 200 pound that afterwards Andrew Barker discharged. In recompense of which injurie (for that no suite prevaileth against the inquisition of Spaine) & also to recover his losse of the Spaniards themselves, at his owne charge with the help of his friends hee furnished two barkes for the West Indies, the greater of which barkes was called the Ragged staffe, himselfe being captaine, & Philip Roche Master thereof, the other named the Beare had one William Coxe of Limehouse for her Master and captaine. And thus all our company being imbarked at Plimmoth on Whitsonday in the beginning of June, we set forward, & in our course we met with a ship of London , & afterwards with another ship, but tooke nothing from either of them. Our first arrival was at one of the Island of Cape Verde, named Del sal, vz. the Isle of salt, where we tooke certain fishes called Tortoises: and there we remained one night and halfe the day following. And from thence wee came to the Isle of Maio, being distant from Isla del sal, 14 or 15 leagues, where we tooke in fresh water and traffiqued with certaine Portugals inhabiting in that place, of whom we had some victuals for knives and beades : and there we remained one day and one night: but our trumpetter was trecherously slaine by those Portugals, in revenge of which murther we set on fire two of their small villages. From this Island wee shaped our course over the maine Ocean toward the West Indies, and arrived happily at the Island of Trinidad, and had conference with certaine Indians inhabitants thereof, who gave us very friendly and courteous entertainement: and here we set up a pinnesse which we caried forth in the Ragged staffe, and traffiqued with the foresayd Indians for victuals. And after we had spent sixe dayes in this place we departed, and arrived next at the Isle of Margarita, where we tooke a small Spanish ship having in her certaine pitch and 30 tuns of Canarie wines whereof we reserved 4 or 5 tunnes to our selves, dismissing them without any further damage. Thence (having remained there a day) wee set saile to the Island of Curazao, where we remained a day & a night, & tooke in fresh water, at what time by the inhabitants of that Island (being few of them Spaniards, & the most part Indians) 14 of our men were treacherously hurt, but none slaine. And from thence we departed for the maine land Southwards, to a certain bay, and there we abode 3 daies, but nothing of any reckoning was there atchieved. From thence we arrived at Cape de la Vela, where grewe a contention betweene our Captaine M. Andrew Barker, and his Master Philip Roche, upon comparisons made betweene them concerning the knowledge of Navigation, and about other quarels, which quarels afterward were an occasion of further mischiefe. Hence we sailed to the bay of Tulu (which is about 18 leagues Southwestward from Carthagena) where wee tooke a Frigat and certaine treasure therein to the value of 500 pound, namely barres of gold, and lingots of silver, and some quantity of corriento or coyne in rials of plate, and certaine greene stones called Emerauds, whereof one very great, being set in gold, was found tied secretly about the thigh of a frier. Here having stayed three dayes, and now being pursued by Spanish men of warre, wee departed with the sayd treasure, and left the Frigat behind us, all which treasure at that instant was committed to the keeping of our captaine Andrew Barker. From thence we passed to Nombre de dios, and so foorth to the mouth of the river of Chagre 18 leagues distant from Nombre de dios towards the Northwest. There wee landed 10 of our men, who travelled up into the woods three or foure daies to seeke the Simerons, (which are certaine valiant Negros fled from their cruel masters the Spaniards, and are become mortall enemies, ready to joyne with the English and French against them) but in their search they could find none of them. And though our men returned all free from peril of the enemie, yet the most part of the sayd ten persons presently fell sicke, and divers other of our company: so that within 14 dayes 8 or 9 of our men died of a disease called there the Calentura, which is a hote and vehement fever. And passing betweene Chagre and Veragua, we tooke a Frigat, and some quantity of golde wee found therein. In this Frigat were 23 Spaniards whom wee set on shore, and two Flemings, them wee brought into England with us: wee had therein also foure cast pieces of Ordinance, 3 harquebuzes on crocke, 16 Spanish calivers, and a booke of Navigation: and in this Frigat some of our company came homeward into England . Thus passing forward in our course, we came to Veragua, where captaine Barker, & Philip Roche his Master, fought upon the foresayd quarel, in which combat the captaine was hurt a little in the cheeke. Here we sanke our Admirall the Ragged staffe, because of her great leakage, and imbarked part of our company in the Spanish Frigat, which immediately before we had surprised. From hence (by the direction of certain Indians) we sayled into the gulfe of the Honduras : there we tooke a barke wherin were rials of plate, to the value of 100 pound, Maiz or Indian wheat, hennes, beefe and other small things. In this barke also were certaine Spaniards, whereof one was the Scrivano or secretary of Carthagena, who (being a man of some note) was put to his ransome, which was payd in gold: the rest were dismissed freely. And after passing by divers Islands, we arrived at an Island called S. Francisco, being in the mouth of the great bay, called the Honduras . And within two dayes next after our arrivall there, William Coxe and divers others (which for certaine causes shalbe namelesse) came aboord the ship wherein the captaine then was, and disposessed him as well of the sayd ship, as of the treasure in the same, and forthwith put our captaine with violence on shore, where he and one Germane Weiborne fought together, and were both wounded. After this our captaine desirous to come on boord, was resisted by the persons aforesayd, who answered him that he should not come on boord till they were ready to depart. Our men had appointed ten persons of their company for the keeping of this Island of S. Francisco: but about breake of the day, on a certaine morning, sixtie Spaniards arriving secretly in the Island, surprised our people on the sudden, what time there were thirtie of our men on shore: in which surprise they slew our captaine, M. Andrew Barker with eight others, namely, one Wilde of Bristol, and Michael our Chirurgian, Richard of Bristol, Thomas Sampoole, Thomas Freeman, Thomas Nightingale, Robert Jackson, Walter Newton; and the captaines boy and one other were hurt. Now after that William Coxe, and the rest (which were aboord the barke) perceived that the captaine, & some others were slain, he received them that were living into the ship, having before that time refused some of them. After this misfortune they went to an Island distant from thence a league, where Coxe devided a chaine of golde (which was found in the captaines chest after his death) amongst the company. After this Coxe went in a pinesse (which wee tooke at the Isle of Sant Francisco) with certaine others of our men in a skyffe, to the towne of Truxillio, in the bay of Honduras , which towne they surprised, and had therein wine and oyle as much as they would, and divers other good things, but no gold nor silver, nor any other treasure which they would confesse. But before they could returne to their company, those that were in the barkes were had in chase by men of warre, whereby they were inforced every man to shift for himselfe : so for haste they left those that were in the skiffe (being 8 persons) in the bay of Honduras : what became of them afterward God knoweth. Hereupon we determined to saile for England , and being in the maine sea homeward bound, about 60 leagues from the Isle of S. Francisco, the Frigat wherein was the treasure for the adventurers, and that which pertained to the captaine to the value of 2000 pound, being overset with sayle, with a flaw of wind was overthrowen, and all the goods therein perished: therein also were 14 persons drowned, and nine saved, whereof William Coxe and William Gillam were two. After this Philip Roche, Master of the Admirall called the Ragged staffe, died. And thus at length, (by the helpe of God) we arrived in the Isle of Silly neere Cornwall where we left our Frigat which we built new upon the shore of the Honduras , having in her at our landing ten botisios of oyle, and the foure cast Peeces that were in John Oxnams Frigat (which the yeere before was taken in the streit of Dariene) three harquebuzes on crocke, certaine calivers, and certaine treasure: Where William Cox and Andrew Browne devided the treasure amongst their company, delivering to some five pound, to some sixe pound, to some seven pound, to some more, as every man was thought to have deserved. The barke and the rest of the Ordinance was left in the Island, to the use of Andrew Browne. Divers of our company, upon our arrivall at Plimmouth were committed to prison at the suite of M. John Barker of Bristol, brother unto our Captaine M. Andrew Barker, as accessaries to our captains death, and betrayers of him unto the enemie. And after straight examination of many of us, by letters of direction from her Majesties privie Counsell, the chiefe malefactors were onely chastised with long imprisonment, where indeede before God they had deserved to die: whereof some, although they escaped the rigor of mans law, yet could they not avoide the heavy judgement of God, but shortly after came to miserable ends. Which may be example to others to shew themselves faithfull and obedient in all honest causes to their captaines and governours.The opinion of Don Alvaro Bacan, Marques of Santa Cruz, and high Admirall of Spaine, touching the armie of sir Francis Drake lying at the Isles of Bayona in Galicia , written in Lisbon the 26 of October after the account of Spaine in the yere 1585.
THAT which it seemeth unto me, that the English army may doe, if they seeke to passe unto the West Indies, and enter into the South sea (as Francis Drake hath done once before) with their thirty ships and galeons, and many pinnesses and shalops with oares, which they have with them, and 5000 men of warre, which they of Bayona thinke to be in the fleete, is as followeth. They may take their course to the river of Jenero, which is on the coast of Brasil in 23 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial line. It is an haven capable of many ships and very safe, where there is water, wood and flesh: and likewise Drake may have come of Maiz in a towne two or three leagues from the sayd haven, which is called S. Vincente. And because the course is by the Isles of Madera, the Canaries, and Cape verde, he may sacke those Islands, the time serving him for that purpose. From Bayona to the Isle of Madera, with the Northerne winds which now wil begin to blow, when the Westerne winds be past, which presently doe blowe because that it beginneth to raine on the coast of Spaine, the fleete may run in 6 daies, and from thence to the Canaries in foure, and from the Canaries to the Isles of Cape Verde in eight, which all together make eighteene dayes: and he may stay as much time more as shall serve him to sacke the Islands in. He may saile from Cape Verde to the river of Jenero in 40 dayes, which in the whole amount unto two moneths. So that the fleete remaining all this moneth of October on the coast of Galicia , it may come to the river of Jenero in the end of December. At the entry of the bay of the river of Jenero there is a flat low Island where a fort may very easily be made, wherein above 500 men may be left: and placing his artillery therein, he may keepe the haven, & the fort wil be able to hold out all assault, because that on the Southwest and Northeast sides are two chanels whereby the ships come into the haven: wherein Francis Drake may repaire his army, and leave there some people, and depart with so much of the rest as shal seeme good unto him to enter into the South sea, & go on upon his voyage to the streight of Magelan, which is 550 leagues from the foresaid haven, and standeth in 52 degrees & a halfe toward the South, and may enter by the streight into the South sea all the moneth of February, & so may to goe to the citie of Lima , otherwise called the citie de los Reys, which standeth on the sea coast having two thousand inhabitants in it. But in respect that they be no warlike people nor exercised in armes, and because the place is open and without fortresse & artillery, he may take and sacke it, and make himself master on the land, & afterward taking those ships which are in that sea, our people can have no succour of ships out of Spaine, but by the streight of Magelan, which is a long way about. It is also very credible that he will be able to take Panama. If he seeke not to take this course he may divide his army into two parts, & sacke the Isle of S. Domingo, Puerto Rico, the coast of Tierra firma unto Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. And from the river of Chagre, which is fifteene leagues from Nombre de Dios, he may send his footemen in shalops with oares and in the vessels which carrie goods up and downe the river, whereof there are above fiftie there, and passe up to the lodging of the Crosses, called in Spanish Venta de Cruzes, which is five leagues from Panama, which because it is an unwalled towne may easily be taken. And Havana also will bee in great danger, which albeit it have a fortresse, yet it is but little and weake, and bringing his great ordinance on shore hee may take the same with great facilitie. And besides these domages which he may do, according to this discourse, it will not be the least to cut off the navigation of the Indies, to take the West Indian fleet, if they chance to be there. What course is to be taken to prevent these mischiefes. To dispatch Caravels with all possible diligence to the viceroyes and governours of the Indias, advertising them of the newes of the English army, that they may be provided, and make themselves ready for them. Albeit, considering the number of ships which have bene set foorth out of England , I assure my selfe, that some part of them are gone out of those parts unto Newfoundland . For the Queene hath taken carefull order to send to intercept the ships of the fishermen that goe to Baccalaos. And it is likewise to be thought that shee hath done the like for the intercepting of the fleet of the Indies. And considering that according to our intelligence out of England , above fourescore shippes, and the army of Drake have bene set foorth from thence, it is meete that his majestie should prepare another army to seeke the English fleete, and to fight with it, commanding that the Galeons which belong to the crowne of Portugall, and those of his majestie which lye in the river of Sivill bee prepared to send against them, and to give them the Carena, that they may bee in a readinesse for any voyage howe long soever it bee: And likewise to arrest a Galeon of the Duke of Florence, which is very well armed and furnished with great ordinance, and passed lately from Alicante toward Cadiz , and to make up the number of fortie great shippes, which are to be had in Biscay and Guipuscoa: and that beeing rigged, armed and set in good order, they bee victualled for eight moneths, and that foorthwith there bee levied a thousand mariners of Catalunna and Genoa to bee divided among the Fleete, and bee conducted, as they were for the Fleete of Tercera: furthermore that sixe thousande souldiers bee levied, giving commaundement to presse a greater number, to the ende that these may bee able men for service. Moreover it is needfull for this armie that 20. pataches be brought from Biscay , and 20. Azabras from Castro . That the pataches bee from 50. to 60. tunnes: and that the Azabras bee like those which were in the expedition to Tercera. That sufficient provision be made of artillerie, powder, match, and lead, and harquebuzes, muskets, and chosen pikes for the keeping of the coast. It is also meete to provide another army of two ships of 400. tunnes apiece, and other foure of 200. tunnes, and foure pataches and a thousand souldiers, besides mariners. Having seene and considered that the Englishmen with their marchants ships onely that traverse these seas have made such havocke in two moneths, and that it is to bee thought that they will doe the like against the fleetes which goe and come from the Indies: it is expedient, that as by order in time of peace the fleete hath an Admirall and Viceadmirall, that now it should have two more at the least in eche Fleete: and neverthelesse they are to bee wafted home with an armie. In mine opinion all these provisions ought to bee made onely in regard of the English army, and the rest of the ships which have bene set out of that kingdome. But in case that Don Antonio should come with an armie, and should seeke to invade this kingdome, these pro visions following would be needefull. THAT warning be given to the Conde de Beneventa, to the Marques de Soria, to the Conde of Altamira, to the Conde of Monterey, to the Marquesse of Zerraluo, and to the rest of the Lordes and Knights, which are to have order to bee in a readinesse, against hee come unto this kingdome. That the people also be trained of the cities of Toro , Zamora , and Salamanca , to bee ready to succour the countrey betweene the rivers of Doro and Minno: and the people of Estremadura and Sivilla are likewise to bee trained to be ready to succour the citie of Lisbon , and the countrey about the same. Also that the castles of this citie, river and territorie be victualled and provided of gunpowder, match and lead, and all things else belonging to the artillerie, as I have requested in the relations which I sent unto his majestie the 7. of March of this present yeere 1585. That the gallies be furnished for foure moneths: and that sixe more bee brought from Spaine to this river of Lisbon with an hundred and twentie souldiers for ech gallie, that they may be devided among the eight gallies which remaine here. And in case it fall out that the armie of the English goe not for the Indies, but occupie themselves upon this kingdome, (for there may be English ships, which may attend the one and the other) we shal be enforced to make another armie, besides that for the Indies, of twelve ships, foure pataches, and a thousand five hundred souldiers. In mine opinion all this is meet for his majesties service to be foreseene to be made ready with great diligence and care, and to provide money needfull for the same, without neglecting the one or the other, but that all these things be done without delay: Referring my selfe in all things to those of wiser judgement. Written in Lisbon the 26 of October, 1585.A summarie and true discourse of sir Francis Drakes West Indian voyage, begun in the yeere 1585. Wherein were taken the cities of Saint Iago, Santo Domingo, Cartagena , and the towne of Saint Augustine in Florida ; Published by M. Thomas Cates.
THIS worthy knight for the service of his Prince and countrey having prepared his whole fleete, and gotten them downe to Plimmouth in Devonshire , to the number of five and twenty saile of ships and pinnesses, and having assembled of souldiers and mariners, to the number of 2300. in the whole, embarked them and himselfe at Plimmouth aforesaid, the 12. day of September 1585. being accompanied with these men of name and charge, which hereafter follow: Master Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general, a man of long experience in the warres as well by sea as land, who had formerly caried high offices in both kindes in many fights, which he discharged alwaies very happily, and with great good reputation. Anthonie Powel Sergeant Major. Captaine Matthew Morgan, and Captaine John Sampson, Corporals of the field. These officers had commandement over the rest of the land-Captaines, whose names hereafter follow.
| Captaine Anthony Plat. | Captaine John Merchant. |
| Captaine Edward Winter. | Captaine William Cecill. |
| Captaine John Goring. | Captaine Walter Bigs. |
| Captaine Robert Pew. | Captaine John Hannam. |
| Captaine George Barton. | Captaine Richard Stanton. |
- Captaine Martine Frobisher Viceadmirall, a man of great experience in sea-faring actions, who had caried the chiefe charge of many ships himselfe, in sundry voyages before, being now shipped in the Primrose.
- Captaine Francis Knolles, Reereadmirall in the Galeon Leicester.
- Master Thomas Vennor Captaine in the Elizabeth Bonadventure under the Generall.
- Master Edward Winter Captaine in the Aide.
- Master Christopher Carleil the Lieutenant generall, Captaine of the Tygar.
- Henry White Captaine of the sea Dragon.
- Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas.
- Thomas Seelie Captaine of the Minion.
- Baily Captaine of the Barke Talbot.
- Robert Crosse Captaine of the Bark Bond.
- George Fortescue Captaine of the Barke Bonner.
- Edward Carelesse Captaine of the Hope.
- James Erizo Captaine of the White Lyon.
- Thomas Moone Captaine of the Francis.
- John Rivers Captaine of the Vantage.
- John Vaughan Captaine of the Drake.
- John Varney Captaine of the George.
- John Martin Captaine of the Benjamin.
- Edward Gilman Captaine of the Skout.
- Richard Hawkins Captaine of the Galiot called the Ducke.
- Bitfield Captaine of the Swallow.
But while wee were yet there, it happened one day, that our watch called the Centinell, upon the Churchsteeple, had discovered in the Sea a couple of small Barkes or Boates, making in with the Harbour of Cartagena, whereupon Captaine Moone and Captaine Varney, with John Grant the Master of the Tyger, and some other Seamen, embarked themselves in a couple of small Pinnesses, to take them before they should come nigh the shore, at the mouth of the Harbour, lest by some stragling Spanyardes from the Lande, they might bee warned by signes from comming in: which fell out accordingly, notwithstanding all the diligence that our men could use: for the Spanish Boates, upon the sight of our Pinnesses comming towardes them, ranne themselves ashore, and so their men presently hidde themselves in bushes hard by the Sea side, amongst some others that had called them by signes thither. Our men presently without any due regard had to the qualitie of the place, and seeing no man of the Spanyards to shew themselves, aboorded the Spanish Barkes or Boates, and so standing all open in them, were suddenly shotte at by a troope of Spanyardes out of the bushes: by which volley of shotte there were slaine Captaine Varney, which dyed presently, and Captaine Moone, who dyed some fewe dayes after, besides some foure or five others that were hurt: and so our folkes returned without their purpose, not having any sufficient number of souldiers with them to fight on shore. For those men they caryed were all Mariners to rowe, few of them armed, because they made account with their ordinance to have taken the Barkes well enough at sea, which they might full easily have done, without any losse at all, if they had come in time to the harbour mouth, before the Spaniards boates had gotten so neere the shore. During our abode in this place, as also at S. Domingo, there passed divers courtesies betweene us and the Spaniards, as feasting, and using them with all kindnesse and favour: so as amongst others there came to see the Generall, the Governour of Cartagena, with the Bishop of the same, and divers other Gentlemen of the better sort. This towne of Cartagena we touched in the out parts, & consumed much with fire, as we had done S. Domingo upon discontentments, and for want of agreeing with us in their first treaties touching their ransome, which at the last was concluded between us, should be 100. and 10000. Ducats for that which was yet standing, the Ducat valued at five shillings sixe pence sterling. This towne though not halfe so bigge as S. Domingo, gives as you see, a farre greater ransome, being in very deede of farre more importance, by reason of the excellencie of the Harbour, and the situation thereof, to serve the trade of Nombre de Dios and other places, and is inhabited with farre more richer Merchants. The other is chiefly inhabited with Lawyers and brave Gentlemen, being the chiefe or highest appeale of their suites in law of all the Islands about it, and of the maine land coast next unto it. And it is of no such accompt as Cartagena , for these and some other like reasons, which I could give you, over long to be now written. The warning which this towne received of our comming towards them from S. Domingo, by the space of twentie dayes before our arrivall here, was cause that they had both fortified and every way prepared for their best defence. As also that they had caried and conveyed away all their treasure and principall substance. The ransome of an hundred & ten thousand Ducats thus concluded on, as is aforesaid, the same being written, and expressing for nothing more then the towne of Cartagena , upon the payment of the sayd ransome, we left the said towne, and drewe some part of our souldiers into the Priorie or Abbey, standing a quarter of an English mile belowe the towne upon the harbour waterside, the same being walled with a wall of stone, which we told the Spaniards was yet ours, and not redeemed by their composition: whereupon they finding the defect of their contract, were contented to enter into another ransome for all places, but specially for the sayde house, as also the Blockehouse or Castle, which is upon the mouth of the inner harbour. And when wee asked as much for the one as for the other, they yeelded to give a thousand Crownes for the Abbey, leaving us to take our pleasure upon the Blockehouse, which they sayd they were not able to ransome, having stretched themselves to the uttermost of their powers: and therefore the sayd Blockehouse was by us undermined, and so with gunne powder blowen up in pieces. While this latter contract was in making, our whole Fleete of ships fell downe towards the harbour mouth, where they anchored the third time, and imployed their men in fetching of fresh water aboord the ships for our voyage homewards, which water was had in a great well, that is in the Island by the harbour mouth: which Island is a very pleasant place as hath bene seene, having in it many sorts of goodly and very pleasant fruites, as the Orenge trees and others, being set orderly in walkes of great length together. Insomuch as the whole Island being some two or three miles about, is cast into grounds of gardening and orchards. After sixe weekes abode in this place, we put to sea the last of March, where after two or three dayes a great ship which we had taken at S. Domingo, and thereupon was called The new yeeres gift, fell into a great leake, being laden with ordinance, hides, and other spoyles, and in the night she lost the company of our Fleete; which being missed the next morning by the Generall, hee cast about with the whole Fleete, fearing some great mischance to bee happened unto her, as in very deede it so fell out: for her leake was so great, that her men were all tyred with pumping. But at the last having found her & the Bark Talbot in her company, which stayed by great hap with her, they were ready to take their men out of her, for the saving of them. And so the Generall being fully advertised of their great extremitie, made saile directly backe againe to Cartagena with the whole Fleete, where having staied eight or ten dayes more, about the unlading of this ship, and the bestowing thereof and her men into other Ships, we departed once againe to Sea, directing our course towards the Cape S. Antony, being the Westermost part of Cuba , where wee arrived the seven and twentieth of April. But because fresh water could not presently be found, we weyed anchor, and departed, thinking in few dayes to recover the Matancas, a place to the Eastward of Havana. After wee had sailed some fourteen dayes, wee were brought to Cape S. Anthony againe, through lacke of favourable wind: but then our scarcity was growen such, as neede made us looke a litle better for water, which we found in sufficient quantitie, being indeede, as I judge, none other then raine water newly fallen, and gathered up by making pits in a plot of marrish ground, some three hundred pases from the sea side. I doe wrong if I should forget the good example of the Generall at this place, who to encourage others, and to hasten the getting of fresh water aboord the ships, tooke no lesse paine himselfe then the meanest; as also at S. Domingo, Cartagena , and all other places, having alwayes so vigilant a care and foresight in the good ordering of his Fleete, accompanying them, as it is sayde, with such wonderfull travell of body, as doubtlesse had he bene the meanest person, as hee was the chiefest, he had yet deserved the first place of honour: and no lesse happy doe we account him, for being associated with Master Carliel his Lieutenant generall, by whose experience, prudent counsell, and gallant performance he atchieved so many and happy enterprises of the warre, by whom also he was very greatly assisted, in setting downe the needfull orders, lawes, and course of justice, and the due administration of the same upon all occasions. After three dayes spent in watering our Ships, wee departed now the second time from this Cape of S. Anthony the thirteenth of May, and proceeding about the Cape of Florida, wee never touched any where; but coasting alongst Florida , and keeping the shore still in sight, the 28. of May early in the Morning wee descried on the shore a place built like a Beacon, which was in deede a scaffold upon foure long mastes raised on ende, for men to discover to the seaward, being in the latitude of thirtie degrees, or very neere thereunto. Our Pinnesses manned, and comming to the shore, wee marched up alongst the river side, to see what place the enemie held there: for none amongst us had any knowledge thereof at all. Here the Generall tooke occasion to march with the companies himselfe in person, the Lieutenant Generall having the Vantguard; and going a mile up or somewhat more by the river side, we might discerne on the other side of the river over against us, a Fort which newly had bene built by the Spaniards: and some mile or thereabout above the Fort was a little Towne or Village without walles, built of woodden houses, as the Plot doeth plainely shew. Wee forthwith prepared to have ordinance for the batterie; and one peece was a litle before the Evening planted, and the first shot being made by the Lieutenant generall himselfe at their Ensigne, strake through the Ensigne, as wee afterwards understood by a French man, which came unto us from them. One shot more was then made, which strake the foote of the Fort wall, which was all massive timber of great trees like Mastes. The Lieutenant generall was determined to passe the river this night with 4. companies, and there to lodge himselfe intrenched as neere the Fort, as that he might play with his muskets and smallest shot upon any that should appeare, and so afterwards to bring and plant the batterie with him: but the helpe of Mariners for that sudden to make trenches could not be had, which was the cause that this determination was remitted untill the next night. In the night the Lieutenant generall tooke a little rowing Skiffe, and halfe a dozen well armed, as Captaine Morgan, and Captaine Sampson, with some others besides the rowers, & went to view what guard the enemie kept, as also to take knowledge of the ground. And albeit he went as covertly as might be, yet the enemie taking ye Alarme, grew feareful that the whole force was approching to the assault, and therefore with all speede abandoned the place after the shooting of some of their peeces. They thus gone, and hee being returned unto us againe, but nothing knowing of their flight from their Fort, forthwith came a French man being a Phipher (who had bene prisoner with them) in a litle boate, playing on his Phiph the tune of the Prince of Orenge his song; and being called unto by the guard, he tolde them before he put foote out of the boate, what he was himselfe, and how the Spaniards were gone from the Fort, offering either to remaine in hands there, or els to returne to the place with them that would goe. Upon this intelligence, the Generall, the Lieutenant generall, with some of the Captaines in one Skiffe, and the Vice-admirall with some others in his Skiffe and two or three Pinnesses furnished of souldiers with them, put presently over towards the Fort, giving order for the rest of the Pinnesses to follow. And in our approch, some of the enemie bolder then the rest, having stayed behinde their company, shot off two peeces of ordinance at us: but on shore wee went, and entred the place without finding any man there. When the day appeared, we found it built all of timber, the walles being none other but whole Mastes or bodies of trees set up right and close together in maner of a pale, without any ditch as yet made, but wholy intended with some more time; for they had not as yet finished al their worke, having begunne the same some three or foure moneths before: so as, to say the trueth, they had no reason to keepe it, being subject both to fire, and easie assault. The platforme whereon the ordinance lay, was whole bodies of long pine trees, whereof there is great plentie, layd a crosse one on another, and some litle earth amongst. There were in it thirteene or fourteene great peeces of Brasse ordinance, and a chest unbroken up, having in it the value of some two thousand pounds sterling by estimation of the kings treasure, to pay the souldiers of that place, who were a hundred and fiftie men. The Fort thus wonne, which they called S. Johns Fort, and the day opened, wee assayed to goe to the towne, but could not by reason of some rivers and broken ground which was betweene the two places: and therefore being enforced to imbarke againe into our Pinnesses, wee went thither upon the great maine river, which is called as also the Towne, by the name of S. Augustin. At our approching to land, there were some that began to shew themselves, and to bestow some few shot upon us, but presently withdrew themselves. And in their running thus away, the Sergeant Major finding one of their horses ready sadled and brideled, tooke the same to follow the chase; and so overgoing all his company, was (by one layd behind a bush) shotte through the head: and falling downe therewith, was by the same and two or three more, stabbed in three or foure places of his body with swords and daggers, before any could come neere to his rescue. His death was much lamented, being in very deede an honest wise Gentleman, and a souldier of good experience, and of as great courage as any man might be. In this place called S. Augustin, we understood the king did keepe, as is before said, one hundred and fiftie souldiers, and at another place some dozen leagues beyond to the Northwards, called S. Helena, he did there likewise keepe an hundred and fiftie more, serving there for no other purpose, then to keepe all other nations from inhabiting any part of all that coast; the governement whereof was committed to one Pedro Melendez Marquesse, nephew to that Melendez the Admiral, who had overthrowen Master John Hawkins in the bay of Mexico some seventeen or eighteene yeers agoe. This Governour had charge of both places, but was at this time in this place, and one of the first that left the same. Heere it was resolved in full assembly of Captaines, to undertake the enterprise of S. Helena, and from thence to seeke out the inhabitation of our English countreymen in Virginia , distant from thence some sixe degrees Northward. When wee came thwart of S. Helena, the sholds appearing dangerous, and we having no Pilot to undertake the entrie, it was thought meetest to goe hence alongst. For the Admirall had bene the same night in foure fadome and a halfe, three leagues from the shore: and yet wee understood by the helpe of a knowen Pilot, there may and doe goe in Ships of greater burthen and draught then any we had in our Fleete. We passed thus alongst the coast hard aboord the shore, which is shallow for a league or two from the shore, and the same is lowe and broken land for the most part. The ninth of June upon sight of one speciall great fire (which are very ordinarie all alongst this coast, even from the Cape of Florida hither) the Generall sent his Skiffe to the shore, where they found some of our English countreymen (that had bene sent thither the yeere before by Sir Walter Ralegh) and brought them aboord: by whose direction wee proceeded along to the place which they make their Port. But some of our ships being of great draught unable to enter, anchored without the harbour in a wilde roade at sea, about two miles from shore. From whence the General wrote letters to master Ralfe Lane, being governour of those English in Virginia , and then at his Fort about sixe leagues from the Rode in an Island which they call Roanoac , wherein especially he shewed how ready he was to supply his necessities and wants, which he understood of, by those he had first talked withall. The morrow after, Master Lane himselfe and some of his company comming unto him, with the consent of his captaines he gave them the choice of two offers, that is to say : Either he would leave a ship, a pinnesse, and certaine boates with sufficient Masters and Mariners, together furnished with a moneths victuall, to stay and make farther discovery of the countrey and coastes, and so much victuall likewise as might be sufficient for the bringing of them all (being an hundred and three persons) into England , if they thought good after such time, with any other thing they would desire, and that he might be able to spare. Or els if they thought they had made sufficient discoverie already, and did desire to returne into England , he would give them passage. But they, as it seemed, being desirous to stay, accepted very thankefully and with great gladnesse, that which was offred first. Whereupon the ship being appointed and received into charge by some of their owne company sent into her by Master Lane, before they had received from the rest of the Fleete the provision appoynted them, there arose a great storme (which they sayd was extraordinary and very strange) that lasted three dayes together, and put all our Fleete in great danger, to bee driven from their anchoring upon the coast. For we brake many Cables, and lost many Anchors: and some of our Fleete which had lost all (of which number was the ship appointed for Master Lane and his company) was driven to put to sea in great danger, in avoyding the coast, and could never see us againe untill we mette in England . Many also of our small Pinnesses and boates were lost in this storme. Notwithstanding after all this, the Generall offred them (with consent of his Captaines) an other ship with some provision, although not such a one for their turnes, as might have bene spared them before, this being unable to be brought into their Harbour. Or els if they would, to give them passage into England , although he knew we should performe it with greater difficultie then he might have done before. But Master Lane with those of the chiefest of his company which hee had then with him, considering what should be best for them to doe, made request unto the General under their hands, that they might have passage for England : the which being graunted, and the rest sent for out of the countrey and shipped, we departed from that coast the 18. of June. And so, God bee thanked, both they and wee in good safetie arrived at Portesmouth the 28. of July 1586. to the great glory of God, and to no small honour to our Prince, our Countrey, and our selves. The totall value of that which was gotten in this voyage is esteemed at three score thousand pounds, whereof the companies which have travelled in the voyage were to have twentie thousand pounds, the adventurers the other fortie. Of which twentie thousand pounds (as I can judge) will redound some sixe pounds to the single share. We lost some seven hundred and fiftie men in the voyage: above three parts of them onely by sicknesse. The men of name that dyed and were slaine in this voyage, which I can presently call to remembrance, are these.
| Captaine Powel. | Captaine Bigges. |
| Captaine Varney. | Captaine Cecill. |
| Captaine Moone. | Captaine Hannam. |
| Captaine Fortescue. | Captaine Greenefield. |
A relation of the ports, harbors, forts and cities in the west Indies which have bene surveied, edified, finished, made and mended, with those which have bene builded, in a certaine survey by the king of Spaine his direction and commandement: Written by Baptista Antonio, surveyour in those parts for the said King. Anno 1587.
Santa Marta.
FIRST Santa Marta the principall Citie of the Bishopricke or Dioces of the coast of Tierra firma, or the firme land, lieth in 10. degrees and 1/2, the city being situated upon a sandy bay adjoyning unto the sea side, conteineth in it about 30. housholds; all the houses being made of canes, and covered over with Palmito trees, and some of them be covered with tyle. They have traffike with none, but with the Indians of the said country, which doe bring unto the Citie for to sell earthen Pots and Pipkins, and Coverlits of Cotton wooll, and great earthen Jarres. Also they doe traffique to Cartagena . It is a countrey which hath but small store of cattel, because it is all mountainous, and hath small store of people. There is a very good harbour before the said towne, invironed with mighty hils & great rocks, which reach even unto the sea side, the which hie land doth greatly succour the harbour, as also two Ilands which lie about 3/4 of a league on the North side: so that although they be subject to Easterly winds, and that with great stormes, yet they doe no great harme to goe on land. Within this Harbour there is a place which is called La Caldera, where in times past they were woont to trimme and carene their Shippes. As touching the Harbour, there is no cause to fortifie it, nor to make any account of it, by reason there is no trade nor traffique to this place from any other places, according as I have certified your Majestic thereof. And also because here are but few dwellers or inhabitants, and loosing every day so many as it doeth, by reason that it is every day robbed and spoyled by the enemie. But if your Majestie would command that the fleete of Nova Hispania might direct their course to this Harbour being in their way, and here to water and refresh themselves, all the Pilots doe say that the Fleete may proceede on their Voyage from this place, still going before the winde, and so goe to the Cape of Saint Anthony which lieth on the Iland of Cuba, and from thence goe their direct course to Nova Hispania; and by this meanes the Fleete should have no occasion to passe so many dangers as they doe, by reason of the Huricanos or stormy windes which many times do come upon them, when they are upon the coast of Hispaniola: and this is the cause that there are so many ships cast away, as your Majestie doeth well know. And as concerning this course according as I have certified your Majestie, they shall come into no danger at all, nor shall make any further way about; so by this meanes both the Fleetes may come from Spaine in company, and then come to S. Marta, and the Fleete of Nova Hispania may come into this Harbour, and the Fleete which doeth goe unto the firme land, may goe directly to Cartagena as they doe. Then your Majestie may send to fortifie the said Harbour, and the fortification must be thus: That on the morro or mount which is in the entring in of the said harbour, there be built a litle Fort, and so to plant some small quantitie of ordinance. And hard by on the South side, there to build a litle Towre, and another Sconce, where wee may plant some more ordinance. So by this meanes not onely the Shippes may ride heere in securitie, but also it will bee a defence for those which dwell heere in the Towne: and the better to effect this purpose, there is hard by the Towne great store of Lyme, Stone , Sande, and Tymber, if occasion should serve.Cartagena .
CARTAGENA is a Citie, and the principall place of the Bishopricke; it lyeth fourtie leagues from Santa Marta: it standeth in scant 11. degrees. The sayd Citie is situated upon a sandy banke or bay like unto an Iland: it hath about 450. dwellers therein. There are very faire buildings therein: as concerning their houses, they are made of stone, and there are three Monasteries, of which two of them are of Friers which are within the city, the one called Santo Domingo, and the other called Santo Augustin, and the other which is called Saint Francis, which standeth without the citie about 30. paces off. And for to goe unto the said Frierie, you must goe upon a Causey made of stone, and water on both sides. This citie hath great trade out of Spaine, and out of The new kingdome of Granada , and out of the Ilands there adjoyning, from Peru , and from all the coast of this firme land, and of the fishing of the pearles of Rio de la Hacha, and of Margarita: it is a very sound countrey. This Citie hath a very good Harbour, and sufficient to receive great store of Ships: this said Harbour hath two entrances in, the one of them lyeth halfe a league from the Citie, where all the Ships doe enter into the sayd Harbour: the mouth or entring in of the sayde Harbour is 1400. yardes or paces in bredth, and very deepe water. The other entring in which is called La boca chica, or litle mouth, lieth a league beyond this place to the westwards. It is 900. yards in bredth, and in the entring in thereof there lieth a channel in the midst of it, which is 200. yards broad, and 20. or 15. fadome water, some places more, some lesse. And to enter into the Harbour you must go through this channel, and the land doth double in and out. And at the entring in of the sayde Harbour, after you have past this Channell, you must beare up to the shoareward neere unto the Iland of Cares, and looke how much is overplus more than the two hundred yardes of the Channell, all the rest are certaine ledges of Rockes, covered with two or three foote water upon the toppe of them, some places more, and some lesse. So the ships which must enter in at the mouth, must bring very good Pilots with them, which must be very skilfull: yet all this will not serve, but they must carry their Boate before, and sound with their Lead to know where the best place of the Channell lyeth for them to goe in, so it will be small hinderance to any shippe that shall enter, neither yet danger at all of sinking. There are three places about the sayde Citie, where the Enemie may give an attempt by Land. The one of them is where the enemie did enter in and landed, which is a sandy Bay, and on the other side of the Bay is the Sea, and on the other side a great Lake which goeth towards the Harbour. The sandy bay or banke, on the one side is 500. yardes broad, all sandy ground without any trees. So that the enemie which giveth the assault in this place must bee constrayned to march all alongst this sandie Bay, the enemie lying open these 500. yardes, which reach untill you doe come to the trench: And on the backside other 500. yardes, till you doe come unto the Citie. The sayde sandie bay or banke is 130. yardes broad, where the trench is builded. And in this place this Citie hath bene taken by the enemie twise. Wherefore heere wee have driven in a great many of woodden stakes, which goe downe into the sea 50. yardes deepe: and this wee have done, because this is a very dangerous and filthy coast. And below in the bottom of the Valley there we have builded a little Sconce, where we may plant 3. or 4. peeces of ordinance. And likewise wee have made a deepe ditch, which doeth answere to both parts of the sea; so on this side the Citie is very strong and sufficient. For this was the place whereof the Citizens were most afrayde. The other entring is lower downe by the sayde sandy Bay, which is called Cienaga , or The fenne del Roreado. This is another place which is on the sayd sandy bay, which is 300. yardes broad from the one place downe to the sea. And on the other side there lyeth the Cienaga , which is a certaine plat of ground that is overflowen with water all the yeere long. So that the enemie which shall come this way to winne the Citie, must come marching over land a good way upon a sandie banke or Bay, where the Sea lyeth on the one side, and a grove or boske of wood on the other side, and through a plat of ground which is overflowen with water, but not all covered. So in this place wee have made a Fort or Sconce with certaine Flanckers belonging therunto. And I have caused a deepe ditch to be digged of 60. foote in bredth, so that the Sea doeth come to that plat or place which is overflowen. And in this order we have stopt this passage, so that the Citie standeth in maner like unto an Iland. There is 2600. yardes distance from this place to the other trench where the enemie Francis Drake did land last. The entring in of this Harbour is by the bridge and Causey which doeth goe from the Citie to S. Francis; the sayd Causey is 300. yardes in length, and 12. yardes in bredth: and the water is on both the sides of the saide Causey : so this is the strongest place of all the rest of the three places. Also in this place there is order taken to make a draw bridge, and upon the top of the said bridge to build a platforme, and plant ordinance upon it: and on both sides of the bridge there are certaine trenches made, where our men may be close kept. At the point of this land called ycacos, which is in the entring in of the harbour towards S. Anna, we have made a Fort of timber fouresquare of 300. foote every way, and trencht, where wee may plant 15. or 16. peeces of ordinance, and keepe 50. men in garison, and behinde the bourdes on the backside of the timbers, a Barricado of earth or mudde wall being foure foote in thicknesse, and behinde the mud-wall, sand: so this Fort will bee of great importance for safegard of this Harbour, because all the Shippes which doe enter into this Harbour doe come close to this place where it is strongest, so that sometimes one may cast a stone into the ships when they are comming in: and when any ship of warre or Pirate will give any attempt to enter into this Harbour, there is order given that the two galleys shall go forth, and put themselves behinde the Fort with their prows to the sea, and so shooting at their enemies in the forepart of the ship, and then the Fort answering likewise with their ordinance at the side of the shippe, and at their tackling, so the enemie being in the Harbour all unrigged, they must of necessitie be constrained to lye hovering within the Harbour, or els they must drive upon the rockes called the Ismo, or els upon those rocks which are covered with the sea at the Iland of Cares. And put case that in this place we can doe no good by this meanes, and that the enemie will venture to come in with their long boates & Pinnesses through this narrow mouth; then we are to have in a readinesse 4. Frigats to ayde and helpe the gallies, & to row with oares, and so to go to the narrow mouth, and there to stay in the channell. And forasmuch as the entring in is so dangerous, according as I have certified your Majestie, there can no ship come into this harbour, but we must needes sinke them; so that these defences shall not onely bee annoyance to the enemie, but also animate and encourage the inhabitants of this citie : for they have beene and are in such feare of the enemie, and pirates, that if wee had not made these fortifications, strengthened the citie in this order, and put some souldiers in garison, the citizens would have fledde, and forsaken this citie: for all the perswasions made to them by the governour coulde not perswade them to the contrary, but they would bee gone, if it had not beene for this fortification, and yet for all this wee have much to doe to make them to stay here: so nowe by reason of these souldiers which shall come hither, the people of the citie have taken heart of grasse : so I have tolde them that your majestie will command that this citie and the harbour shall be better fortified and made stronger, and all this which I have caused to be builded, is with that money which I have borowed of the citizens. As touching the safegard and defence of this harbour, if your majestie so please, here may we builde a very faire and strong castle with foure bulwarks, on the poynt of the Ycacos which doth lie on the side where the citie is builded, because all the shippes which doe come to this harbour, must come close abord this shore, so neere, that wee may cast a stone into them, and so overtake any ship. So likewise if the shippes will goe on the other shore, then they doe goe in greater danger, because of those shoalds and ledges of rockes, and so are often cast away. And forasmuch as those ships which here doe arrive are brought hither by Easterly winds, and sometimes with those winds which come out from the sea, and therefore perforce must give a good birth off, otherwise they cannot enter into this harbour, therefore of necessity they must come so close to the shore: And on the other side where the Island of Cares standeth, there may wee builde another tower foure-square, and plant some foure or five pieces of ordinance, and this will serve for the night, if occasion be offered that any small shippe or barke should come in here, or any pinnesse in the night, to doe any harme, or to attempt to burne any Fleete which shoulde ride here at an anker within this harbour: so the fort beeing on the one side, and the tower on the other side, keeping good watch, there can no shippe nor barke come into this harbour, but they will bee espied. In the narrow mouth at the entring in the other way towardes the Island of Cares, where the channell doth runne neere the shore, as I have already certified your majestie, there may another castle be made, and there foure or five pieces of ordinance planted, and some sixe or eight men to keepe watch and ward: this being done, your majestie shall have this citie very well fortified, by reason it is of such importance for the service of your majestie, and the trade of all Spaine and Peru , and all the Indies: for this is the principall fort of all this countrey. Over against this point of the Ycacos, in the Isle of Cares, hard by the water side, there are great store of stones, free stones, and other stones to make lyme, and wood to burne the stones withall for the lyme, and great part of the stones doe lie about the water: so the wood will cost but the cutting of it downe, and the working of it, and with little paines taking it will bee brought to good perfection, for wee have already made triall thereof, for there was never building that went to decay after it hath bene made, nor perished by the sea: so the charge hereof will be but litle or nothing. And for to put this in practise to build a fort, it is needefull that your majestie should send hither and to many other places, where any fort shall bee made, some store of Negros, and to this place would be sent 150 Negros brought from Guyney: and if the Negros of Havana are not to bee imployed there, nor those which are in Sant Juan de Ullua, it may please your majestie to cause them to bee sent for to this place, for most of them be artificers, some masons, bricklayers, smithes and sawyers, and to send some masons from Spaine to teach our men these occupations. And after these fortifications are ended and all furnished, then the Negros may be solde to great profit, for a Negro that is of any occupation is sold here for 600. and 700. pezos.Nombre de Dios.
NOMBRE de Dios is builded upon a sandy Bay hard by the sea side, it is a citie of some thirtie housholdes or inhabitants: their houses are builded of timber, and most of the people which are there be forreiners, they are there to day and gone to morrow: it is full of woods and some places of the land are overflowen with water continually by reason of much raine which doth fall upon the hils. It is a very bad harbour, neither is there any good water: and it is subject to Northerly winds and Easterly windes, which continually doe blow upon this coast: many of the great ships which doe come to this place doe unlade halfe their commodities betweene the two ledges of rockes, for that there is but little water in the harbour: and after that a ship hath unladen halfe of her goods, then shee goeth to the second rocke, as it doth appeare by the platforme, but the small ships come neere unto another rocke on the West side. If the winde chance to come to the North and Northwest, and that it overblowe, then such great ships as then be in the roade must of force more themselves with sixe cables a head, especially in a storme, and yet nevertheless sometimes they are driven ashore and so cast away, and all because they dare not vier cable ynough, because of so many shelves and rockes which are in both those places: also the shippes doe roule very much in the harbour, by reason in foule weather the Sea will bee mightily growen, which is the cause that their cables do oftentimes breake, and their ruthers are unhanged, the cause thereof is by reason the shippes doe ride but in little water, yet goeth there a great sea. The citie is builded and situated very well if it were a good harbour, it standeth upon the Eastside upon a rocke where they may builde a very good fort, according to the platforme for the safegard of this harbour: but seeing it is but a bad haven and shallow water, therefore I doe thinke that it is not needefull for your majestie to be at any charges in fortifying that place, but onely a trench to be made of earth or clay, so that these townesmen may defend themselves from danger of 3. or 4. ships. The citie of Panama is eighteene leagues from Nombre de Dios, the wayes are exceeding bad thitherwards; yet notwithstanding all the silver is brought this way to Nombre de Dios, as well your majesties treasure as other marchandize; so likewise the most part of those commodities which are caried to Peru , and the rest of the marchandize are carried to the river of Chagre which is some 18 leagues from this citie and it is brought up by this river within five leagues of Panama unto an Inne or lodge called Venta de Cruzes, and from this place afterwards they are transported to Panama upon Mules. The high way which goeth from Nombre de Dios to Panama may be very wel mended, only to remoove this way and to stop it quite up, and so to make it againe upon the side of a mountaine. This citie lieth in nine degrees and one tierce, and if your majestie will give order that this citie should be plucked downe and newly builded againe in Puerto Bello, then you are to make a new way through the mountains of Capira, by reason it may not be frequented and because the high wayes are very bad: with little charges they may be broken and so shut up, and the channell of this harbour may bee stopt with the timber of those old ships which are laid up here every yeere, and then afterwards may be cast a great number of stones into the same, and so by this meanes to damme up the harbour: and here is great want of stones to ballast the shippes : wherefore they are faine to goe to an Iland three leagues from Cartagena called Isla de los Bastimentos, and this is a thing very needefull for this Countrey, as by experience I have seene.Puerto Bello.
PUERTO Bello lieth five leagues from Nombre de Dios Westward: It is a very good harbour and sufficient to receive great store of ships, and hath very good ankering, and fresh water: for neere the shore you shall find some sixe fathome water, and in the middest of the same harbour you shall find twelve fathome, very good and cleane ground or sand, without eyther banks or rockes. There are twelve small rivers or brookes of water which doe belong to this harbour, and so doe meete all together: so that the fleete may at all times provide themselves of fresh water so much as shall serve their turnes. And like wise there is in this place great store of timber to build shippes, and stones to ballast shippes. Also the harbour hath no danger at all in comming in, but onely when the wind is Westerly, which is seldome seene upon this coast. The windes which doe most blowe upon this coast are Northerly windes, and they are more dangerous and hurtfull then the Easterly windes are. Within this harbour there lieth a small creeke safe from all winds that can blow. This creek is about five hundred yards long, and so many in breadth, and in the entring in of this creekes mouth it is some 300. yardes broad, and foure fathome and a halfe of water: and entring further in, sixe fathome, all oaze and muddie ground: so that if a ship should chance to strike or come aground, shee could take no harme being soft oaze; also it doth ebbe and flow according as I have certified your majestie already. And likewise the comming in and going out of this harbour is very good; and with all kinde of weather a shippe may set saile from this place except with a Westerly wind: and all this coast is very cleane where a shippe at all times may come to anker without the harbours mouth. This harbour is invironed round about with woods: and at the ende of this harbour there is certaine land which is overflowen with water: it may bee easily dryed up and walled round about, so this land will serve very well to feede cattell. For that is the chiefest thing which doth belong to any citie or towne, and of this pasture ground there is great want in Nombre de Dios, for there is no pasture at all to breede cattell, for all kinde of flesh which is spent in this place is brought from Panama: so towards the South there is a very good place, where the citie may bee newe built on a certaine plaine ground which lieth at the foot of certaine mountaines, which bee not very high; and in this place there runne three little rivers of fresh water very sweete and good, and here is good arable ground to till and to sow Maiz and other kinds of graine. Also in this circuite there are great stones to make lyme, and these stones must needes proove very good as I doe thinke, but we never had any triall thereof. This harbour hath all things necessary to builde a citie, where your majestic may have your armies and fleetes of shippes to ride at an anker in safetie without danger of loosing: and it is a very healthful countrey, and where the citie shall be builded it is all stony ground: and forasmuch as the raine water which doth fall from the mountaines may doe hurt unto the citie, there at the foote of the mountaine wee will make a great pond to receive in all the water which doth fall from the mountaines, and so from thence to goe into the sea, as more at large your majestic may see by my platforme. If it would please your majestie, it were good that the citie of Nombre de Dios might bee brought and builded in this harbour: it would not bee very chargeable unto the citizens by reason that all their houses are made of timber, and they may benefite themselves with the same againe, and likewise with the tyles of their houses: the greatest charge will bee to land timber and to cut downe the mountaine of wood. If it please your majestie that the sayd citie of Nombre de Dios should bee builded in this harbour the first thing which must be finished is to make up this high way, and so to pull downe the Church which is in Nombre de Dios, and the Contractation house, and so newe build it in this harbour: and then to command all the fleetes of shippes from time to time to come and unlade their goods in this sayd Puerto Bello: And that those marchants and factors of Spaine which are lygers in Panama and Nombre de Dios, shall come to this harbour and builde anew their warehouses for receiving of their goods. So by these meanes in short time it will be greatly inhabited with people: also the fleete shall not passe so many dangers as they dayly doe in Nombre de Dios: neither will there so many people die as there dayly doe in Nombre de Dios: and the cause thereof is, that those labouring men which doe use to unlade those marchandize, are all the whole day wading in the water up to the armepits to bring the packs of cloth and other commodities aland; for there is no landing place where there can come any boates to land any goods close to the shore, so this wading and the parching of the Sunne is the cause why so many doe dye of a burning fever. There are but 60. dwelling houses in Nombre de Dios, and but thirtie dwellers which doe continually dwell there, and the rest doe goe to Panama after the fleete is gone, and then this Towne doeth remayne desolate, every man forsaking it because it is so full of diseases. In the entring in of this harbour for the more securitie thereof and defence of the towne it is needefull to build upon the toppe of the mount which lyeth to the Northward, a little fort fouresquare that will hold foure or five pieces of ordinance, and to appoynt sixe men to watch and ward; and this beeing done wee shall have no occasion to make any more defence, by reason the countrey is full of rocks and filthy wayes, and all full of woods round about the harbour. And so likewise on the other side to builde a little tower in maner of a fort, with eight pieces of ordinance and five and twentie souldiers to keepe it. And this will bee of more importance because it must be builded on the towne side. And a little beyond this place on the Northside there lyeth a creeke, where there is a very good ankering in eight fathome water: so this fort beeing builded in this place it will defend the harbour and offend the enemy: and will defend the coast along and a poynt of the land which doth runne from the East to the West, and reacheth to the Iland of Buena Ventura. And put case that the fort which is builded on the other side doth decay, or be taken by the enemy, with this other fort wee may defend the citie very well, if the enemy should chance to come into the harbour, and bee succoured and holpen by the citizens, and twenty musketters being planted upon a mount which lieth over the fort, will bee sufficient to defende us from a good many of our enemies, that shoulde come to assault us, because all the countrey is full of rockes and stones, and full of mountaines. So from this wood there may a way be made to goe to the citie, and to joyne with that way which shall goe to Panama; and this may bee done with small charges. This harbour doth lie in nine degrees and one tierce, and if occasion shoulde serve wee may stop up the way which doth goe to Capira, and the rest of the wayes which goe from Nombre de Dios to Venta de Cruzes, according as it is certified me by the Negros called Simerons; for they told me that this way would not bee very troublesome. Although in the Winter it is reported that here is good store of water in this place, which in the Sommer is all dryed up, and where these waters are, there we may builde a causey, to which purpose there are great quantities of stones and timber very serviceable: so this way may bee made with that treasure which your majestie doeth receive of the averages and customes of Nombre de Dios and Panama, which doth amount unto twelve or foureteene thousand pezos yeerely : and an order might be taken for the same, that the sayd money may serve for the building and reparing of these wayes.Panama.
PANAMA is the principall citie of this Dioces: it lieth 18. leagues from Nombre de Dios on the South sea, and standeth in 9. degrees. There are 3. Monasteries in this said city of fryers, the one is of Dominicks, the other is of Augustines, and the third is of S. Francis fryers : also there is a College of Jesuits, and the royall audience or chancery is kept in this citie. This citie is situated hard by the sea side on a sandy bay: the one side of this citie is environed with the sea, and on the other side it is enclosed with an arme of the sea which runneth up into the land 1000. yards. This citie hath three hundred and fiftie houses, all built of timber, and there are sixe hundred dwellers and eight hundred souldiers with the townesmen, and foure hundred Negros of Guyney, and some of them are freemen: and there is another towne which is called Santa Cruz la Real of Negros Simerons, and most of them are imployed in your majesties service, and they are 100. in number, and this towne is a league from this citie upon a great rivers side, which is a league from the sea right over against the harbour of Pericos. But there is no trust nor confidence in any of these Negros, and therefore we must take heede and beware of them, for they are our mortall enemies. There are three sundry wayes to come to this citie, besides the sea, where the enemy may assault us. The one is at the bridge which is builded upon the river: and on the one side of this, there lieth a creeke : so on this side the citie is very strong, because it is all soft muddie ground, for in no way they cannot goe upon it. And right over against it there lyeth a river which is in maner like unto a ditch or moate; and on the other side of the River there lyeth a great Lake or Pond which is full of water all the Winter, and part of the Sommer, so that on this side the city is very strong, for with very small store of souldiers this place might bee kept verie well. The greatest danger for the surprising of this citie is the way that doth come from Nombre de Dios : for all this way is playne ground and no woods: and 2000 yardes from this citie there lyeth a river called Lavanderas, where the women doe use to wash their linnen: and this river doth goe into the creeke, according as I have certified your majestie: and being once past this river, there is a causey which goeth directly unto them. The other way which doth go towards the citie is lower downe towards the sea at a stone bridge lying upon the way which goeth to the harbour of Perico. These two wayes cannot be kept nor resisted, because it is all plaine ground and medowes. Upon the East side of this citie there are your majesties royall houses builded upon a rocke joyning hard to the Sea side, and they doe aswell leane towards the sea as the land. The royall audience or chancerie is kept here in these houses, and likewise the prison. And in this place all your majesties treasure is kept. There dwelleth in these houses your majesties Treasurer, the Lord President, and 3. Judges, and master Atturney. All these doe dwell in these houses, and the rest of your majesties officers : which are sixe houses besides those of the Lord President, the which are all dwelling houses, and all adjoyning together one by another along upon the rockes. And they are builded all of timber and bourdes, as the other houses are. So where the prison standeth and the great hall, these two places may bee very well fortified, because they serve so fitly for the purpose, by reason they are builded towardes the sea, and that there lye certaine small rocks, which at a lowe water are all discovered and drie, and some of them are seene at a high water. Right over these houses to the Eastwardes there lyeth an Island about five hundred yardes from these houses, and the Island is in forme of a halfe moone; and in this order it runneth all alongst very neere the maine land: so over against these houses there lyeth the harbour where all the shippes doe use to ride at an anker, after that they have discharged and unladen their marchandize. For when they have their lading aboord, there can come in none but small Barkes, and at a lowe water the shippes are all aground and drie, and so is all the space some thirtie yardes from those houses. Right over against them standeth the citie. When newes were brought to this citie of those Pirates which were come upon this coast, the Lord President and Judges commanded that there should a sconce bee made, and trenched round about, made all of timber for the defence of this citie against the enemie, and to keepe your majesties treasure. So your officers caused Venta de Cruzes to be fortified, and likewise Chagre, and Quebrada, and fortified the garrison of Ballano: for all these are places where the enemy may land, and by this meanes spoyle all this countrey. There are three sundry places where this citie may without difficulty be taken, and spoyled by the Pirates. The first is on the North seas in a certaine place which lyeth foureteene leagues from Nombre de Dios, the place is called Aele to the Eastwards, where once before certaine men of warre have entred into those seas. The other place is Nombre de Dios, although this is a bad place and naughtie wayes, and full of waters and a very dirtie way: for three partes of the yeere the countrey people doe travell upon those waters, and an other very badde way, which is the going up of certaine rockes and mountaines which they must climbe, called the mountaines of Capira, which are of height three quarters of a league, so in this place with very small store of souldiers wee can defend our selves from the fury of the enemie, so these dwellers doe say that in Sommer the wayes are very good without either dirt or water. The other entrance is up the river of Chagre, which rivers mouth lyeth eighteene leagues from Nombre de Dios to the Westwards falling into the North sea , and this is the place which the citizens of Panama doe most feare, for they may come up this river to Venta de Cruzes, and so from thence march to this citie, which is but five leagues off. So up this river there goe boates and barkes which doe carry. 320. Quintals waight. These are they which carry the most part of the marchandize which doe come from Spaine to be transported to Peru , and from Venta de Cruzes it is carried to Limaret which is three leagues off that place, and the dwellers doe report that it is a very good way: and if any men of warre will attempt to come into these seas, they may very easily come up this river as farre as Venta de Cruzes, and from thence march unto this citie, and if the enemy will, they may bring their pinnesses ready made in foure quarters, and so taken in sunder, may afterwards set them together againe: as it is reported that Francis Drake hath used it once before when he came that voyage; and so he may attempt us both by sea and land. And forasmuch as the most part of these people are marchants, they will not fight, but onely keepe their owne persons in safetie, and save their goods; as it hath bene sene heretofore in other places of these Indies. So if it will please your majesty to cause these houses to bee strongly fortified, considering it standeth in a very good place if any sudden alarms shoulde happen, then the citizens with their goods may get themselves to this place, and so escape the terrour of the enemy: and so this will be a good securitie for all the treasure which doth come from Peru . So all the Pirats and rebels, which have robbed in these parts, have gone about what they can to stoppe this passage, and so by this meanes to stoppe the trade of Spaine, and to set souldiers in this place, for to intercept and take your majesties treasure, whereby none might be caried intoSpaine. Therefore it behooveth your majestic to fortifie these places very strongly. These places being fortified in this maner, your majesty shal have al your gold and silver brought home in safetie which commeth from Peru . And all those commodities which are laden in Spaine may come safe to this place. And if perchance any rebels should rise in these parts, which would rebel against your majesty, which God forbid, & if they should chance to joyn with any of these pirats, having this place so wel fortified, & Puerto Bello in ye North parts, & so to send some garrison your majestie needs not to feare: for here in this harbor are alwayes 10 or 12 barks of 60 or 50 tunnes apiece, which do belong to this harbor. So if any of these places shalbe intercepted, then your majestie hath no other place fitter then this to land your majesties souldiers, for then they have but 18. leagues to march by land, & presently they may be shipped to supply these places which shal stand in most need of them. In al the coast of Peru there is no harbour that hath any shipping but onely this place, and the citie of Lima , where there are some ships and barks. The harbour being thus open without any defence, a man of war may very easily come to this place, as I have certified your majestie, thorow the streits of Magellane, & arrive at that instant, when those barks, do come from Peru with your majesties gold & silver, for sometimes they bring 5 or 6 millions in those barks; so the enemy may come and take al their treasure, & not leese one man, because here is not one man to resist him, therefore this place being thus fortified, the treasure may be kept in the fort. There is a trench made round about your majesties houses which are builded of timber: the President and Judges did cause it to be made, for that here was newes brought that there were certaine men of warre, & pirats comming for these parts. So this trench is thus maintained until such time as your majesties pleasure is to the contrary, & in such wise that your souldiers may fight lying behind the trench; so there is order given to build a platforme upon the plaine ground, and so to plant such ordinance in those places, as shall be thought most convenient. If it wil please your majestie, here we may make a sconce or fort toward the land side, & so trench it round about and build it with stone, because here is a place and al things readie for the same purpose; and by this meanes the citie would be securely kept: as for the sea there is no danger at al, by reason that the water doth ebbe & flow twise a day, and then when it is ebbing water it wil be all ozy & muddy ground and rocks, so that in no wise at a low water the enemy can wade over the mud to come to this city, and it reacheth from the Island til you come to the bridge called Paita. Two leagues from this city there lieth a harbor called Perico downe to the Westward: this is a very sure harbour by reason of 3. Islands which do joyne in maner of a halfe moone, they lie halfe a league from the maine, the Islands do enclose the harbor round about, the harbour is a very high land, & the Ilands are but reasonable high, there is good store of fresh water: also there hath never any ship bene cast away in this harbour, for there is 7. fathome water at ful sea, and 3 or 4 fathome at lower water, and very good ground for their ankering, and when they will trimme their ships, they may hale them ashore. All those ships and barks which come from Peru with gold, silver or any other kind of commodities, do first come to an anker in this harbour, and if they have a contrary weather they cannot come into the harbour of Panama; and for so much as the harbour hath no defence for the safegard of the ships, if a man of warre should chance to come into the harbour, all the barks with the treasure may be very easily taken. And likewise these barks & ships which do navigate in the South seas carrie not so much as one piece of ordinance or a rapier to defend them withall. From this place to Venta de Cruzes is not passing 5 leagues; so that if any pinnesse should happen to arrive there, no doubt but they might robbe and take al your treasure which is in those barks, by reason that from the shore they cannot be rescued nor holpen, because it is an Island and refuge for all ships and barks. If it would please your majestie here might some fort or defence bee made in the middlemost Island, and some ordinance planted, and this might bee made with little charges, because in the said Island there are all kinde of necessaries fit for that purpose, so by this meanes your majestic may have both the harbour and the citie very well kept. And likewise there is another entring into the South sea which is called the river of Francisca, which lieth on this side of the Cabeca de Cativa, and this river doth come into another river which is called Caracol, and is five leagues from this citie; and once before these Simerons brought into this place certaine Frenchmen.The river of Chagre.
THE river of Chagre lieth in 9. degrees and one tierce. The mouth of this river is in the North seas 18. leagues from Nombre de Dios, and 13. leagues from Puerto Bello: there is caryed up this river certaine quantitie of those merchandize which are unladen at Nombre de Dios which come from Spaine. From the mouth of this river to Venta de Cruzes are eighteene leagues. From this place where the barkes unlade their commodities, they are carried upon mules to Panama, which is but five leagues off from this place. This river hath great store of water in the Winter. And the barkes which belong to this river are commonly of 320. Quintals that is of 16. tunnes in burthen: but in the Summer there is but small store of water: so then the barkes have much to doe to get up this river: and in many places these barks are constrained to unlade their commodities; and are drawen by mens strength and force a good way up the river, and therefore if it would please your majestic to command that all those goods may bee first unladen in Puerto Bello, and there to build a litle castle in the mouth of the said river, and at the foote of the castle to build a storehouse to unlade and keepe all the sayd goods, and there to build other barks of lesse burthen: then these would serve for Sommer, and the great barks for the Winter. If it would please your majestie, there might a very good high way be made on the one side of the river, and so they might bee towed, for it may bee made and not with much cost because it is all plaine ground, and there is growing upon the sayd river great store of timber and trees which doe lie overthwart the said River; so that they are very cumbersome and great annoiance unto the said boates, aswell those that go up the said River, as also that doe come downe the said River. And therefore if it might please your majestie to command, that Puerto Bello might be inhabited, and the towne made neerer the Rivers side, every thing would be a great deale better cheape, if the commodities were caryed up the River: for it is a great danger to cary them up by land, for it is daily seene that the mules do many times fall and breake their neckes with their lading upon their backs, as well the treasure as other kinde of commodities, because it is such a bad way. And your majestie might be at this charges and spend your revenewes of Nombre de Dios and Panama, which do yerely yield 12 or 14 thousand pezos, & this being once done it would be a great ayd and benefit to those, which doe trade and trafficke, and to those merchantes which doe send their goods over-land, and ease them much of paine and purse, because the other is a most filthy way, as any is in the world.A briefe remembrance of a voyage made in the yeere 1589 by William Michelson Captaine, and William Mace of Ratcliffe, Master of a ship called the Dogge, to the Bay of Mexico in the West India.
THE aforesaide ship called the Dogge, of the burthen of threescore and ten tunnes was furnished, and armed forth with the number of fortie men: it departed from the coast of England in the moneth of May, directly for the West India: It fell with the Bay of Mexico, and there met with divers Spanish ships at sundry times, whereof three fel into her lapse and were forced to yeeld unto the mercie of the English: the last that they met within the Bay was a Spanish man of warre, whom the English chased, and after three severall fightes, upon three divers dayes, pressed him so farre that he entreated a parle, by putting out a flagge of truce: the parle was granted, and certaine of the Spaniards came aboord the English. Where after conference about those matters that had passed in the fight betwixt them, they received reasonable intertainement and a quiet farewell. The Spanish, as if they had ment to requite the English courtesie, invited our men to their shippe, who perswading themselves of good meaning in the Spanish, went aboord: but honest and friendly dealing was not their purpose, suddenly they assaulted our men, and one with a dagger stabde Roger Kingsnod the English Pilote to the heart and slewe him, and others were served with the like sauce, onely William Mace the Master & others, notwithstanding al the prepared trappes of the enemie, lept overboord into the sea, and so came safe to their own ship: and directing his course for England , arrived at Plimouth the tenth day of September, 1589, laden with wines, yron, Roans, which is a kinde of linnen cloth, and other rich commodities, looking for the arrivall of the rest of his consorts, whereof one and the principall hath not long since obtained his Port. Thus much in generall termes onely I have as yet learned, and received touching this voyage, extracted out of letters sent from the aforesaid William Mace, to Master Edward Wilkinson of Towre-hill in London . My principall intention by this example is to admonish our nation of circumspection in dealing with that subtill enemie, and never to trust the Spanish further, then that their owne strength shall be able to master them: for otherwise whosoever shall through simplicitie trust their curtesie, shall by tryall taste of their assured crueltie.Certaine Spanish Letters intercepted by shippes of the worshipfull Master John Wattes written from diverse places of the islandes and of the maine land as well of Nueva Espanna, as of Tierra Firma and Peru , containing many secrets touching the aforesaid countreys, and the state of the South Sea, and the trade to the Philippinas.
A letter sent from Havana in Cuba from the general of the fleete John de Orimo to the king of Spaine the 18 of October 1590, touching the building of certaine excellent Frigats, &c.
IT may please your majestie that at the date hereof one of the Frigates was lanched: and three more will be ready against the fleete depart from hence. They are very bigge and excellent of sayle, which will carie 150 men a piece with souldiers and mariners. And having good ordinance, there are fewe or none of our enemies that can offend us. For wee shall both leave and take at all times when we list. But it behooveth your majestie to send both souldiers and mariners to man the Frigats. For we have great want of souldiers and mariners, with tackling, ankers, powder, shot, calivers, and all kinde of furniture for them. For these things are not here to bee had for money: and likewise to send some great ordinance for the Zabras. For the merchants ships are so weake and so unprovided, that they have almost none to defend themselves. Also we shall be constrained to give the carena againe unto al the ships; for they are very weake by reason of the long voyage: and the mariners and souldiers are wearie with their long travelling and keeping of them here. Thus if it would please your majestie to command with all expedition that these souldiers and mariners with all kinde of other furniture might be sent us, then the fleete may set forward and so proceede on their voyage. God preserve your Catholike royal majestie.From Havana the 20 of October 1590.
Your majesties servant, whose royall feet I kisse.
JOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleete.
JOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleete.
A Letter sent from the Governour of Havana John de Trexeda, to the King of Spaine, the twentieth of October 1590, touching the wants of that place.
BY three shippes which departed from this Harbour since the Fleetes arrivall here, I have given your majestie at large to understand, what hath happened as much as I can, and what thing is here to be done in this citie, and what your majestie must provide. And now once againe I will returne to put your majestie in minde thereof. I beseech your majestie to command to be provided and to be sent hither two hundred Negros, if you will have this fortification to goe forwardes: because your majestie is here at great charges with the master workeman and the Officers. And for want of Pioners the worke goeth not forwardes. For as the worke goeth dayly forward and increaseth farther and farther, so we want men to worke, and to garde it, and likewise to keep it. We dare not meddle with those of the Galies. And likewise it may please your majestie to send new working tooles of yron, according to a remembrance which I have sent to your majestie of late, which doeth signifie our wants more at large. Likewise it is needeful that your majestie should send powder and match to furnish these forts. And likewise to send money to pay those souldiers which are newly come hither, & for that companie of souldiers which were sent from Mexico to this place. For it behooveth your majestie not to have them as yet left, till such time as the defences about the forts bee finished, and that which is in building upon the hill, which will be ended very shortly if you send the Negros and yron tooles. Likewise I have certified your majestie, that with all speed I am making ready of the five Frigates, that they may cary all the treasure. Also John de Orimo seeing that it is of so great importance to have them dispatched, doeth furnish mee with some money, although somewhat scantly, untill such time as your majestie doth send him some order therefore. I beseech you to command it to bee done; considering the great charges and expences that we are at here, as by the accounts your Majestie shall more at large perceive, what hath bene spent. These Frigats will be made an end of without all doubt by the moneth of Februarie: but as yet their tackling and sayles are not here arrived: but I doe stay the comming thereof every day, according as the Duke of Medina and John de Ibarra have written unto me, that those ships which should bring the same were ready to depart from thence. All these things it behooveth your Majestie to send in time: for I can assure your Majestie that you shall not have upon the sea such good shippes as these are. For as touching the other ships of the fleete, which are in this harbour, it is not convenient to venture the silver in them. This counsell your Majestie shall not take of mee, for I am a souldier, and have but small skill in navigation. But every day it is tolde me openly and in secret by many of the pilots, captaines, masters and mariners. As touching the copper, I have put it in practise twise more, and have made proofe thereof: wherein there hath bene more spent, then I was willing there should have bene, because I have gotten no fruit thereof: I know not the cause, but that it is not done effectually by those that have the working thereof. Therefore I beseech your Majestie to send me that same founder which I wrote to your Majestie heretofore of. Our Lord keepe your Majestie many yeeres.From Havana the 20 of October,
1590.
Your Majesties servant, whose royall feete I kisse,
JOHN DE TREXEDA governour of Havana.
JOHN DE TREXEDA governour of Havana.
A letter sent to Don Petro de Xibar one of his Majesties privie Counsel of the West Indies, from Don Diego Mendez de Valdes Governour of S. Juan de Puerto Rico the 20 of November 1590, touching the state of that Citie and Island.
I RECEIVED your honours letter the 20 of Februarie, whereby I received great content, to heare that your honour is in good health. As touching the imprisonment of our cousin Don Pedro de Valdes, it doeth grieve me to the very soule. I beseech God to send him his libertie: and likewise the imprisonment of Diego Flores de Valdes grieveth me very much: I pray God to send good justice. The M. of the fielde Juan de Texela, and the M. workeman Juan Baptista Antonio arrived here in safetie, and have viewed this Citie with all the circuite round about and the situation as I have informed his majestie thereof. They have marked a place to build a strong Fort, whereat the countrey remaineth very well contente. And it standeth in a good situation, and in a convenient place on a high mount which doeth lye upon the entering in of the Harbour, & so cutteth over to a point of land, leaving in the Fort as much space as wil containe 3000 persons, without joyning thereunto any part of the coast. So the M. del campo hath named the fort Citadella. He left me great store of yron worke, tooles eight workemen, and 200 Negros, which are the kings. And the Island doth finde 400 pioners which are continually at worke. His majestie hath sent me a warrant to spend the provision of the Island, & to take those rents which his majesty hath here, & to certifie his majestie what there is wanting for the maintaining of the workmen & that they may have all things necessary. So I have sent to Nueva Espanna, for such things as are here wanting. I have written to the M. of the field, which is gone to Havana , informing him that it doeth greatly import that the worke with all expedition should go forward, seeing that it is begun for the defence of the Island. And we doe defend it as well as we can from the enemie, in respect of the great danger which otherwise might happen, if the enemie should come and finde it begun, and not ended. And likewise that his majestie would send me that which I do request. And the most principal thing of al is, to send more Negros. And sending me all these things which be needful, I trust in God I shal in short time build up the fort, to defend us from the enemie. The fort must be builded triangle wise: for it will reach into the bay: and we shal be able to plant in the same 40 pieces of good ordinance, Canon, Demicanon, and Colverine. The M. of the field, hath promised to send me some from Havana . For that he is determined to cast some there, by reason of the great store of copper, which now of late is found in Havana : for here we have as yet but small store of ordinance to defend us. I looke for 5 Canons which his majestie should send from Spaine, with shot and powder and al kinde of weapons, because that here is great want in the Island. His majestie hath sent the whole number of 200 souldiers, and in the companie there came two capitaines. The corps de Guard is kept in the market place: and twise in a moneth I muster all the men in the Iland, and finde very neere 1500 fighting men, and 80 horsemen. The forte when it is ended will be the strongest that his majestie hath in all the Indies. And now the people of the countrey sleepe in security. For commonly before, the Englishmen would come and beard us to the havens mouth. God keep your honour, and send you long health.From Puerto Rico the 20 of
November 1590.
The Governour DIEGO MENDEZ DE VALDES.
A letter to John Lopez Canavate, Alderman in the towne of Canavate in Spaine written from his servant Juan de Porva Canavates, from Havana the seventeenth of October 1590, touching the state of the said place.
THIS is to give you to understand, that since my departure from S. Lucar I have written unto you twise of my arrivall here, and what successe I have had. And nowe you shall understand that I am determined to goe for Nueva Espanna. For I stay but opportunitie of time. For here is great watch dayly kept and great looking to the souldiers in keeping of them together, for running away. But neverthelesse I hope in God, to finde some friend to convey mee away from hence. This countrey is so close and narrow, that if a man steale not away hidden in some shippe, it is not possible for him to escape, nor to goe a league out of the towne, no way but by sea. And because the harbour is so close, it is the best harbour and the surest in the world. The harbour is made in this order. The entrie in towarde the land is by a narrow streight chanel, which continueth as long as a caliver shot, and from that place the river openeth broader and broader: There are in the entring in, two points which make with the lande, whereupon are newly builded two strong forts, which are fortified with very great store of ordinance: besides another strong and famous Forte which is in the Citie, so that it is impossible to take it. There are in these three Fortes, a thousand souldiers in Garison. And likewise here are two galies to keepe the coast. Yet for all this, the audacious Englishmen being without all shame are not afraid to come and dare us at our owne doores. Our journey to goe for England is most certaine in the yeere 1592. Here are making with great expedition 18 ships, which are called Frigats for that effect. They are very strong shippes, and will drawe but very litle water, whereby they may enter amongst the shoulds on the banckes of Flanders : they are builded the higher because here is great store of timber and excellent good and incorruptible. It is reported that the fleete will depart from hence in February, by reason that at that time the Englishmen are not departed out of their owne countrey.And thus I rest, from this Island of S. Christopher in
Havana
this present day on S. Lukes even; the 17 of
October 1590.
Your Worships servant,
JOHN DE PORVA CANAVATES.
JOHN DE PORVA CANAVATES.
A letter from Mexico , of Sebastian Biscaino to his Father Antonio Biscaino in Corchio in Spaine, touching the great profit of the trade to China , and somewhat of M. Thomas Candish. Written the 20 of June 1590.
HAVING written to your worship by a friend of mine at large, nowe I will bee somewhat short. And this is onely to give you to understand, that foure moneths past, I came from China , and landed in Acapulco , 70 leagues from Mexico, which is the harbour where the ships that goe downe to China lye: and all the marchants of Mexico bring all their Spanish commodities downe to this harbour, to ship them for that countrey. It is one of the best harbours in all Nueva Espanna; and where the ships may ride most safely without all kinde of danger. For it lyeth under a necke of land, and behind a great point. And in this harbour here are foure great ships of Mexico of 600 and 800 tunnes a piece, which onely serve to cary our commodities to China , and so to returne backe againe. The order is thus. From hence to China is above two thousand leagues, farther than from hence to Spaine. And from hence their two first ships depart at one time to China : and are 13 or 14 moneths returning backe againe. And when those two ships are returned, then the other twaine two moneths after depart from hence. They goe nowe from hence very strong with souldiers. I can certifie you of one thing; That 200 ducates in Spanish commodities, and some Flemish wares which I caryed with me thither, I made worth 1400 ducates there in the countrey. So I make account that with those silkes, and other commodities which I brought with me from thence to Mexico, I got 2500 ducates by the voyage: and had gotten more, if one packe of fine silkes had not bene spoiled with salt water. So as I sayd, there is great gaine to be gotten if that a man returne in safetie. But the yeere 1588 I had great mischance, coming in a ship from China to Nueva Espanna: which being laden with rich commodities, was taken by an Englishman which robbed us and afterward burned our ship, wherein I lost a great deale of treasure and commodities. If I should write to you of the state of this countrey of China , and of the strange things which are there, and of the wealth of the countrey, I were not able to doe it, in an whole quier of paper. Onely I may certifie you, that it is the goodliest countrey, and the richest, and most plentifull in all the world. For here are great store of golde mynes, silver mynes, and pearle, great store of cotten cloth: for the countrey people weareth nothing else but fine cotten cloth, which is more accepted then silkes. For here is great store of silkes, & they are good cheape. All kinde of victuals, as bread, flesh, wines and hennes and all kindes of foules, are very plentifull. Here are great store of fresh rivers. The people are very loving. Here are very faire cities and townes with costly buildings, better then those in Spaine. And the countrey people go very richly apparelled both in silkes and gold. But here we have order from the king of Spaine, that a Spaniard may not dwell in China , above 3 yeres, and afterwards they must returne againe into Nueva Espanna, and other souldiers must come in their places. The countrey is very unwholesome for us Spaniardes. For within these 20 yeres of 14000, which have gone to the Philippinas, there are 13000 of them dead, and not past 1000 of them left alive. There is a place in China which is an harbour, called Macaran, which the king hath given to the Spaniards freely: which shall be the place where the ships shall come and trafficke. For in this harbour there is a great river which goeth up into the maine land, unto divers townes and cities, which are neere to this river. And thus troubling you no farther I rest.From
Mexico the 20 of June 1590.Your obedient sonne,
SEBASTIAN BISCAINO.
SEBASTIAN BISCAINO.
A Letter of Bartholomew Cano to Peter de Tapia in Sivill, from Mexico the 30 of May 1590, touching the state of Nueva Espanna, and the Fleet of that yeere.
BECAUSE I have answered your letters which I have received in the last Fleet, as touching that matter I have no more to say. The occasion of my writing unto you at this time, is to give you to understand, that those commodities which came in the last Fleet, were sold at the first good cheape, and those that bought them, got much by them. For now at this instant white Roan cloth is solde for 8 or 9 reals a vare. The cause of this was, by reason there came a caravel of Advise from Havana ; which brought us newes, how the armie that his majestie did send for England , was all spoiled and cast away: and therefore they of Spaine did write that there would come no Fleet from Spaine hither this yeere: And this is the cause that all linnen cloth is very deere in these parts. Wines also are very deere: for they are sold for 90 and 100 deminas a pipe. When the Frigats departed from hence in August last 1589. Cochinilla was sold at that instant for 50 pesos the quintall; and now it is sold for 55 pesoes. And since that newes came from Spaine in a caravel of S. Lucar, that it was solde there for 72 ducates the quintall, there are laden in this Fleet 14000 Arovas of Cochinilla, and 7000 Arovas more were laden in the Frigats which departed before the Fleet. There is laden in the Fleet great quantitie of treasure, more then hath bene sent to Spaine these many yeres, both for the Kings and the Vice-royes account. And the marchants and gentlemen of all these provinces doe send great quantitie to supply the Kings wants: for that his majestie hath written to the Vice-roy and to the gentlemen of these countreyes to ayde him with much money towardes the maintenance of his warres against France and other places, & therefore they have sent good store: God send it well to Spaine. There are likewise laden aboord the Fleet to the number of 100000. hides, and great store of other kindes of this countrey commodities. So that the Fleet goeth very richly laden. Quicke silver is here very deere, for here is almost none to bee had for any money to worke in the gold mynes: for without Quicke silver wee cannot refine our gold. And no man upon paine of death may bring any from Spaine hither; but all must come for the Kings account: and so the King doeth sell it here: there is exceeding great gaine therein. And thus I rest:From Mexico, the 30 of May 1590.
BARTHOLOMEW CANO.
A letter of Frier Alonso new elected Bishop of Mechuacan, to the king of Spaine, written in Peru in the citie de los Reyes the first of March 1590, touching the state of Arica a chiefe Haven in Peru .
UPON Christmas even the yere 1589, I received your majesties commission in Potossi. For which I am and shall be continually bound to pray for your majesties long health, for the great benefits which your majestie hath bestowed upon me, in sending me to Mechuacan: whereby my great travell and paines may be recompenced, which I have taken with that ungrateful and desperate people of the river of Plate, which they have bene the occasion of, in dealing so badly with me their Pastour, which have counselled them, that they should have a great care to serve God, and be dutifull to your majestie, according as every good and true subject ought to do. Now for this gift which your majestie hath bestowed on me, I most humbly kisse your majesties handes a thousand times. Thus presently I departed from Potossi somewhat sickely, to accomplish that which your majestie hath commanded me. So I arrived at Lima in safetie the first of February by the way of Arica , which is an haven towne, where they imbarke all the barres of silver. And there I have seene what is done, & what they have provided against the Englishmen in that haven: which is; That there is a litle fort made hard by the waters side, with certaine small pieces of ordinance in the said fort to offend the enemie, if occasion should serve that they should offer to come into the harbour and offer any violence. But the principall thing of all that we want is to have souldiers, foote men, and horsemen. For according as I am informed, here want 100 men which should keepe the coast, if they should offer to land and march up into the countrey. And likewise the people of this countrey have told me, that if upon an high mount which is here in the harbour neere to the havens mouth, on the Southside of the harbour where the sea doth beat, ther were two or three great Canons planted on the top of the hill, (where very good watch is continually kept) from that place they may reach to doe the enemie great hurt, a league into the sea. The new Vice-roy Don Garcia Urtado de Mendoca, worthy of that dignitie, is in great favour with al those of these realmes : for that he is a great solliciter both by sea and land in all kinde of diligence, not loosing one houre in your service, and that which he hath in charge. With as much speed as may be I will depart from hence to Mechuacan, to serve that church and your majesty: and there I will remaine according to your majesties commandement, with the bulles or indulgences. Our Lord keepe your majesty many yeres in his holy service.From the city de los
Reyes
the first of March 1590.
Frier Alonso bishop of Mechuacan.
A letter of Don John de Miramontes Suasola to Don John Garcias de Penalosa from Arica on the coast of Peru the tenth of March 1590.
AFTER my long travell and badde successe, my fortune brought mee to the Indies; where being void of all hope, and full of griefe, I am become a souldier: a thing in this countrey which is most hated of all other things, not onely of men, but of the wilde beasts: and is an occupation which is chosen of idle persons. The occasion of this is, that there have bene in these seas, and yet are certeine English rovers: and in seeking of them I have travelled these three yeres : the one of the yeres a souldier, and the other two yeeres I have gone for captaine and ensigne-bearer. And at this time here is arrived Don Garcias Urtado de Mendoca viceroy of these realmes: who hath chosen me to be chiefe ensigne-bearer of an army which departed from hence to scoure the coast. For here we have newes of the enemy, which is comming upon the coast: for wee have stayed for their comming these foure moneths the same way which they must come, in a haven called Arica , which is the first entry of Peru . So I have 90 pezos a moneth, besides other profits, at nine reals the pezo; & foure shares at nine reals the pezo. So that I have 1800 pezos every yere of pay: for the viceroy is my dere friend, and maketh great account of me. And I have alwayes 400 ducats in my chest to goe like a man. I beseech God send us quietnesse. But yet it is the part of a gentleman to serve the king his master in these actions. And thus I rest.From the
harbour of Arica
the tenth of March 1590.I kisse your worships hands, and am at your commandement
Don John de Miramontes Suasola. There are foure great galeons of 350 tunnes a piece, which are in Arica men of warre, with a Generall, Admirall, Viceadmirall, with great store of souldiers which keepe this haven: for the viceroy hath intelligence that there are certeine Englishmen of war comming thither. This haven of Arica is the best harbour in all the South sea: for all the silver which commeth from the mines of Potossi, is shipt in this harbour, and so brought to Lima . And likewise all the commodities which come from Spaine, and all the kings quicksilver, is unladen in this harbour, and so caried to the city of Lima and other places, where the mines of silver are.
Don John de Miramontes Suasola. There are foure great galeons of 350 tunnes a piece, which are in Arica men of warre, with a Generall, Admirall, Viceadmirall, with great store of souldiers which keepe this haven: for the viceroy hath intelligence that there are certeine Englishmen of war comming thither. This haven of Arica is the best harbour in all the South sea: for all the silver which commeth from the mines of Potossi, is shipt in this harbour, and so brought to Lima . And likewise all the commodities which come from Spaine, and all the kings quicksilver, is unladen in this harbour, and so caried to the city of Lima and other places, where the mines of silver are.
A letter of the Licentiate Christopher Uslano to Gonsalvo de Solana in the city of Encisa in Spaine, written from the city of Potossi in Peru the 20. of July 1590, touching a great plague in Peru , and the shortnesse of the passage from the river of Plate into Potossi in Peru .
THE last yeere 1588 I received letters from your worship and from my sister: and since that time I have received none, nor in the fleet which came to Cartagena 1589. And this yere 1590 there hath bene great want of corne in this kingdome of Potossi: for that there hath beene no raine in this kingdome of long time. For in March the husbandmen use to sowe their corne: and in Aprill Winter doth begin. And if in April there be no raine, the corne which is sowen will consume away: and so for want of raine we have had two badde yeres of corne. And likewise here hath bene in these countreys of Potossi, and in the city De la paz, great sicknesse among the Indians, Mullatos, and Mesticos, called the small pocks, and a certeine plague, which hath destroyed all this countrey. And there have no olde people died, nor Spanyards, but onely this countrey people, from one yeere to 30 yeeres of age: so for want of Indians we can not worke in the mines. This sicknesse runneth al along the coast of Peru , and hath passed into the streights of Magalanes, whence we have newes that those souldiers which were sent from Spain thither to build those forts are most of them dead, & especially the workemen which came to make the forts. The Generall Don Diego de Abolos hath written to his majesty to send more souldiers and more workemen, whereby these three forts might be builded according to the kings commandement. This sicknesse came first from Cartagena to this countrey, which is 1000 leagues distant: and, as I sayd, it hath gone all Peru over, to the utter undoing of this countrey : I pray God to cease it. I pray you when you write any letters to mee, send them in those shippes which come to Sainct Thome, and take in Negros. And there are great store of ships which goe to Sainct Thome for Negros, and it is but 15. dayes sailing over a gulfe to Brasill. And from Brasill their shippes bring their Negros to a haven called The haven of Buenos Aeres, which is within the entrance of the mightie river of Plate. And from this harbour all kinde of Spanish and Portugall commodities are caried to this citie of Potossi in carts and on horses: for it is but 10. or 12. dayes journey, and the countrey is very plaine for carts to travaile. And from Potossi to this harbour is great store of treasure brought to buy that countrey commodities, and so they are shipped for Portugall: and the ships go and come againe in short time. If his majestie will consent that we may have traffique from Spaine to this harbour, it will be very profitable: and in five or sixe moneths I shall heare from you, & you shall doe the like from me. And by the way of Cartagena it is sometime 2. yeres before we can receive your letters from Spaine. By this way my brother may write, and so by this meane the letters may speedily come to my hand. And thus I rest. From this citie of Potossi
the 20. of July 1590.
The Licenciate CHRISTOPHER USLANO.
A letter of Steven de Tresio to Alonso Martines Vaca in Sivil from Panama the 21. of August 1590. touching the kings desire to borrow money upon privie seales, and the want of the countrey.
IT may please your worship to understand, that I have received a packet of letters from you, wherein you write unto me of the great miseries and the calamities of Spaine. And I promise you that these countreys are in no lesse. For here is great want of come and other kind of provision: for here is almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima there is no shipping come with maiz. Here wee have had newes from Spaine of the great provision which is making ready for those great wars which his majestie is in preparing, & of the great sums of money that his majestie standeth in neede of: So that it doth put us all that are dwellers here in such a perplexitie and confusion, that we know not what we shall doe. I pray God his majestie take not away our money which wee have sent to Spaine in the fleete. For here are marchants that have sent some 200000. pezos, some 100000. pezos, some 60000. some more some lesse, to have it imployed in commodities of that countrey. Although the king hath sent hither his scedule or bill of assignement signed and sealed by his majestie, which hath bene proclaimed here: The contents whereof are, That what man soever marchant or other will send their money into Spaine in that fleete, his majestie will not take away any part or portion thereof, (which in so doing will bee a great comfort unto us all) yet here we were in doubt that hee would take it from us all. Newes from the citie of Lima as yet we have none: But I can certifie your worshippe, that all things are very deere here, and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals; and likewise we have great want of money. Also here is order come from the king with certaine privie scales for to lend his majestie money, for that hee hath great neede thereof. This countrey at this instant is very poore, and there are none that can lend the king at this time any money at all, by reason that this lande is left so unprovided of money: But wee are looking for great store of money, which is to come from Lima and from the Valles. From Panama the 12. of August 1590.
STEVEN DE TRESIO.
A letter of the Licentiate John de Labera to the Licentiate Alonso Sapata de Henao in Castile in Calamea de la Sorengo, written from S. Fee de Bogota in the new kingdom of Granada , the 10. of May 1590. touching the rich silver mines of Marequita newly found out, and the long way thither by the river of Magdalena.
WITH other letters which I dispatched from hence in August 1589. I wrote unto your worship by 2. or 3. wayes: but I know not whether you have received them or no. Presently after I departed to the government of Popayan , which joineth with the citie of Quito in the coast of Peru , in companie of the governors lieutenant Don Diego Ordonez de Lara of Salamanca. But I was faine to forsake his companie, by reason I fell sicke in the citie of Marequita, where they have discovered the great silver mines: which citie is above 200. leagues from Cartagena : where I remained a certaine time very sicke. And because this countrey is extreme hotte, and I every day grew worse and worse, I was faine to travaile 30. leagues further up into the maine land to a citie called S. Fee in the new kingdom of Granada , being on the coast of Peru : which is a cold countrey: where I am admitted a procurator, for that the Royal audience is kept in this citie. So I finde my selfe very healthy of bodie, by reason this countrey is full of all kind of victuals, very good and very plentifull, as bread, cheese, bacon, beefe, great store of hennes, and great store of comfeitures. Onely here is want of golde: so that this countrey will be utterly undone, if the mines of Marequita help not to restore the same again: whereof there is good hope: for here is great store of metall already found, and the workmen are in hand to refine the said metal: so that we are in good hope that great store of silver will be found in these mines of great value and profite to his majestie. This river is called the great river of Magdalena. There is a fish in the river called Cayman, which followeth after the canoas: and if it can reach any man in the canoa, it will haile him out and devoure him. All night they lie in the sand on shore. In this river as we are going up, there is at certaine seasons great store of lightning and thunder, with such abundance of raine, as though the skies would fall downe: and so it doth continue from midnight until morning: so that we are faine to go aboord the canoas, & with certaine broad leaves which grow in the countrey, the mariners make a covering to cast over the wares which are laden in the canoas: and it doth keepe both the raine & sunne from us which are passengers. The canoas are drawen up this river of Magdalena by maine force of the mariners in rowing and haling them with ropes. There are 7. or 8. Indians commonly which guide these canoas, besides the Master which keepeth the helme, and the passengers. We are commonly two moneths in going up this river. It is 150. leagues to the landing place. And there the marchants unlade their marchandise, which serve for all the cities and townes which are in this newe kingdome of Granada . And the marchants lade the canoas backe againe from thence with great store of silver and golde which is gotten out of the mines for Cartagena , and there it is shipped for Spaine. And likewise here is great quantitie of treasure laden in the sayd canoas which is for the kings custome and other dueties which are paid: But they are but a moneth or three weekes going downe the river to Cartagena . These are the richest mines in all Peru . And thus I rest. From Santa Fee de Bogota in the new kingdome of
Granada
in Peru
the 10. of May 1590.The Licentiate JOHN de LABERA.
A letter of Hieronymo de Nabares to the licenciat John Alonso dwelling in Valladolid , written from Panama to Sivil the 24. day of August 1590. touching the gainefulnes of the trade to the Philippinas, and the extreme feare they have of the Englishmen.
NOT long agone I wrote to your worship from Panama by the way of Havana : giving you to understand of my being here, & of the state of these countreys. After I departed from Spaine, in 37. dayes wee arrived at Cartagena : and from thence I tooke shipping to goe to Nombre de Dios, which is 80. leagues from Cartagena : and in 4. dayes wee got thither. And from thence I went to Panama: where I have remained these 20. dayes, till the shippes goe for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carie my commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for every hundred ducats a man shall get 600. ducats cleerely. Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse. For in August, September, October and November it is winter here, and extreme foule weather upon this coast of Peru , and not navigable to goe to the Philippinas, nor to any place else in the South sea. So that at Christmasse the ships begin to set on their voyage for those places: and then in these parts the summer beginneth with very faire weather, and alwayes we shall have the windes with us. For in July until October here is terrible thundering and lightening with extreme raines, so that it is not possible to go any way in this countrey. Here are in Panama 10. great ships of 500, 400, 300, & 200. tuns apiece, & some 15. barkes which use commonly to saile in the South sea to Lima , to the Valles, to Arica , and to the Philippinas. This countrey in the summer is so extreme hotte, that it is not possible to travel in the day time: it standeth in 8. deg. & 1/2. and all this coast is in 9. and 10. deg. Here is great store of adders, snakes and toades, which are in the houses, but they doe but small hurt. Here bread, wine, and bacon are very deere, by reason the countrey doth not yeeld it: for it is brought from Peru . A li. of bread is worth here 2. rials of plate: a quart of wine is solde for 4. rials: for none groweth here. Here are very few sheep, and those extreme deere. The only food here for flesh, are oxen, kine, buls & heffkers: you may buy 20. li. of beefe for one rial of plate. Their smallest money of silver is a rial of plate, & very few of them, but all pieces of 4. & 8. For the silver mines which dayly be found in Peru be wonderfull to bee spoken of. If a man did not see the silver made, hee would never beleeve it: for the very earth which commeth out of the mines, & is afterward washed, being but 3. or 4. yeres on a mount, yeeldeth great store of silver afterwards againe. But as here we get much, so our charge in meat, drinke and apparell doth cost very much. As for fruite here is none that is good, but onely muske melons, and they are sold for 6. or 8. rials apeece. I can certifie your worship of no newes, but only, that all this countrey is in such extreme feare of the Englishmen our enemies, that the like was never scene or heard of: for in seeing a saile, presently here are alarmes in all the countrey. I pray you to write unto me as touching the wars that his Majestie hath with our enemies, and howe his Majestie doth prevaile. And thus I rest.From Panama in the
firme land the 28. of Aug. 1590.
HIERONYMO de NABARES.
A relation of a memorable fight made the 13. of June 1591. against certaine Spanish ships & gallies in the West Indies, by 3. ships of the honorable sir George Carey knight, then marshall of her Majesties houshold, and captaine of the Ile of Wight, now lord Hunsdon, lord Chamberlaine, and captaine of the honourable band of her Majesties Pensioners.
THE 13. of June 1591. being sunday, at 5. of the clock in the morning we descried 6. saile of the king of Spaine his ships. Foure of them were armadas, (viz. the Admirall and viceadmirall of 700. tuns apeece, and the other 2. of 600. apeece) and the other 2. were smal ships, each of them about 100. tuns. We met wt them off the Cape de Corrientes, which standeth on the Iland of Cuba. The sight of the foresaid ships made us joyfull, hoping that they should make our voyage. But assoone as they descryed us, they made false fires one to another & gathered their fleet together, lying all close by a wind to the Southwards. We therefore at 6. of the clock in the morning (the wind being at East) having made our prayers to almighty God, prepared our selves for the fight: And (in hope they had bene of the Cartagena fleete) wee bare up with our admirall and viceadmiral, to determine of the combate for the better direction thereof. Our parle being ended, our admiral, vice-admiral, & the Hopewel gave their admiral the prow, bringing themselves to leeward of him. We in the Content bare up with their viceadmiral, and (ranging along by his broad side aweather of him) gave him a voley of muskets and our great ordinance: then comming up with another small ship ahead of the former, wee hailed her in such sort, that shee payd roome. Thus being in fight with the little ship, we saw a great smoke come from our admiral, and the Hopewel & Swallow forsaking him with all the sailes they could make: whereupon bearing up with our admiral (before we could come to him) we had both the small ships to windward of us, purposing (if we had not bene too hotte for them) to have layd us aboord. Thus (the fight continuing between us and them 3. houres) we were forced to stand to the Northwards, the Hopewel and the Swallow not comming in all this while to ayd us, as they might easily have done. Our admirall by this time being in fight with their viceadmiral, and another great ship of theirs, stood off to sea with his topgallant saile, and all the sailes he could make: then might the Hopewel & the Swallow have payd roome to second him, but they failed him as they did us, standing off close by a wind to the Eastward. All this time we were forced to the Northwards with 2. of their great ships and one of their small. They having a loom gale (wee being altogether becalmed) wt both their great ships came up faire by us, shot at us, and on the sudden furled their spritsailes & mainsailes, thinking that wee could not escape them. Then falling to prayer, we shipped our oars that we might rowe to shore, & anker in shallow water where their great ships could not come nie us, for other refuge we had none. Then 1. of their smal ships being manned from 1. of their great, & having a boat to rowe themselves in, shipped her oars likewise & rowed after us, thinking wt their small shot to have put us from our oars, until ye great ships might come up with us: but by ye time she was within musket shot, the Lord of his mercie did send us a faire gale of wind at the Northwest off the shore. What time (they being all to leeward of us) wee stood to the East. The small ship was under our lee within Falcon shot, and another great shippe lay to the Westward, so that wee could no way possibly escape them upon that boord: then (we thinking to avoyd them by casting about to the Westwards) the other great shippe gate under our lee, and the small ship on our weather quarter, purposing to make us pay roome with the great ship, by force of her small & great shot. Then (we being lerboord tacked, and they sterboord) we made her spring her looffe, and by a fortunate shot which our gunner made, pierced her betwixt winde and water. Hereupon shee was forced to lay herselfe upon the carena, and to stand with one of the other ships for ayde. Afterward (commending our selves to almightie God in prayer, and giving him thankes for the winde which he had sent us for our deliverance) we looked forth and descryed two saile more to the offen: these we thought to have bene the Hopewell , and the Swallow that had stoode in to ayde us: but it prooved farre otherwise, for they were two of the kings gallies. Nowe having a loome gale of winde, wee shipped our oars, and rowed off the shore: and our watch was no sooner set, but wee espied one gallie under our lee hard by us, boging up with us. Then (because it was evening) one of the great ships discharged sixe great shot at us, to the ende the gallies should knowe that wee were the shippe they looked for. Then the gallie came up, and (hayling us of whence our shippe was) a Portugall which wee had with us, made them answere, that we were of the fleete of Tierra firma, and of Sivil: with that they bid us amaine English dogs, and came upon our quarter star-boord: and giving us five cast pieces out of her prowe, they sought to lay us aboord: but wee so galled them with our muskets, that we put them from our quarter. Then they winding their gallie, came up into our sterne, and with the way that the gallie had, did so violently thrust in the boordes of our Captaines cabbin, that her nose came into it, minding to give us all their prowe, and so to sinke us. But wee being resolute, so plyed them with our small shot, that they could have no time to discharge their great ordinance: and when they began to approch, wee heaved into them a ball of fire, and by that meanes put them off : whereupon they once againe fell asterne of us, and gave us a prowe. Then having the second time put them off, wee went to prayer, and sang the first part of the 25. Psalme, praysing God for our safe deliverance. This being done, we might see 2. gallies and a frigat all three of them bending themselves together to encounter us: hereupon we (eftsoones commending our estate into the hands of God) armed our selves, and resolved (for the honour of God, her Majestie, and our countrey) to fight it out till the last man. Then shaking a pike of fire in defiance of the enemie, and weaving them amaine, we bad them come aboord: and an Englishman in the gallie made answer, that they would come aboord presently. So managing ourselves to our furniture, and every moment expecting the assault, wee heard them parle to this effect, that they determined to keepe us companie till the morning, and then to make an end with us: then giving us another shot from one of the gallies, they fell asterne. Thus our fight continued with the shippes and with the gallies, from seven of the clock in the morning till eleven at night. Howbeit God (which never faileth them that put their trust in him) sent us a gale of winde about two of the clocke in the morning at Eastnortheast, which was for the preventing of their crueltie, and the saving of our lives. Also (the Lord be praised for it) in all this dangerous fight, wee had not one man slaine, and but 2. hurt: but our sayles and ropes were so rent with their shot, that it was wonderfull to behold: our maine mast also was shot cleane through, whereby wee were in exceeding great danger. Thus our consortes forsooke us, and left us in these extremities. The next day being the 14. of June in the morning, wee sawe all our adversaries to lee-ward of us, and they espying us, chased us till 10. of the clocke, and then seeing they could not prevaile, gave us over. So that day about 5. of the clocke in the afternoone, we bare up to the Southwest, in hope to finde our consortes, but we had no sight of them at that time, nor afterward. Then stoode we in all that night for the Cape of S. Anthonie, hoping there to see our Admirall according to his direction. The 15. day of June early in the morning, we descryed the Spanish fleete againe, being within 5. leagues of Cape S. Anthonie. Then (having no sight of our consortes) we stoode for the place according to the direction of our owner sir George Carey, where we did plie for the space of 23. dayes, and never could see any sayle but two frigats, which wee gave chase unto the 24. of June, and could not fet them up. Thus wee give God most humble thankes for our safe deliverance from the cruell enemie, which hath beene more mightie by the providence of God, then any tongue can expresse: to whom bee all prayse, honour, and glory, both now and ever, Amen.Appendix.
THE barke called The Content had but one Minion, one Falcon, one Saker, & 2. port-bases. She continued fight (from seven in the morning til sunset) with 3. armadas of 600. and 700. tunnes apiece, and one small shippe of 100. tunnes, not being above musket shot from any of them. And before the sunne was set, there came up to her two of the kings gallies. Besides, the Armadas shot their great ordinance continually at her, not so few as 500. times. And the sides, hull, and mastes of the Content were sowed thicke with musket bullets. Moreover, all their sheats, tops and shrowdes were almost cut insunder with their great & small shot. There passed from the galies (each whereof came thrise up to her, & discharged five great pieces at a time, out of every their prowes forthright, within three yards of her poope) through her maine saile 19. great shot, through her maine top-saile foure: through her fore-saile seven: through her fore-top-saile five: and through her maine maste one. The upper part of the Content was hurt in five places. Onely 13 men continued this fight, the rest being in hold. A frigat of the Spaniards (being afterward taken) confessed, that there were in the gallies above 40. Spaniards slaine, and many were hurt in that combate.| Nicolas Lisle, Captaine. | Charles Creame. |
| M. Major, Lieutenant. | Thomas Godfrey. |
| William King, Master. | Giles Thornton. |
| John Barwick, Mrs. mate. | John Pells. |
| William Clement, gunner. | John Bourel. |
| Thomas Houldships, Bote-swaine. | Ralph Grey. |
| William Heore. |
| John Pie. | John Towpenie. |
| John Smith. | Edmund Giggs. |
| John White. | William Bateman. |
| John Butcher. | William White. |
| John Brooke. | Laurence Shellie. |
A true report of a voyage undertaken for the West Indies by M. Christopher Newport Generall of a fleete of three shippes and a pinnesse, viz. The golden Dragon Admirall, whereof was Captaine M. Newport himselfe; The Prudence Vice-admirall, under the conduct of Captaine Hugh Merrick; The Margaret under Captaine Robert Fred; and The Virgin our pinnesse under Captaine Henry Kidgil: Begun from London the 25. of Januarie 1591. Written by M. John Twitt of Harewich, Corporall in the Dragon. In which voyage they tooke and burnt upon the coast of Hispaniola, within the bay of Honduras , and other places, 3. townes, and 19. saile of shippes and frigats.
THE 12. daye of Februarie An. 1591. we set saile from Dover roade, and having a prosperous winde, the 27. day of the same moneth wee fell with Cape Cantin on the coast of Barbarie, and on the 28. wee arrived at Santa Cruz roade, where having refreshed our selves some 3. or 4. dayes, we put off to sea againe, and about the 5. of March wee passed by the Ilands of the Canaries: and having a favourable wind, the 4. of April An. 1592. we fell with Dominica in the West Indies: where making stay a day or two, wee bartred with the Salvages for certaine commodities of theirs, viz. Tabacco, hennes, Potato rootes, &c. Passing from thence to a watering place on the other side of the cliffe, wee tooke a Portugall ship of Lisbone of 300. tuns, which came from Guinie, and was bound for Cartagena , wherein were 300. Negros young and olde. Which ship we tooke along with us to S. Juan de Puerto rico, where we landed the marchant and one Spaniard more within a league of the towne, and landing some 20. or 30. musketiers, some 20. horsemen made towards us; but wee retired to our boates without any service done. The 9. we lay hovering all day before the towne, the castle making a shot or two at us. The reason why wee set the Portugall marchant aland there was, for that he hoped to helpe us to some money for his Negros there, but he falsified his worde with us, so that passing along to the Westermost ende of the sayde Iland, about some 9. or 10. leagues from the towne wee landed the Negros, and sunke their ship. The 11 . of Aprill we passed from thence to Mona some 15. leagues off, where we landed: there were on the Iland about 19. soules, the children of an olde Portugall, and his wife who affourded us such fruits as their Iland yeelded, viz. swines flesh, Potato rootes, &c. From thence along wee passed to Saona, a long Iland and very fruitfull, replenished with store of wilde beastes and swine, where we landed, hunted, and trained our men. Passing from hence Westward along the South coast of Hispaniola, wee descryed a frigat, which wee chased and tooke: wherein were 22. jarres of copper-money, being bound for S. Juan de Puerto rico, to buy wine there. The next day we tooke 2. small frigats more, but nothing of any value in them. The 15. of Aprill at night wee sacked a towne in the sayde Iland of Hispaniola called Ocoa, where was an Ingenio, wherein we found sugar & poultrie great store, but the people had discovered our ships over night, and were fled into the mountaines. This town standeth a league from the seaside, consisting of some fortie or fiftie houses. They brought us much cattell, and two wayne loades of sugar, to ransome the towne. While this action was perfourmed, Robert Freed of Harwich, captaine of the Margaret, tooke two frigats with certaine Spaniards on the other side of the bay, which came to lade sugar there at an Ingenio. After we had here refreshed our selves, wee stode along for Cape Tiburon, where we watered: and making no stay there, about the 23. of Aprill wee left our shippes in a faire road-sted under an Iland not inhabited, and with our frigats which wee had taken before, wherein wee shipped all our strength which possibly wee could affourd, leaving onely so fewe aboord our shippes as could hardly if neede had bene, have wrought them; we passed along by the sayd Iland to the Northwest part of Hispaniola, to a towne called Yaguana; where the 27. in the morning 2. houres before day we landed; but wee were discovered by meanes of a frigat that lay laden with victuals, bound for Carthagena, the men of which frigat recovering on lande before us, gave an alarme to the towne, who were presently up in armes to the number of a hundred & fiftie horses. Wee marched notwithstanding along to the towne, having a Spaniard for our guide, where by that time the day brake, we were before the towne, where upon a faire greene making a stand, we were encountred by the horsemen having no strength of foote, but certaine few loose shot which lay in a low valley at the entrie of the towne. The horsemen charged us very fiercely, but seeing they could not prevaile, brought in a drove before them of two hundred beastes or more: and so forcibly thinking to have broken our array, it pleased God to cause their cattell to returne backe upon themselves: and thus their owne device sorted out to their owne detriment. In this skirmish wee slewe their governour, a man very hardy, and of great valure. In the end, by reason of the Spaniards brags which they gave out, (as by the life of their wives and children, &c. that not one of us should goe aboord againe) a greater doubt of intercepting of us and of our boates was stroken into our captaines hearts then needed: and so for that time we retired to our boates not entring the towne, and so passed with our boates to our ships againe; where the same night our captaine determined to goe up with our shippes, but it fell so calme, that all the next day untill night we could not get up, and they having discovered us, baricadoed up their way, and conveyed all that they had into the mountaines, leaving their houses onely bare and naked, notwithstanding we landed, and with great difficultie wee passed their baricados with the losse of two men at both conflicts, entred their towne and fired it, leaving not an house unburnt, being a towne of three streetes having about 150. housholds. The same night wee passed with our boates to a small village called Aguava, where we found excellent fruites of the countrey, which by reason of their cowardly brags wee also set on fire. Being thus frustrated of our pretended voyage, we stoode for the bay of Honduras , and about the ninth of May we discovered in the afternoone a saile thwart of the bay of Truxillo, with whom we stoode, and having a Spanish flagge out, they mistrusted us not, untill we had almost fet them up: and then wee went off with our boate, and tooke them within shot of the castle, and with our boates wee went and fet three or foure frigats which rode afore the towne, the castle playing upon us with their ordinance. Our captaine having understanding by the Spaniards, that there were three shippes more at Puerto de Cavallos, stood along that night for that place, but it fell out to bee so calme, that it was the fifteenth day of May or ever wee came there, the shippes having peradventure discovered us, stole alongst the shoare towards Truxillo, so that being voyde of that hope, we landed; the inhabitants forsaking the towne, fled into the mountaines. Wee remained in the towne all night, and the next day till towards night: where we found 5. or 6. tuns of quick silver, 16. tuns of old sacke, sheepe, young kids, great store of poultrie, some store of money, & good linnen, silkes, cotton-cloth, and such like; we also tooke three belles out of their church, and destroyed their images. The towne is of 200 houses, and wealthy; and that yere there were foure rich ships laden from thence: but we spared it, because wee found other contentment. And having taken our pleasure of the towne, as aforesayd, wee returned aboord our ships, standing backe againe for Truxillo, we discovered one of the shippes which was laden at Puerto de Cavallos: but they had espied us before, as it should seeme; for they had conveyed away as much as possibly they could ashore, and set their ship on fire; which so soone as we had discried, we made to her with our boats, and quenched the fire, and loaded up with hides the shippe which we tooke at our first comming; for she had but a thousand hides in her, and certeine jarres of balsamum: which being accomplished, wee sunke the shippe with the rest of the goods, and so stood alongst againe for Truxillo. It fell out to be so calme, that we were two and twenty dayes sailing backe that we had sailed in sixe dayes, which was about forty leagues: so that when we came before Truxillo, which was about the sixth of June, we found another of the ships there, but close under the castle, her ruther unhanged, her sailes taken from the yards, &c. notwithstanding we entered her, but they had placed such a company of musketiers under a rampire, which they had made with hides and such like, that it was too hote for us to abide, and so betaking us to our shippes againe, and standing out of the bay into the sea, wee discovered great store of shot intrenched in those places where they suspected we would have landed. That night there fell such a storme of rain, thunder, lightening and tempestuous weather, that our ships were dispersed either from other. And having determined all of us to meet at a certeine Island, where wee purposed to water and refresh our selves; by meanes of the storme and other contagious weather which followed, we were frustrated of that hope. We had lost our prize, and certeine frigats with the men. Two of our shippes went to seeke our prize and our men: and other two of us came homeward. And so we parted, not hearing either of other untill we came into England . Our place of meeting should have beene at the Tortugas neere unto the point of Florida , but the Golden dragon and the Prudence were put to leeward of this place: neverthelesse wee fell with certeine islands within the point of Florida , where the captaine of the Dragon M. Christopher Newport sent his pinnesse on shore with certeine shot to seeke for fresh water, where wee found none; but found the Savages very courteous unto us, who came brest high into the sea, and brought us a line to hall in our boat on shore, and shewed us that up into the land Northward was fresh water, and much golde. And one Michael Bagge of Ipswich boatswaines mate of the Dragon, had given him by one of the Savages for an olde rusty hatchet, a piece of golde wound hollow, and about the bignesse and value of an English angell, which the Savage ware hanging about his knee, with two pieces of fine silver plate, whereof one the sayd Savage gave John Locke, masters mate of the Dragon, being foureteene groats in value, for an olde knife: the other piece he gave to one William Wright a sailer, for an olde knife: which pieces of silver were in forme like unto the bosse of a bridle. These Savages were farre more civill than those of Dominica : for besides their courtesie, they covered their privities with a platted mat of greene straw, about three handfuls deepe, which came round about their waste, with the bush hanging downe behinde. The next day in the morning very early, there came a frigat of the iland of Cuba of 30 tunnes, put in by weather, which was bound for Havana , wherein were fifty hogges; to which we gave chase all that day, passing the gulfe of Bahama, and about five of the clocke in the afternoone, after a shot or two made at her, shee yeelded unto us: wee hoisted out our boat, and went aboord, where we found some five Spanyards, five and fifty hogs, and about some two hundred weight of excellent tabacco rolled up in seynes. We lightened them of their hogges and tabacco, and sent the men away with their frigat. In this voyage we tooke and sacked foure townes, seventeene frigats, and two ships, whereof eight were taken in the bay of the Honduras ; of all which we brought but two into England : the rest we sunke, burnt, and one of them we sent away with their men. And to make up the full number of twenty, the Spanyards themselves set one on fire in the bay of the Honduras , lest we should be masters of it. We shaped our course from Florida homeward by the isle of Flores one of the Azores , where we watered, finding sir John Burgh there, who tooke us to be Spanyards, and made up unto us; with whom wee joyned in the taking the mighty Portugall caracke called Madre de Dios, and our captaine M. Christopher Newport with divers of us was placed in her as captaine by the Generall sir John Burgh to conduct her into England , where we arrived in Dartmouth the seventh of September 1592.The voyage made to the bay of Mexico by M. William King Captaine, M. Moore, M. How, and M. Boreman Owners, with the Salomon of 200 tunnes, and the Jane Bonaventure of 40 tunnes of Sir Henry Palmer, from Ratcliffe the 26 of January 1592.
THE Salomon was manned with an hundred men, all mariners, and the Jane with sixe and twenty, all like wise mariners. Wee came first to the Downes in Kent , and never strooke saile in passing thence, untill we came to Cape S. Vincent on the coast of Portugall. From thence we shaped our course to Lancerota one of the Canarie islands, where we landed threescore men, and fetched a caravell out of an harborow on the South side, and from a small Island we tooke a demy-canon of brasse in despight of the inhabitants, which played upon us with their small shot at our first landing: of whom we slew three; and gave them the repulse. Thence we went to the Grand Canaria, where wee boorded a barke lying at anker: out of which wee were driven by great store of shot from the Island. From thence wee directed our course for the West Indies, and fell with the isle of Dominica about the tenth of April. There at a watering place we tooke a shippe of an hundred tunnes come from Guiny, laden with two hundred and seventy Negros, which we caried with us to S. Juan de Puerto Rico, and there comming thorow El passaje, we gave chase to a frigat which went in to S. Juan de Puerto Rico, and in the night we sent in our shallope with foureteene men. And out of the harborow we tooke away an English shippe of seventy tunnes, laden with threescore tunnes of Canarywines, in despight of the castle and two new bulwarks, being within caliver shot. These two prizes we caried away to the Westermost part of the island, and put the Negros, except fifteene, all on land in a Spanish caravell which the Jane Bonaventure tooke: and we caried away one of the former prizes, and set fire on the other. We passed thence by the isle of Mona , where we watered, and refreshed our selves with potatos and plantans, and so came to the isle of Saona: and from thence arrived at the mouth of the river of Santo Domingo. And as we sailed to Cape Tiburon, three leagues to the Westward of Santo Domingo we tooke a boat of fifteene tunnes, which had certeine jarres of malosses or unrefined sugar, with three men; which men with their boat wee caried with us to Cape Tiburon, which, in respect of service done unto us in furnishing us with fresh water, we dismissed. Thus contrary to other Englishmens courses we shaped ours to the Southward of Jamaica, and our shallop with 12 men ranged the coast but found nothing. Thence we ranged the three islands of the Caimanes, and landed at Grand Caiman, being the Westermost, where we found no people, but a good river of fresh water; and there we turned up threescore great tortoises; and of them we tooke our choise, to wit, fifteene of the females, which are the best and fullest of egges, whereof two served an hundred men a day. And there with stones we might kill turtle doves, wilde geese, & other good fowles at our pleasures. Thence we came to Cape de Corrientes on Cuba to water, and from thence to Cape S. Antonio, and so went over for the Tortugas, without taking of any new prize: and thence cut over to Rio de puercos on the coast of Cuba . There we tooke a small barke of twenty tunnes, with foure men and forty live hogs, with certeine dried porke cut like leather jerkins along, and dried hogs tongues and neats tongues, and 20 oxe hides. Then passing thence, within foure dayes we tooke a ship of 80 tunnes laden with hides, indico, & salsa perilla, North of an headland called Corugna: thence the current set us to the East to the old chanel. There we tooke a frigat of 20 tunnes, having certeine pieces of Spanish broad cloth & other small pillage: there continuing off the Matancas 12 dayes, with the winde so Westerly that we could hardly recover Havana in the moneth of May. Here we tooke two boats laden with tortoises, which we sunke, saving some of the tortoises, & setting the men on shore. Then at length we recovered up to Havana , where we came so neere to the forts, that for one houres fight they over-reached us with their long ordinance. Then came out the two gallies, having 27 banks on a side, and fought with us another houre; which for that time left us by reason of the increasing of the winde. Then passing alongst nine leagues to the Westward we found out an excellent harbour, having three fadome water at the flood, able within to receive a thousand saile, where we found hog-houses, which they terme coralles, and tooke away certeine hogs and pigs. As we came out of this harbour, the weather being calme, we were incoun tered by the gallies, which had followed us, and fought with them three houres, oftentimes within caliver shot: but wee made such spoile of their men and oares, that they beganne to be weary, and gave us over, with their great losse. Here within foure dayes after, as we lay to the Northward sixe leagues off this harbour of Cavannas, we met with master captaine Lane, Generall of master Wats his fleet, and captaine Roberts, in the Exchange, a ship of Bristol , of an hundred and forty tunnes, and master Benjamin Wood with his foure ships which were set out by my lord Thomas Howard with captain Kenel of Limehouse captaine of the Cantar of Weymouth. All we being heere together espied a ship of some 50 tunne, which we chased with their boats; but my shallope first boorded her, and tooke her: which had in her sacke, Canary-wine, muscadell, tent in jarres, and good store of oile in jarres. The ship we unladed and burned: the men ran on shore. Hence wee came all together, being about 13 sailes, before Havana ; but passing by we gave chase to a ship of 60 tun, which entred into an harbour a league to the Northwest of Havana, which with boats was boorded, and found to be of Puerto de Cavallos in the bay of Honduras , laden with tanned hides, salsa perilla, Indico, raw hides, and good store of balsamum : and she had foure chests of gold, which they got on land before we could come to them. We brought this ship into England . Thus spending a sevennight in lying off and on for purchase, and finding nothing come, I set saile for England , and arrived at Dover about the tenth of November 1592.A briefe note of a voyage to the East Indies, begun the 10 of April 1591, wherein were three tall ships, the Penelope of Captaine Raimond, Admirall, the Merchant royall, whereof was Captaine, Samuel Foxcroft, Viceadmirall, the Edward Bonaventure, whereof was Captaine, M. James Lancaster, Rere-admirall, with a small pinnesse. Written by Henry May, who in his returne homeward by the West Indies, suffred shipwracke upon the isle of Bermuda , wherof here is annexed a large description.
THE tenth of April 1591 we departed from Plymmouth with the ships aforesayd. In May following wee arrived at Grand Canaria one of the fortunate Islands. Also toward the end of this moneth we tooke a Portugall shippe being bound for Brasil , within three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall, which served greatly to our refreshing. The 29 of July following we came to Aguada Saldania a good harbour neere the cape of Buona Speranza where we stayed about a moneth with the Merchant royall, which by reason of sicknesse in our fleet was sent home for England with divers weake men. Here we bought an oxe for a knife of three pence, a sheepe for a broken knife or any other odde trifle, of the people which were Negros, clad in cloaks or mantles of raw hides, both men and women. The 8 of September the Penelope & the Edward Bonaventure weyed anker, and that day we doubled the cape of Buona Speranza. The 12 following we were taken with an extreame tempest or huricano. This evening we saw a great sea breake over our admirall the Penelope, and their light strooke out: and after that we never saw them any more. In October following we in the Edward fell with the Westermost part of the isle of S. Laurence about midnight, knowing not where we were. Also the next day we came to an anker at Quitangone a place on the main land of Africa , which is two or three leagues to the Northward of Mozambique, where the Portugals of the isle of Mozambique fetch all their fresh water. Here we tooke a pangaia, with a Portugall boy in it; which is a vessell like a barge, with one matsaile of Coco nut leaves. The barge is sowed together with the rindes of trees, and pinned with woodden pinnes. In this pangaia we had certeine corne called millio, hennes, and some fardels of blew Calicut cloth. The Portugall boy we tooke with us, and dismissed the rest. From this place we went for an island called Comoro, upon the coast of Melinde, which standeth about 11 degrees to the South of the equinoctial: in which island we stayed all November, finding the people blacke and very comly, but very treacherous and cruell: for the day before we departed from thence they killed thirty of our men on shore, among whom was William Mace our master, and two of his mates; the one of them being in the boat with him to fetch water, the other being on shore against our ship; they having first betrayed our boat. From hence we went for the isle of Zanzibar , on the coast of Melinde, whereas wee stayed and Wintered untill the beginning of February following. The second of February 1592 wee weyed anker, and set saile directly for the East Indies; but having calmes and contrary windes, wee were untill the moneth of June before wee could recover the coast of India neere Calicut ; whereby many of our men died for want of refreshing. In this moneth of June we came to an anker at the isles of Pulo pinaom, whereas we stayed untill the first day of September, our men being very sicke, and dying apace. This day we set saile, and directed our course for Malaca : and wee had not bene farre at sea, but wee tooke a shippe of the kingdome of Pegu of some fourescore tunnes with wooden ankers, and about fiftie men in her, with a pinnesse of some eighteene tunnes at her stearne, both laden with pepper. But their pinnesse stole from us in a gust in the morning. Here we might have taken two shippes more of Pegu laden likewise with pepper and rice. In this moneth also we tooke a great Portugall ship of six or seven hundred tun, laden chiefly with victuals, chests of hats, pintados, and Calicut clothes. Besides this we tooke another Portugall ship of some hundred tun, laden with victuals, rice, Calicos, pintados, and other commodities. These ships were bound for Malaca with victuals: for those of Goa, of S. Thomas, and of other places in the Indies doe victuall it, because that victuals there are very scarce. In the moneth of November 1592 we shaped our course for the island of Nicubar lying certeine leagues to the Northwest of the famous island of Sumatra; whereas within short time wee came to anker: and here wee had very good refreshing: for after wee arrived there, the people (whom we found in religion Mahumetans) came aboord us in their canoas, with hennes, cocos, plantans, and other fruits: and within two dayes they brought unto us reals of plate, giving us them for Calicut cloth: which reals they found by diving in the sea, which were lost not long before in two Portugall ships which were bound for China , & were cast away there. This was the furthest place that we were at to the Southeast: and heere because our company by this time was much wasted and diminished, we resolved to turne backe to the isle of Zeilan. Wherfore we weyed anker in the moneth of November, and arrived at Zeilan about the end of the same moneth. In this island groweth great store of excellent cinamom, and the best diamonds in the world. Here our captaine meant to stay to make up our voyage: whereof hee conceived great hope, by certeine intelligence which wee had received; but the company, which were in all but 33 men and boyes, being in a mutiny, and every day ready to go together by the eares (the captaine being sicke and like for to die) would not stay, but would needs go home. The 8 of December 1592 we set saile homeward, but some 15 dayes before we had sight of the cape of Good hope, we were forced to share our bread, by reason we had certeine flies in our ship, which devoured most part of our bread before we were aware: so that when we came to sharing, we had but 31 pound of bread a man to cary us into England , with a small quantity of rice a day. The last of March 1593 we doubled the cape of Bona Speranza. In April next ensuing we came to anker at the island of S. Helena, whereas we found an English man a tailer, which had bene there 14 moneths before we came thither: so we sending our boat on shore with some ten men, they found this English man in the chapell; who by reason of the heat of the climat was inforced to keepe himselfe out of the Sun. Our company hearing one sing in the chapell, supposing it had bene some Portugall, thrust open the doore, and went in unto him: but the poore man seeing so many come in upon him on the sudden, and thinking them to be Portugals, was first in such a feare, not having seene any man in 14 moneths before, and afterwards knowing them to be Englishmen, and some of them of his acquaintance, in such joy, that what betweene excessive sudden feare & joy, he became distracted of his wits, to our great sorowes. Here we found of his drying some 40 goats. The party had made him for want of apparell two sutes of goats skinnes with the hairy side outwards, like unto the Savages of Canada. Here we stayed all this moneth. This man lived untill we came to the West Indies, and then he died. In the moneth of June 1593 we arrived at the island of Trinidad in the West Indies, hoping there to finde refreshing: but we could not get any, by reason that the Spanyards had taken it. Here we were imbayed betweene the island and the maine; and for want of victuals the company would have forsaken the ship: whereupon the captaine was inforced to sweare every man not to forsake the ship untill we should see further occasion. Out of this bay, called Boca de Dragone, it pleased God to deliver us; from whence we directed our course for the isle of S. Juan de Puerto rico, but fell with the small isle of Mona , where we abode some fifteene dayes, finding in that place some small refreshing. And heere arrived a ship of Caen in Normandy , whereof was captaine one Monsieur Charles de la Barbotiere, who greatly refreshed us with bread and other provision, which we greatly wanted. And so we tooke our leaves the one of the other. In July having foule weather at Mona , we were forced to wey anker, and to set saile, directing our course for Cape Tiburon: and in doubling of the cape we had a gust from the shore, which caried away all our sailes from the yards: so that we had left but one new forecourse to helpe our selves withall: which canvas the aforesayd Frenchman did helpe us withall. Also having doubled the foresayd cape in the distresse aforenamed, the forsayd capitan de la Barbotiere with his pinnesse gave chase unto us againe; who being come nere unto us, I went aboord him, certifying him what distresse we were in. The gentleman replied to me againe, that there was not any thing in his shippe, but what he could spare he would helpe us withall. So to conclude, we agreed with him for canvas. Moreover, he sayd that if we would go with him to an harbour called Gonnavy, which is to the Northward of Cape Tiburon, that then he would helpe us with fresh victuals enough. Whereupon I returned aboord our ship, and certified our captaine of all: who made it knowen unto the company; which no sooner heard of it, but they would all go in. So here we staied with the aforesaid Frenchman 15 dayes: but small refreshing we could get, because the Spaniards stood in some feare of the Frenchman of war, supposing our ship to be a Portugal , and that we were his prize: neverthelesse hee certified them to the contrary. And in staying so long with him, and having little refreshing, our company began to be in a mutiny, and made report that the captaine & I went aboord the Frenchman but to make good cheere, and had not any care of them: but I protest before God, that our care was to get victuals wherby we might have bene gone from him. But in the meane time a great part of our company had conspired to take away the Frenchmans pinnesse, and with her to boord the man of warre. While these things were in complotting, one of their consorts went aboord the Frenchman, and certified him of all the conspiracy. Whereupon the captaine of the French ship sent for our captaine and me to come aboord to dinner: and we stayed with him all the afternoone, being invited unto supper: and being at supper, he himselfe would not a great while come to us: but at length hee came. At his comming wee asked of him what newes. Who answered us, that either we must depart from him, or els he must goe seeke some other harborow. Whereupon I tolde captaine Lancaster ; who prayed me to tell him that rather then we would be any hindrance unto him, we would be gone. But in the mean time, while we were thus talking together, the Frenchman weyed & set saile: which we perceived, and asked him what he meant by it. He replied to the captaine & me, that he kept us for his security, and that our men had purposed as is aforesayd. When he came thwart our shippe, it blew a prety gaile of winde: the boat being asterne of them, having in her two Moores & two men of Pegu , which we had given them, brake away. Then was the Frenchman worse then before, & did threaten us very sore that we should pay his voyage. In the meane time the Edward seeing us past, weyed and set saile to go for England : and they did share among them all the captaines victuals & mine, when they saw the Frenchman keepe us as prisoners. So the next morning we went to seeke out the Frenchmans pinnesse: which being at Laguna we shot off a piece, & so she came to us, having in her three more of our company, Edmund Barker our lieutenant, and one John West, and Richard Lucland one of the mutinous crew. The which I told the Frenchman of; & he could not deny, but that there was such a thing pretended. Then I was put into the French pinnesse to seeke their boat: and in the meane time they would go to see if they could overtake our shippe. And the next day we should meet againe at Cape S. Nicolas: so the next morning we met together all three of us, but heard no newes of his boat. So he having Spanyards and Negros aboord of us, requested to have them. Our captaine desired him to send his boat aboord our shippe, and he should have them with all his heart. So with much adoe he sent his boat and had them. Then he demanded of them, if his boat were not aboord the ship. They answered no. So that then Monsieur de la Barbotiere was satisfied: and then we were great friends againe, to all our joyes. The 12 of August 1593 our captaine was sent aboord our ship: but before his departure he requested the captaine of the French ship that he would give mee passage home with him, to certifie the owners what had passed in all the voyage, as also of the unrulinesse of the company. And this day we tooke our leaves the one of the other; the Edward for England : and we bare in for Gonnavy, where afterwards we found the Frenchmans boat. The last of November 1593 Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from a port called Laguna in Hispaniola. The 17 of December next insuing it was his fortune to have his ship cast away upon the Northwest part of the isle of Bermuda about midnight; the pilots making themselves at noone to be to the Southward of the island twelve leagues, certified the captaine that they were out of all danger. So they demanded of him their wine of heigth: the which they had. And being, as it should seeme, after they had their wine, carelesse of their charge which they tooke in hand, being as it were drunken, through their negligence a number of good men were cast away: and I being but a stranger among 50 and odde Frenchmen & others, it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them that were saved, I hope to his service & glory. We made account at the first that we were cast away hard by the shore, being hie clifs, but we found our selves seven leagues off: but with our boat and a raft which we had made & towed at our boats sterne, we were saved some 26 of us; among whom were no more English but my selfe. Now being among so many strangers, & seeing not roome for the one halfe, I durst neither presse into the boat, nor upon the raft, for feare lest they should have cast me over boord, or els have killed me: so I stayed in the ship which was almost full of water, untill the captaine being entred the boat, called me unto him being at hand, for that it stood upon life or death: and so I presently entred, leaving the better halfe of our company to the mercy of the sea. After this we rowed all the day until an houre or two before night yer we could come on land, towing the raft with the boat. When we came on shore, being all the day without drinke, every man tooke his way to see if he could finde any: but it was long before any was found. At length one of the pilots digg ing among a company of weeds found fresh water to all our great comforts, being only raine water: and this was all the fresh water that we found on shore. But there are in this Island many fine bayes, wherin if a man did dig, I thinke there might be found store of fresh water. This Island is divided all into broken Islands: and the greatest part I was upon, which might be some 4 or 5 miles long, and two miles & a halfe over; being all woods, as Cedar & other timber, but Cedar is the chiefest. Now it pleased God before our ship did split, that we saved our carpenters tooles, or els I thinke we had bene there to this day: and having recovered the aforesaid tooles, we went roundly about the cutting downe of trees, & in the end built a small barke of some 18 tun, for the most part with tronnels and very few nailes. As for tackling we made a voyage aboord the ship before she split, and cut downe her shrowds, and so we tackled our barke, and rigged her. In stead of pitch we made lime, and mixed it with the oile of tortoises; and assoone as the carpenters had calked, I and another, with ech of us a small sticke in our hands, did plaister the morter into the seames, and being in April, when it was warm and faire weather, we could no sonner lay it on, but it was dry, and as hard as a stone. In this moneth of April 1594, the weather being very hot, we were afrayd our water should faile us; and therfore made the more haste away: and at our departure we were constrained to make two great chests, and calked them, and stowed them on ech side of our maine mast, and so put in our provision of raine-water, and 13 live tortoises for our food, for our voyage which we intended to Newfoundland . In the South part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs, but they are so leane that you can not eat them, by reason the Island is so barren: but it yeeldeth great store of fowle, fish and tortoises. And to the Eastward of the Island are very good harbours, so that a shippe of 200 tun may ride there land-locked, without any danger, with water enough. Also in this Island is as good fishing for pearles as is any in the West Indies, but that the place is subject to foule weather, as thundering, lightning and raine: but in April and part of May we had very faire and hot weather. The 11 of May it pleased God to set us cleere of the Island, to the no little joy of us all, after we had lived in the same almost the space of 5 moneths. And the 20 of May we fell with the land nere to Cape Briton, where we ran into a fresh water river, whereof there be many, and tooke in wood, water, and ballast. And here the people of the countrey came unto us, being clothed all in furs, with the furred side unto their skins, & brought with them furres of sundry sorts to sell, besides great store of wild ducks: so some of our company having saved some small beads, bought some of their ducks. Here we stayed not above foure houres, and so departed. This should seeme to be a very good countrey. And we saw very fine champion ground, and woods. From this place we ranne for the banke of Newfoundland , whereas we met with divers, but none would take in a man of us, untill it pleased God that wee met with a barke of Falmouth , which received us all for a little time; and with her we tooke a French ship, wherein I left capitan de la Barbotier my deere friend, and all his company, and stayed my selfe aboord the English barke: and having passage in the same, in the moneth of August I arrived at Falmouth 1594.A voyage of the honourable Gentleman M. Robert Duddeley, now knight, to the isle of Trinidad , and the coast of Paria: with his returne home by the Isles of Granata, Santa Cruz, Sant Juan de puerto rico, Mona , Zacheo, the shoalds called Abreojos, and the isle of Bermuda . In which voyage he and his company tooke and sunke nine Spanish ships, wherof one was an armada of 600 tunnes. Written at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt.
HAVING ever since I could conceive of any thing bene delighted with the discoveries of navigation, I fostered in my selfe that disposition till I was of more yeres and better ability to undertake such a matter. To this purpose I called to me the advise of sufficient seamen, and principally undertooke a voyage for the South seas; but by reason that many before had miscaried in the same enterprise, I could not be suffered to hazard more of her Majesties subjects upon so uncerteine a ground as my desire: which made me by constraint (great charges already by me defrayed) to prepare another course for the West Indies, without hope there to doe any thing woorth note: and so common is it indeed to many, as it is not woorth the registring. Neverthelesse, I have yeelded to your former importunity, and sent you this my journall to supply a vacant roome amongst your more important discourses. Nowe being provided for this last enterprize, rather to see some practise and experience, then any wonders or profite, I weighed ancker from Southampton road the sixt of November 1594. But the winde falling scant, it was the 17. day of the same moneth before I could put into the Sea. Upon this day my selfe in the Beare a shippe of 200. tunnes my Admirall, and Captaine Munck in the Beares whelpe vice-admirall, with two small pinnesses called the Frisking and the Earewig passed through the Needles, and within two dayes after bare in with Plimmouth. My busines at this port-towne dispatched, I set saile; whither againe by contrary winds to my great misfortune, I was inforced to returne backe. I might call it misfortune; for by this meanes I utterly (for all the voyage) lost my vice-admirall; which was the cause likewise of loosing mine owne pinnesse, which three were the principall stay of my voyage. For at this last leaving of England in a storme I lost mine owne pinnesse, as is before said. Notwithstanding all these crosses all alone I went wandering on my voyage, sailing along the coast of Spaine within view of Cape Finister, and Cape S. Vincent, the North & South capes of Spaine. In which space having many chases, I could meet with none but my countreymen or countreys friends. Leaving these Spanish shores I directed my course the 14. of December towards the isles of the Canaries. Here I lingered 12 dayes for two reasons: The one, in hope to meete my vice-admiral: The other, to get some vessel to remove my pestered men into, who being 140. almost in a ship of 200. tunnes, there grew many sicke. The first hope was frustrated, because my vice-admiral was returned into England with two prizes. The second expectation fell out to our great comfort: for I tooke two very fine Caravels under the calmes of Tenerif and Palma, which both refreshed and amended my company, and made me a Fleete of 3. sailes. In the one Caravel called The Intent, I made Benjamin Wood Captaine, in the other, one Captaine Wentworth. Thus cheared as a desolate traveller with the company of my small and newe erected Fleete, I continued my purpose for the West Indies, and first for Cape Blanco in Africa upon the deserts of Libya . My last hope was to meete my lost ship, and withall to renue my victuals upon the Canthers, which are Portugal fishermen: but the Canthers had bene so frighted by Frenchmen, as I could get none. Riding under this White Cape two daies, and walking on shore to view the countrey, I found it a waste, desolate, barren, and sandie place, the sand running in drifts like snow and being very stony; for so is all the countrey sand upon stone (like Arabia deserta, and Petrea) and full of blacke venemous lizards, with some wilde beasts and people which be tawny Moores, so wilde, as they would but call to my Caravels from the shore, who road very neere it. But not desirous to make any longer aboad in this place, by reason of the most infectious serenas or dewes that fall all along these coasts of Africa , I caused my Master Abraham Kendall to shape his course directly for the isle of Trinidad in the West Indies; which after 22. dayes we descried, and the first of February came to an anker under a point thereof called Curiapan, in a bay which was very full of pelicans, and I called it Pelicans bay. About 3. leagues to the Eastwards of this place we found a mine of Marcazites which glister like golde (but all is not gold that glistereth) for so we found the same nothing worth, though the Indians did assure us it was Calvori, which signifieth gold with them. These Indians are a fine shaped and a gentle people, al naked & painted red, their commanders wearing crownes of feathers. These people did often resort unto my ship, & brought us hennes, hogs, plantans, potatoes, pinos, tobacco, & many other pretie commodities, which they exchanged with us for hatchets, knives, hookes, belles, and glasse buttons. From this bay I fell downe lower to a place called Paracoa, where I desired rather to ride, because it was a convenient place to water, balast, ground, & grave my Caravels. Then I commanded al my men to lye on shore, after I had caused to be made for them a little skonce like an halfe moone for their defence, being jealous of the Spaniards, of whose estate I could gather no certaintie, till from Margarita Antonie Berreo for his defence had gotten some 300. souldiers, a greater number then I was able to encounter withall, having then but 50. men, because my Caravels before their comming were sent away. The Simerones of the yland traded with me stil in like sort. And the Spaniards now provided for me, began to send messengers to me in kindnesse. Notwithstanding though I had no reason to assault them, because they were both poore & strong, yet for my experience and pleasure I marched 4. long marches upon the yland, & the last from one side of the yland to the other, which was some 50. miles: going and comming through a most monstrous thicke wood (for so is most part of the yland) & lodging my selfe in Indian townes. The country is fertile, and ful of fruits, strange beasts, and foules, whereof munkeis, babions & parats were in great abundance. Being much delighted with this yland, and meaning to stay here some time about discovering the maine right against the same (the entrance into the empire of Guiana ) being shewed the discovery thereof by Captaine Popham, who received the discovery of the saide empire from one captaine Harper, which being a prisoner learned of the Spaniards at the Canaries in the selfe same maner almost, as sir Walter Ralegh very discreetly hath written. The intelligence of Harper, I conceive, the Captaine hath yet to shew in Spanish. This discovery of Guiana I greatly desired: yet least I should adventure all occasions upon it onely, I sent my two Caravels from me the 17. day of February, to try their fortunes in the Indies not appointing any other place to meet but England , furnishing them with all the provision that I could spare, and dividing my victuals equally with them, knowing they were able to do more good in the Indies then greater ships. The Caravels being gone, I began to enquire privately of the Savages concerning the maine over against us, and learned that the names of the kingdomes joyning to the Sea-coast were in order these. The kingdom of Morucca, the kingdome of Seawano, the kingdome of Waliame, the kingdom of Caribes, the kingdome of Yguirie, and right against the Northermost part of Trinidad , the maine was called The high land of Paria, the rest a very lowe land. Morucco I learned to bee full of a green stone called Tacarao, which is good for the stone. In Seawano I heard of a Mine of gold to be in a towne called Wackerew, the Captaines name Semaracon. Of Waliame I will speake last, because therein I made most discovery. The Caribes I learned to be maneaters or Canibals, and great enemies to the Islanders of Trinidad. The kingdome of Yguiri I heard to be full of a metall called by the Indians Arara, which is either copper (as I could learne) or very base gold. In the high land of Paria I was informed by divers of these Indians, that there was some Perota, which with them is silver, and great store of most excellent Cane-tabacco. But lastly to come to Waliame, it is the first kingdome of the empire of Guiana . The great wealth which I understood to be therein, and the assurance that I had by an Indian, mine interpreter, of a golden Mine in a towne of this kingdome called Orocoa, in the River (as he called it) of Owrinoicke was much to be esteemed. This Indian spake Spanish, and whatsoever he knew, he reveiled it to my selfe onely by a private interpreter, not in words alone, but offered upon paine of life to be guide himselfe to any place that he spake of. This discovery of the Mine I mentioned to my company, who altogether mutined against my going, because they something feared the villany of Abraham Kendal, who would by no meanes go. I then wanted my lost pinnesse, and was constrained to send 14. men in my ship-boat for this discovery, with most of the discreetest men in my ship, & gave them their directions to follow, written under mine owne hand. They went from me, and entred into one of the mouthes by the broken lands, which river goeth under the name of the great River Orenoque, the foreland wherof was called Capulio bearing South & by West, wanting a fourth part, from the point of Curiapan aforesaid, being 4. leags distant. They found the maine (as China is reported) full of fresh Rivers running one into another, abounding with fish, and a land al woody, seeming to have great store of strange beasts and foules, & very populous. They entred into a small river called Cabota, the people named Veriotaus, a courteous people. The next river they passed was called Mana in the kingdome of Tivitivas, where the king offered to bring a Canoa full of this golden oare, and to this purpose sent a Canoa, which returned and brought my men this answere, that Armago Captaine of the towne of Orocoa and the Mine refused them, but if they would come thither, hee himselfe would make them answere. Upon this my boat went, and at his appointed place hee met them with some 100. men in Canoas, and tolde them that by force they should have nothing but blowes, yet if they would bring him hatchets, knives, and Jewes-harps, he bid them assure me, he had a Mine of gold, and could refine it, & would trade with me: for token whereof, he sent me 3. or 4. Croissants or halfe moones of gold weighing a noble a piece or more, and two bracelets of silver. Also he told them of another rich nation, that sprinkled their bodies with the poulder of golde, and seemed to be guilt, and farre beyond them a great towne called El Dorado, with many other things. My men being satisfied, and thinking their company too fewe to stay among these Savages, and their victuall spent, returned. This Balthazar my Indian their guide ranne from them: which distresse caused them to borrow of Armago newe guides, who brought them home another way through a River called Braha by the high land of Paria, and so to my ship. They accompted Orocoa 150. miles distant, so they rowed in my boate above 250. miles. Their absence from mee was 16. dayes, making but one nights aboad any where. The report of this made mee attempt my company to goe with them againe. But nowe they were worse then before; for unlesse I would have gone my selfe alone, not one man would goe with me (no albeit I had had commission to hang or kill them) for my men came home in very pitifull case almost dead for famine; and indeed such was their misery, as they dranke not in three dayes, for so long they were out of the fresh Rivers, before they recovered the shippe, and yet the boat was filled with as much victuall, as it could holde. In this time of my boates absence there came to me a pinnesse of Plimmouth, of which Captaine Popham before named was chiefe, who gave us great comfort. And if I had not lost my pinnesses, wherein I might have caried victuals and some men, we had discovered further the secrets of those places. Also this Captaine and I stayed some sixe or eight dayes longer for Sir Walter Ralegh (who, as wee surmized, had some purpose for this discovery) to the ende, that by our intelligence and his boates we might have done some good: but it seemed he came not in sixe or eight weekes after. So Captaine Popham and I helde it not convenient to stay any longer: therefore new watering our selves at Paracoa, we set saile to see further of the Indies, leaving the yle of Trinidad the 12. day of March. The 13. I tooke a small prize of sackes 25. leagues to the Northward of an yland which I sailed by, called Granata. This prize refreshed us well: yet meaning to sel her at the yle of Sant Juan de Puerto rico, and shaping our course thither by the ylands of Santa Cruz and Infierno, I coasted all the South side of the said yle of S. John, till I came to an ancker at Cape Roxo: where riding 14. dayes to expect S. Domingo men, which oftentimes fall with the yland of Mona , and finding none (neither would the Spaniards of S. Juan de puerto rico buy my prize) I unladed her, tooke in the goods, and after burned her. This ended, I disemboqued (where fewe Englishmen had done before, by reason of the great dangers betweene this yland of S. Juan de puerto rico and Hispaniola) by a little yland called Zacheo. And after carefully doubling the shouldes of Abreojos, I caused the Master, (hearing by a Pilote, that the Spanish fleete ment now to put out of Havana ) to beare for the Meridian of the yle of Bermuda , hoping there to finde the fleete dispersed. The fleete I found not, but foule weather enough to scatter many fleetes; which companion left mee not in greatest extremitie, till I came to the yles of Flores and Cuervo: whither I made the more haste, hoping to meete some great Fleete of her Majestie my sovereigne, as I had intelligence, and to give them advise of this rich Spanish fleet: but finding none, and my victuals almost spent, I directed my course for England . Returning alone, and worse manned by halfe then I went foorth, my fortune was to meete a great Armada of this fleete of some 600. tunnes well appointed, with whom I fought board and board for two dayes, being no way able in all possibilitie which fiftie men to board a man of warre of sixe hundreth tunnes. And having spent all my powder I was constrained to leave her, yet in such distresse without sailes and mastes, and hull so often shot through with my great Ordinance betweene winde and water, that being three hundred leagues from land, I dare say, it was impossible for her to escape sinking. Thus leaving her by necessitie in this miserable estate, I made for England , where I arrived at S. Ives in Cornewall about the latter ende of May 1595, scaping most dangerously in a great fogge the rocks of Silly. Thus by the providence of God landing safely, I was kindely intertained by all my friends, and after a short time learned more certaintie of the sinking of that great shippe, being also reputed rich by divers intelligences out of Spaine: which we then supposed not, & were doubtfull whether she had bin of Biscay or S. John de Luz in France laden with fish onely from Newfoundland . In this voyage I and my fleete tooke, sunke and burnt nine Spanish ships; which was losse to them, though I got nothing.| Guttemock. | A man. |
| Tabairo, Dabarah, Or Dabarra. | The heare of ones head. |
| Dessie | The forehead. |
| Dasereth, or Dacosi | An eye. |
| Dalacoack | The mouth. |
| Archeh | The teeth. |
| Daria | The gummes. |
| Desire | The lips. |
| Dill | The tongue. |
| Dudica | The eares. |
| Dacan | A hand. |
| Dacabbo | The palme of the hand. |
| Dadena | The wrist. |
| Dacurle | A knee. |
| Daddano | The calfe of the legge. |
| Dabodda | The toes. |
| Dacutti | The feete. |
| Cattie | The moone. |
| Tauraroth | A rope. |
| Arkeano | A paire of cizers. |
| Weevah | The heaven. |
| Harowa | A stone good for the head ache. |
| Mointiman | Yron or steele. |
| Howa | Munkeis in generall. |
| Carotta | A thing like pappe. |
| Sakel | It is well, or I am well. |
| Techir | A bracelet. |
| Bodad | A boxe or chest. |
| Mentinie | A tree. |
| Addehegaeno | A glasse. |
| *Calcouri | Gold. |
| Perota | Silver. |
| Tacorao a green stone.} | {Arrara copper. |
| Caulpiri | A white stone. |
| Casparo A sword. } | { Tibetebe cockles. |
| Marrahabo a bow. } | {Semaro an arrow. |
| Huculle | A bow-string. |
| Halete | A Potato roote. |
| Caerwoda | A sweete root. |
| Maurisse Wheat. } | { Queca A basket. |
| Yeddola A knife. } | { Sambolers A hat. |
| Beyou A pipe.} | {Callit Bread. |
| *Oronuie | Water. |
| Arguecona | A paire of cizzers. |
| Heldaro | A spoone. |
| Hemachugh | A bread which they eate. |
| Hicket Fire. } | {Walrowa A parrot. |
| Ureit Tabacco. } | { Barudda A combe. |
| Addoth | A sticke. |
| Barreannaire | A button, or beads. |
| Curaballa & Sibath, for 2 sundry stones: but Sibath in general signifieth a stone. | |
| Tolletillero bels. } | {Ullasso a Tuny-fish. |
| Bohery A flying fish. } | {Bara Water. |
| Haddalle | The Sunne. |
| Babage-Canoaseen | The manner of the Indians hailing of a ship, calling it after the name of their Canoas. |
| Non yuo, Or Non quapa | I know not, Or I cannot tell. |
The victorious voyage of Captaine Amias Preston now knight, and Captaine George Sommers to the West India, begun in March 1595. Wherein the yle of Puerto Santo, the yle of Coche neere Margarita, the fort and towne of Coro , the stately city of S. Iago de Leon were taken sacked and burned, and the towne of Cumana ransomed, & Jamaica entred. Written by Robert Davie one of the company.
CAPTAINE AMIAS PRESTON, and captaine Sommers, both valiant gentlemen & discreet commanders, lying ready with two tall ships, the Ascension and the Gift, and a small pinnesse at Plimmouth, for the space of a moneth attending the comming of captaine Jones their consort, which in al that time, through the bad dealing of those which he put in trust, could not make his ship in readines, according to his appointment, the 12. of March 1595. set forward on their voyage for the West Indies. We with captaine Jones in the Derling, and Captaine Prowse in the Angel, followed after them the 19. of the said moneth. The last of March, captaine Preston by giving chase to a saile, was separated from captaine Sommers, and his pinnesse, so that they utterly lost sight ech of other: whereupon captain Preston in his ship alone, resolved to surprise the yle of Puerto santo, and shortly after came before the same. This yland standeth in the Northerly latitude of 33. degrees, and lieth to the Northward of the yle of Madera, and is inhabited by old souldiers, which the kings of Portugal were wont to reward for their former olde services, by placing of them there. This yland is rich in come, wine, & oile: and hath good store of sheep, asses, goats & kine: they have also plenty of foules, fishes, & fruits. Captaine Preston comming before this yland with one ship only sought with 2. long boats to land his men & to force the same: but the people were on shore in warlike array, with baricados & trenches made, ready to withstand them. Whereupon, considering the great danger, and disadvantage of the place, he caused his people to returne abord againe. And the next morning 3 or 4 houres before day, he landed in a place of greater security, with 60 men onely, who lay closely in a chapel, to defend themselves from the raine til break of the day, and so marched forward upon the backs of their enemies, which kept their baricados upon the shore. By this time the enemie was 500 strong. But, being so suddenly surprised, after some resistance of our muskets, when they saw our pikes approch, and had tasted somewhat of their force they began to flee into certaine thickets, & shrubs, thinking from thence to gall our men: but with very litle or no losse at all, our men dislodged them of that place also. Hereupon, they all fled toward the chiefe towne of the yland: but once againe they thought to make a new stand at a certaine house by the way, from whence they were repulsed by captaine Roberts. So in the flight part of them were slaine, and an ensigne, which one captaine Harvey an English man had lost not long before, was recovered: and the chiefe towne it selfe was by our men wholly woon and possessed. But before the entrance of our men they had conveighed their wives, their children, and the rest of their goods into an exceeding high hil which standeth neere the towne, and could not be conquered, but with exceeding losse. Although they sent divers times to redeeme their towne, which was very faire and large, yet in regard of their crueltie and treachery, which they used towards captaine Harvey and his people, captaine Preston would shew them no favour, but utterly burnt their towne to ashes, and sent his men to wast the rest of their villages of the yland, preferring the honour & just revenge of his country men, before his owne private gaine, & commodity. And so with small pillage and great honour he retired in safetie and all his small company with him, from the conquered yland unto his ship. But we in our ship met not with him, untill the 12. of April following. We therefore in the Derling pursuing our voyage, had sight of the yles of the Canaries the 6 of April, and the 8 of the same, we watered on the Southeast side of the grand Canaria. There we met with capt. Sommers, & his pinnesse, & 3 ships of Hampton , in one whereof was cap. Willis . The 9 of April we al departed for Tenerif to seeke captaine Preston: and standing over towards Tenerif, the 9 day at night I came into captaine Sommers ship. The 10 in the morning we brake our maine yard, yet we recovered Tenerif, & the same day towards night we ankered under the southside of the same. There I went aland in our boat, & found 3 or 4 fisher boats, and brought one of them off. The rest bulged themselves. Here we rode to mend our yard til the 11 at night: then we set saile to find captaine Amias Preston: and standing towards Gomera , the 12 in the morning we had sight of him. Then we thought to have landed in Gomera : but the wind blew so much, that we could not. So we departed altogether with joy the 13 of April, & set our course for the West Indies. And the 8 of May next ensuing, we arrived at the yland of Dominica . In all which time nothing happened unto us saving this, that the 18 day of April at midnight, our admiral lost her long boat in towing. We staied at Dominica til the 14 of May, to refresh our sicke men. Here the Indians came unto us in canoas made of an whole tree, in some wherof were 3 men, in some 4 or 6, & in others 12 or 14, and brought in them plantans, pinos, and potatos, and trucked with us, for hatchets, knives, & small bead-stones. Here in refreshing of our men, we found an hot bath hard joyning to a cold river side: wherein our sick men bathed themselves, and were soone recovered of their sicknesses. This is a goodly yland, and something high land, but al overgrowen with woods. The 14 we departed from thence, & the 16 sailing Southwestward, we had sight of Granada , but landed not there. The 17 we arrived at the Testigos & ankered there, and consorted with the 3 ships of Hampton , wherin captaine Willis was. The 18 we landed our men & tooke view and muster of all, & the same night set saile away. The 19 we had sight of Margarita, where the Spaniards by their Indians fish for pearle : we stood in very neere the rode, but saw nothing there. Therefore we went no further in, but stood from it againe. The same day toward night, we had sight of a litle yland, betweene Margarita & the maine, called Coche. We came neer it in the night with our ships within some 3 leagues, & there ankered under the maine side, and about midnight we manned our pinnesses & boats, and in the morning about breake of day, we landed on the yland, wherein are few or none inhabitants, but they commonly come from Margarita in boats on the munday, and remaine there fishing for pearles untill the Saturday, and then returne & cary al that they have taken to Margarita. Here we tooke some few Spaniards and Negros their slaves with them, and had some smal quantitie of pearls. We remained on this iland the 20 and 21, in which time we went a fishing with our seine, and tooke good store of mullets and other fish, and amongst the rest drew a shore in the seine a fish called by the Spaniards Lagarto, and by the Indians Caiman, which is indeed a Crocodile, for it hath 4 feete and a long taile, and a wide mouth, and long teeth, & wil devour men. Some of these Lagartos are in length 16 foot, some 20 foot, and some 30 foot: they have muske in them, and live as wel on the land, as in the water. The 21 of May we departed for Cumana , thinking to have gotten in that night to have landed: but the current striketh so strong out of the bay that we could not recover the towne till day light. In the morning we espied 2 sailes before the towne but could not fetch them. Here we plied too and againe in the sound all the forenoone, but could not get up so farre as the towne. These 2 sailes came roome to us, after they saw that we were at an anker, & came somewhat neere us, and sent their skyphs abord our admiral. They were 2 flieboats of Middleburgh which traded there, & had secretly advertised the country of our comming, to our great hinderance: but we knew it not at our first arrivall. Here they of Cumana perceiving that we would land, came to parle with us, and tolde us, if we would land, we might easily take the towne, for they ment not to withstand us, but that they had caried all their goods into the mountaines, but, if we would not land to burne and spoile the towne, they would give us some reasonable ransome, and any victuals that we wanted. So our general agreed with them, received their ransome, and departed without landing. But at our first arrival in this bay, our generals long boat was sent forth wel manned, and tooke 3 Caravels, but found litle or nothing of value in them: saving in one were some sides of bacon, and some maiz and Guiny-wheat. Here we staied til the 23 of May, & in the evening we set saile, and departed from thence. And the 26 of the same we thought to have landed at a fort that standeth by the sea-coast in the Caracos, as you go for S. Iago. This is a marveilous high land, as high as the pike of Tenerif. We could not land here over night, by reason of the roughnes of the sea, which goeth in that place, & there is but one litle creeke against the fort, to come in with your boat. So, we perceiving no fit place to land, by reason of the sea, stood away some league to the West-ward, about a litle head-land, there we ankered al night: and the 27 in the morning we all landed in safety, none resisting us. Then we presently set our selves in aray, and marched toward the fort, & tooke it without any resistance. Here we remained al the rest of this day until the 28, about three of the clock in the afternoone. We found nothing in this fort but a litle meale, or 2 or 3 tunnes of wine, which by reason of some disorder amongst the company overcharging themselves with the wine, our general for the most part caused to be spilt. While we remained here, some of our company ranging the woods, found the governor of the fort where he lay asleepe, brought him to our general: who examined him touching the state of the citie of S. Iago de Leon . Who declared unto us that they had newes of our commind a moneth before, and that they of the towne had made preparation for our comming: and that if we did go the common beaten way, it was never possible for us to passe, for that they had made in the midst of the way betweene this fort and the said city, an exceeding strong baricado on the top of a very high hil, the passage being not above 25 or 30 foot in bredth, & on each side marveilous steep-upright, and the woods so thicke that no man could passe for his life: which indeed at our returning backe we found to be true. Upon which speeches our general demanded of him if there were not any other way: who answered, there is another way marvellous bad and very ill to travel, which the Indians do commonly use: but he thought that the Spaniards had stopt the same, by cutting downe of great trees and other things, as indeed they had. This Spaniard was a very weake and sickle man not able to travel, so our generall sent him abord his ship, & there kept him. In the taking of our 3 small Caravels at Cumana , we had a Spaniard in one of them that had traveiled these wayes to the citie of S. Iago. He told us he would cary us thither by any of both these wayes, if afterward we would set him at libertie: the which was granted. While we remained at the fort by the waters side, the Spaniards came downe unto us by the great & beaten way on horsebacke, who being discovered, our generall sent out to meete them captaine Roberts with some 40 or 50 musketeirs, who came to skirmish with them, but they would not stay. The same day in the afternoone we marched forth toward S. Iago, & tooke the Indians way called The unknowen way. In our march we came to divers Indians houses, which we never hurt, but passed by and left them untouched: but the Indians were all fled into the woods, and other places, we know not whither. We marched until it was night over such high mountaines, as we never saw the like, and such a way as one man could scarse passe alone. Our general being in the forward, at length came whereas a river descended downe over the mountaines, and there we lodged all that night. Here in going this way, we found the Spanish governours confession to be true: for they had baricadoed the way in divers places with trees, & other things in such sort, that we were driven to cut our way through the woods by Carpenters, which we caried with us for that purpose. The next day being the 29 of May early in the morning we set forward to recover the tops of the mountaines: but (God knoweth) they were so extreeme high and so steep-upright, that many of our souldiers fainted by the way: and when the officers came unto them, and first entreated them to goe, they answered, they could goe no further. Then they thought to make them goe by compulsion, but all was in vaine: they would goe a little and then lie downe, and bid them kill them, if they would, for they could not, nor would not goe any further. Whereby they were enforced to depart, & to leave them there lying on the ground. To be short, at length with much ado we gat the top of the mountaines about noone : there we made a stand til all the company was come up, and would have stayed longer to have refreshed our men: but the fogge and raine fell so fast, that wee durst not stay. So wee made hast to descend towards the towne out of the fogge and raine: because that in these high mountaines by report of the Spaniards themselves, it doeth almost continually raine. Assoone as we were descended downe neere halfe the way to the towne the raine ceased, and going downe a little further, on the toppe of a hill we saw the towne not farre distant from us. Here we all cleared our muskets: and when our colours came in sight, we discharged a second volee of shot to the great discouragement of the enemie. Thus we marched on a round pace. The enemie was in readinesse a little without the towne to encounter us on horsebacke. Being nowe fully descended from the mountaines wee came into a faire plaine champion fielde, without either hedge, bush or ditch, saving certaine trenches which the water had made, as it descendeth from the mountaines. Here we set our selves in a readinesse, supposing the enemie would have encountered us: but having pitched our maine battell, and marching forward a good round pace, captaine Beling, and captaine Roberts tooke ech of them some loose shoot, and marched in all hast toward the enemie before the maine battell, wherein was our generall with capt. Sommers and came to skirmish with them: but it was soone ended: for the enemie fled. One Spaniard was slaine in this skirmish, and not any one of our companies touched either with piece or arrow, God be thanked. We soone marched into the towne, and had it without any more resistance: but there we found not the wealth that we expected: for they had conveyed all into the mountaines, except such goods as they could not easily cary, as wine, and iron, and such things. By three of the clocke in the afternoone the 29 of May, we entred the citie. Here we remained until the 3 of June without anie great disturbance, saving sometime by night they would come on horsebacke hard unto our Corps du guard, and finding us vigilant, and readie for them, would depart againe. The first of June, there came a Spaniard neere unto us alone: the Corps du guard perceiving him, called our General, who soone came towards him: but before he approched, the Spaniard made signes that he should lay aside his armes : which he refused to doe, but promised as he was a souldier, if he would come, hee should have free passage. Upon which promise hee came to him on horse-backe, and our General brought him within the towne, and there communed with him. Who demanded what he ment to do with the towne: he answered that he meant to remaine there and keepe it; or if he did depart from it he would burne it. The Spaniard then demanded, what the ransome of it should be. Our General required 30000 ducats. Whereunto he replied that it was very much. So having had some other conference together, hee shewed him that hee had bene a souldier in Flanders a long time, and now was sent thither by his kings commandement. Among other things our General demanded of him, what the reason was they had not walled the citie, being so faire a thing as that was. The Spaniard replied, that hee thought it to bee stronger walled than anie citie in the world, meaning, by those huge & high mountains which the enemie must passe over before he can approch it; which we found very true. Thus with many other faire speeches, he tooke his leave for that day, and told our Generall, that he would go speake with the governour: (but it might be himselfe, for any thing we know) howbeit because our General had granted him free comming and going, he suffred him to depart: who before his departure, requested to have a token of our General, that he might shew to the Governour how he had spoken with us, or else he doubted, that he would not beleeve him. Wherupon our General gave him a piece of 12 pence: so he departed and promised the next day by ten of the clocke to returne unto us with an answere: in which meane time nothing befel. The next day being the 2 of June, at his houre appointed, he returned with his Indian running by his horses side. So he was brought to the Generall, and there remained till after dinner, and dined in his company in the governours house that was. The dinner ended, with the best entertainement which could be given him, they communed again about the ransome of the citie. Our General proposed his old demand of 30000 ducats. The Spaniard first proffered him 2000, then 3000, last of all 4000, and more he would not give. Our General counting it a small summe of money among so many, did utterly refuse it. So the Spaniard departed. But before his departure our general told him, that if he came not to him again before the next day noone, with the ransome which he demanded, he would set all on fire. That whole day past, and the night also without any thing of moment, except some shew of assault, by their approching towards our Corps du guard, and retiring backe againe. The 3 day being come, in the morning some of our company went forth, a league or more from the towne, & some two leagues and more unto certaine villages thereabout, & set them on fire: but the enemy never came to resist them, so they returned backe againe safe into the towne, and brought certaine Indian prisoners with them, among whom there was one which spake broken Spanish, which being examined, confessed unto us of his own accord, how the General had sent to the other towns thereabout for aide, and that he thought they would be there with him that day. When we understood this, we grew into some distrust of the Spaniards trechery, and thought upon the messenger, how he had used long delayes with us: wherupon we were commanded presently, every man to make ready to depart, and to fire the citie: which forthwith was done. And after we had seene it all on fire, & burnt to ashes, we tooke our leaves and so departed, & marched away that day being the 3 of June, not that way we came, but by the great beaten way. And when we had marched halfe the way towards the waters side, we came unto that strong baricado which they had made, and there lay all that night. Here we found the Spanish captaines word to be true which we tooke at the fort by the waters side: for this baricado was of such force, that 100 men in it wel furnished, would have kept backe from passing that way 100000: first by reason of the huge and high mountaines, next the steepenes of them, on both sides, last of all in regard of the fine contriving of it with the large trenches, and other munitions, which I cease to recite. The fourth day of June in the morning wee departed from thence: but before our departure, wee overthrew on the one side of the steepe hill two bases of yron, which we found there planted by the enemie, and so set forward toward our ships, and by 12 of the clocke came to the waters side, and there remayned in the fort which wee had taken before, untill the fift day at night: in which time we laded some small quantity of hides, and Salsa-perilla, which we found there at our first landing. So the fift day at night we departed from thence, to goe to a towne called Coro : but before wee departed, wee set fire in the fort, and all the Indians houses that were about it, and burnt them. Then we set sayle, and standing along the coast, our Spanish guide signified unto us, that there were foure sayles of ships about five leagues from thence, in a place called Checherebiche, and Caio, and Maio . So the 6 day in the morning we were thwart of the place, and there our generall sent away his long boate with captaine Sommers, unto those places, where they found 3 of the ships: but the Spaniards had conveyed their sailes ashore into the woodes, so that they could not bring them off, but set fire in them and burnt them. From hence we stood along the shore, sailing untill the ninth day of June, on which day toward the evening we imbarked our selves in our pinnesses and small caravels, to land at Coros: but we had none that knew the place certainely: wherefore we ankored that night some two leagues to the Eastward of it, and in the morning I went on land, and nine more with me, to see if we could discover the towne, but we could not, wee went above a league up into the countrey, but could not see any village or towne. So returning backe, wee met our Generall, with divers others which came ashore with him, with whom we marched into the countrey againe, but could see nothing, & so returned. At the water side captaine Prowse died. There we remained all that day on land, by reason the wind blew so much that wee could not get aboord untill the evening. After our comming aboord a boat which we sent into the bay, returned and brought us newes, that there rode a barke within the bay, and by all likelyhood the towne should be there. So presently our Generall went into the bay with the Derling and some of the small caravels. The tenth day in the morning, the rest of our shipping came into the bay, and our men landed the same day, about 10 or 11 of the clocke in the night, & so marched on toward the towne: but in the way they had made baricados, and kept them very strongly. Notwithstanding the courage of our men was such, as that they feared nothing, and forced them to leave their forces, and flie. Having wonne this baricado they there remained untill the next day being the 11 of June, and then early in the morning they marched on towards the towne, where by the way, the enemie often times came to skirmish with them, but alwayes fled. In fine they wan the towne without any great losse of men, God be thanked. Having gotten the town, they found nothing in it at all; for they had intelligence from Sant Iago, how wee had used them before, which caused them to convey all their goods into the mountaines and woods: finding nothing in it, our Generall caused it to be set on fire, thinking it not good to remaine there, but to returne againe, backe to the ships : and the greatest cause was by reason of the departure of captaine Sommers: who the day before in a most furious tempest, being in the pinnesse, with some 50 men at anker, had his cables broken and lost all his ankers, and so was faine to put to sea to save himselfe, otherwise they had bene in danger of perishing. Thus our General and his company, returned backe againe the twelfth day and imbarked themselves, and departed away with all speede to seeke captaine Sommers. The 13 toward night, hee came where captaine Sommers was, and found him riding, but not by anie ankers, but by two bases, which they had made for to stay their barke by: at which meeting the company was very glad. Then they determined to go into a mighty great bay, to a towne called Laguna : but the bay was so deepe and should withall, that we returned backe againe, after wee had stood in two daies & a night. So we sayled over toward the Isle of Hispaniola the sixteenth of June: and the twentieth day we saw it. The 21 we ankored under Cape Tiburon. Here we watered, and stayed untill the 25 of the same. After our departure out of the bay of Laguna , a great sicknes fell among our fleete, and there died about eighty men of the same. This sicknesse was the fluxe of the bellie, which is a common disease in that countrey. We remayned about this Island untill the eight and twentieth of this moneth. Then we departed from thence, and the second of July arrived at the Island of Jamaica. Before our comming hither, the three ships of Hampton had forsaken us, and left our company. And the Derling wherein was captaine Jones, was sent to discover some other secret matter, in which discovery the valiant gentleman ended his life. So our whole fleete was now but our generall, with captaine Sommers, and a small pinnesse. We stayed at this Isle of Jamaica until the sixt of July, in which meane time we landed to see if we could kill any beeves, but we could not, they were so wild : here is great store of them, and great plenty of fresh-fish. We departed hence the 6 of July, and passed by the Islands, called Caimanes, and the Isle de Pinos, and the 12 of the said moneth by Cape de Corrientes where we watered, and the same night, wee set saile towards the cape of S. Anthony, being the westermost part of the Isle of Cuba. The 13 day in the morning we were under this cape, and the same day we met with the honourable knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, returning from his paineful, and happie discovery of Guiana , and his surprise of the Isle of Trinidad. So with glad hearts, wee kept him and his fleete of three ships company till the twentieth day at night, what time we lost them. In all which time nothing of moment fell out, save that we gave chase to a couple of frigats, but could not fetch them. Afterward we plyed to recover Havana , untill the five and twentieth of July: then we set our course for the head of the Martyrs, the 27 we were in sight of them. The 28 wee entred the gulfe of Bahama: then we set our course homeward toward Newfoundland , but we could not fetch it, but were on the Banke, and tooke fish there the 20 day of August. The same night we set sayle to come home, by reason the wind was contrary to goe in with Newfoundland . So the tenth day of September, we arrived in safety (God be thanked) in Milford haven in Wales, having performed so long a voyage in the space of sixe moneths, or somewhat lesse.The voyage truely discoursed, made by sir Francis Drake, and sir John Hawkins, chiefly pretended for some speciall service on the Islands and maine of the West Indies, with sixe of the Queenes ships, and 21 other shippes and barkes, containing 2500 men and boyes, in the yeere 1595. In which voyage both the foresayd knights died by sicknesse.
WEE brake ground out of the sound of Plimmouth on Thursday the 28 of August, and that night ankored againe in Causon bay, where we rode till Friday. Then we set sayle and stoode Southwest: and about three of the clocke the next morning the Hope, wherein sir Thomas Baskervil went, strake upon the Edy stone, and shot off a piece, but after cleared herselfe wel enough. On Munday at sixe of the clocke in the morning the landes end bare Northwest and by North, and then we stoode away Southwest and by South for the coast of Spaine. The 8 of September we tooke two small Flemish fliboats bound for Barbary; which we caried a while with us and afterward dismissed them without doing them any harme: only wee learned newes of them, and stayed them from discrying our fleete to the enemie. The 26 we saw Forteventura, being one of the Islands of the Canaries. The 27 being Saturday by breake of day we had overshot the chiefe towne of Grand Canaria to the Northeast, and then stood about for it againe, and by nine of the clocke were at anker fayre before the fort to the Eastward of the towne some league. At one of the clocke wee offred to land one thousand and foure hundreth men in the sandie bay betwixt the fort and the towne: But by our detracting of the time they had made a bulwarke in the sandie bay and planted Ordinance: so that by reason thereof, and the great breach of the sea that went then on shore we were not able to land without endangering our whole forces, which our General would not doe. There were of Spaniards horsemen and footmen some 900, which played upon us out of their trenches, most of them being shot. At the time of our landing there went by commandement of our Generals within musket shot of the shore, & rode there at ankor some three hours, the Salomon, the Bonaventure , the Elizabeth Constance, the Phenix , the Juell, the Little John, the Delight, the Pegasus, the Exchange, the Francis, the caravell, and the two catches: But when the Generall sir Francis Drake gave over the landing being in his barge, the ships weighed being in some danger, and stoode off againe to the great ships. Then we went to the West end of the Island and there watered: where captaine Grimston going up the hill with 6 or 7 in his company was set upon by the herdmen, who with their dogs and staves killed the captaine and three or foure of his company: the rest were sore wounded: the Salomons Chirurgian taken prisoner, who disclosed our pretended voyage as much as in him lay: so as the Viceroy sent a caravel of adviso into the Indies, unto all such places as wee did pretend to goe to. Howbeit they had intelligence from the king of all our voyage the eight of August, which was three weekes before we set foorth of England : as also by a Fleming that had seene all our provision at London . The 28 being Sunday at ten of the clocke at night wee set saile, and stood away Southwest and Southsouthwest some 200 leagues, untill we came in the height of the Islands of Cape Verde, and then more Westerly for Martinino, one of the Islands of the West Indies, which we saw the 27 of October: but the night before we had a storme, in which sir Francis with foure or five other ships bearing on head of the fleete was separated. Then we stood for Dominica , an Island full of inhabitants of the race of the Canibals, not past ten leagues distant from Martinino. In it groweth great store of Tabacco: where most of our English and French men barter knives, hatchets, sawes, and such like yron tooles in trucke of Tabacco. Before we came to Dominica our Generall Sir Francis Drake altered his course, and went for Marigalante, which we had sight of the 28 day, and came to an anker on the Northeast side a saker shot off the shore in 13 fathomes water faire sholding. There the Generall went on shore in his barge, and by chance met a Canoa of Dominicans, to the people whereof he gave a yellow wastcoate of flanell and an hankerchiefe; and they gave him such fruits as they had, and the Dominicanes rowed to Dominica againe. They came thither to fetch some fruits which they sowe and plant in divers places of that Island, which they keepe like gardens. The next morning by breake of day we weyed and stoode betweene the Todos Santos, which are 4 or 5 little Islands betweene Guadalupe and Dominica . There is nothing upon these Islands but wood. We came to the Southeast side of Guadalupe and there ankered hard aboord the shore: the Southwest side of the Island is deepe water and good ankorage: where that day sir John Hawkins came to us againe standing up from the South side of Dominica . There we watered, washed our ships, set up our pinnesses, and refreshed our souldiers on shore. The 30 captaine Wignol in the Francis, a barke of 35 tunnes, being the sternmost of sir John Hawkins fleete was chased by five of the king of Spaines frigats or Zabras being ships of 200 tunnes a piece, which came of purpose with 3. other Zabras for the treasure of S. Juan de Puerto rico: The Francis going roome with them, supposing they had bene our owne fleete, was by them taken in sight of our caravel. They left the Francis driving in the sea with 3 or 4 hurt and sicke men, and tooke the rest of our men into their ships, as the prisoners which wee tooke at S. Juan de Puerto rico told us. The 4 of November we began to unlade the Richard, one of our victuallers, which was by the next day unladen, unrigged and then sunken. Then we stood Northwest & by North: and the next morning saw the Ilands of Monserrata, Redonda , Estazia, S. Christopher and Saba . The biggest of these Islands is not past 8 leagues long. There is good ankorage in 8, 7, and 5 fadomes water faire white sand. Then we stood away Southwest, and on the 8 in the morning being Saturday came to an anker some 7 or 8 leagues off within certain broken Ilands called Las Virgines, which have bene accounted dangerous: but we found there a very good rode, had it bene for a 1000 sails of ships in 14, 12, and 8 fadomes faire sand and good ankorage, high Islands on either side, but no fresh water that we could find: here is much fish to be taken with hookes and nets: also we stayed on shore and fowled. Here sir John Hawkins was extreme sicke; which his sicknes began upon newes of the taking of the Francis. The 18 day wee weyed and stoode North and by East into a lesser sound, which sir Francis in his barge discovered the night before, and ankored in 13 fadoms, having hie steepe hils on either side, some league distant from our first riding. The 12 in the morning we weied and set sayle into the sea due South through a small streit but without danger, and then stode West and by North for S. Juan de Puerto rico, and in the after noone left the 3 small Islands called The passages to the Southward of us, and that night came up to the Eastermost end of S. John, where sir John Hawkins departed this life: upon whose decease sir Thomas Baskervil presently went into the Garland. At 2 of the clocke we came to anker at the estermost side of the chiefe towne called Puerto rico in a sandie bay 2 miles off : where we received from their forts and places where they planted Ordinance some 28 great shot, the last of which strake the admirall through the misen, and the last but one strake through her quarter into the sterage, the Generall being there at supper, and strake the stoole from under him, but hurt him not, but hurt at the same table sir Nicholas Clifford, M. Browne, captaine Stratford , with one or two more. Sir Nicholas Clifford and master Browne died of their hurts. Then wee set sayle and stood to the Eastward, and at midnight tacked about to the West, and in the morning came to an anker before the point without the towne, a little to the Westwards by the 3 Islands. The 13 we rode still untill night, when in the beginning with twenty five pinnesses, boats and shallops manned and furnished with fire-workes and small shot wee went into the rode within the great castels, and in despite of them fired the five Zabras of frigats, all ships of two hundreth tunnes the piece or more, quite burning the Rere-admirall downe to the water, which was the greatest shippe of them all, and also mightily spoiled the admirall and viceadmirall, notwithstanding the castles and ships gave us a hundreth eighty and five great shot, besides small shot abundance. They had also sunke a great shippe in the mouth of the chanell and rafted it over with her mastes almost to the very fortes and castles, so as they thought it impregnable. The frigats had in each of them twenty pieces of brasse, and a hundreth barrels of powder. Their chiefe lading that they brought thither was silke, oyle, and wine. The treasure which they went to fetch, which was brought thither in a ship called the Vigonia, was conveyed into the strongest and surest castell of defence; being, as one of the prisoners confessed, three millions of ducats or five and thirty tunnes of silver. Also they had sent all the women, children, and unable persons into the woods, and left none but souldiers and fighting men in the towne. The fight on our side was resolute, hote, and dangerous: wherein wee lost some forty or fifty men, and so many were hurt. There was also great death of the Spaniards aboord the frigats, with burning, drowning, and killing, and besides some taken prisoners. The 14 we rode stil, being within shot of the uttermost castell: but they fearing the next night we would come in againe, began to warpe up the other 4 frigats, beginning first with the Admirall: which whether by chance or their owne willes wee saw to sinke; and as wee suppose so did they with all the rest, or else by stealth got up farther within their chiefest forces. The 15 also we rode still, and at afternoone wee espied a caravell comming from the castell point: but before our pinnesses could fetch her up, she ranne on shore, where our boates could not come at her because of the breach, and also many of the Islanders came downe to guard her with shot. The beginning of this night we weyed, and stoode one houre to the East, and then tacked about to the West. The 16 being Sunday, and the 17 also we were becalmed. The 18 we ankered a little to the Southward of the Southwest point of the Island, giving the point a birth because of a shoald of sand that lieth some two cables length off: there we rode in foure, five, and sixe fadomes faire white sand, where wee set up more pinnesses, washed our ships, and refreshed our men on shore. Here the Generall tooke a pinnesse of Hispaniola with divers letters, signifying that two Englishmen of warre had done great hurt along their Island. The 20 the Generall rowed to the Phenix , the Delight and the caravell, and caused them to wey and anker right against the mouth of a fresh river in two fadomes water in ozie sand to the Southward of the other ships some league or more. The Generall went into this river three or foure leagues up, and tooke horses in the countrey. Sir Thomas Baskervil rowed up the river, and stayed there all night, and went up into the land three or foure leagues. The 23 wee discharged a barke called the Pulpit and burnt her: and at three of the clocke that afternoone, when we were ready to set saile, there came aboord the Defiance our Admiral, a Spaniard with his wife, who feared some great torment for not having repaired to the towne according to the Generals commandement of that Island, who had commanded that all able men of the fleete should repaire to the towne to defend it against us. Then we stood againe West and by North because of a ledge of rocks that lie sunke 4 or 5 leagues off the Southside of the Island. The 25 we stood away southwest, and saw Mona being a lowe flat Island betweene Hispaniola and S. Juan de Puerto rico. That day the Exchange of captaine Winter spent her boult-sprite; and in the beginning of the night the Phenix was sent backe to seeke her: which by Gods help that night met with her, and kept her company until the next morning, then taking in a small cable from her for a towe: but by 9 that morning she spent her maine mast and split her foreyard, breaking also her tow: so as they were faine to save some trifles out of her and the men, and to sinke the hull. Then we stood away South and South and by West after the fleete: and the 26 in the morning had sight of the fleete againe. The 29 we had sight of the Island called Curazao within eight leagues of the maine, and on the Northwest side came to an anker in very deepe water hard aboord the shore without any danger: but the Generall weyed presently and stoode away Northwest and by West, and Northnorthwest for the maine, and that night saw Aruba , being somewhat a lesse Island then the other: we left it some three leagues to the Southward of us. On Sunday morning being the last of November wee saw three or foure little Islands called the Monjes, betwixt Aruba and the next North point of the maine. At 12 of the clocke we sawe the maine, where we saw a great current setting to the Westward, and also the water changing very white. The Phenix , the caravell, and one of the catches kept within, and at midnight came under Cape de la Vela, and made a fire, whereby the rest of the fleete came to anker under the Cape, where is a very good rode, faire sholding and sandie ground, fourteene, twelve, and tenne fadoms neere the shore. The Cape is a bare land without trees or shrubs, and falleth in eight or ten leagues Southeast and Northwest: and a saker shot off the point standeth a little Island like Mewestone neere Plimmouth, but somewhat bigger. In the morning the first of December wee imbarked all our souldiers for Rio de la Hacha, which is a towne twenty leagues to the Westwards, one of the ancientest in all the maine, although not very bigge : but it standeth in a most fertile and pleasant soyle. Our men tooke it by ten of the clocke in the night. The ships bearing all that night and the day before in 5 and 6 fadomes, the lesser ships in two fadomes and an halfe water: the Phenix went so neere the shore by the Generals commandement, that shee strake on ground, but got off againe. There lieth to the Eastward of the towne a mile or thereabout a shold of sand: therefore give a birth some halfe league or more before you come right against the town. There wee came to anker in two fadomes, but the great ships rode off in five and sixe fadomes. There is a fresh river about a bow-shot to the Eastward of the towne; whereinto our pinnesses could scarse enter by reason of a barre of sand in the rivers mouth, but within it is navigable for barkes of twenty or thirty tunnes some sixe or eight leagues up. The sixth day the Spaniards came in to talke about the ransome of the towne, but not to the Generall his liking: and that night Sir Thomas Baskervil marched up into the countrey to over-runne those parts: and the Generall the same night with some hundreth and fiftie men went by water sixe leagues to the Eastward, and tooke the Rancheria a fisher towne, where they drag for pearle. The people all fled except some sixteene or twenty souldiers, which fought a little, but some were taken prisoners, besides many Negros, with some store of pearles and other pillage. In the houses we refreshed our selves, and were all imbarked to come away, and then had sight of a brigandine or a dredger, which the Generall tooke within one houres chase with his two barges: she had in her Indie-wheat, which we call Maiz, and some silver and pearle, but of small value. On Saturday the seventh, master Yorke captaine of the Hope dyed of sicknes, and then master Thomas Drake the Generals brother was made captaine of the Hope, and master Jonas Bodenham captaine of the Adventure, and master Charles Caesar captaine of the Amitie. The tenth day the Spaniards concluded for the ransome of the towne for 24000 ducats, and one prisoner promised to pay for his ransome 4000 ducats. The fourteenth day they brought in the townes ransome in pearles, but rated so deare as the Generall after conference with them, misliking it, sent it backe againe, giving them foure houres respite to cleere themselves with their treasure. The sixteenth the governour came into the towne about dinner, and upon conference with the Generall told him plainely, that he cared not for the towne, neither would he ransome it: and that the pearle was brought in without his command or consent, and that his detracting of time so long was onely to send the other townes word, that were not of force to withstand us, whereby they might convey all their goods, cattell, and wealth into the woods out of danger. So the General gave the governour leave to depart according to promise, having two houres to withdraw himselfe in safety. The seventeenth Sir Thomas Baskervil with the Elizabeth Constance, the Phenix , the caravel with foure or five pinnesses went some five leagues to the Westward, & landing, marched some foure leagues up into the countrey to a place called Tapia, which he tooke & burned certain villages and ferme houses about it. He had some resistance as he passed over a river, but had but one man hurt, which he brought aboord alive with him: he marched one league farther and burnt a village called Sallamca, and so returned with some prisoners, the souldiers having gotten some pillage. The 18 the Rancheria, and the towne of Rio de la Hacha were burnt cleane downe to the ground, the Churches and a Ladies house onely excepted, which by her letters written to the Generall was preserved. That day wee set sayle and fell to lee-ward, to meete with Sir Thomas Baskervil. The 19 we weighed and stood to leeward for Cape de Aguja, which the twentieth at sunne rising we saw. It is a Cape subject much to flawes, by reason it is a very hie land: and within the cape lieth an Island within the mouth of the sound, which hath a white cliffe or spot in the Westnorthwest part of the Island. The land all about the cape riseth all in homocks or broken steepie hils. A league Southwest within that, (for so falleth the land thereabout) there standeth on the top of a cliffe a watchhouse: and a little within that a small Island: you may goe in betweene the maine and it, or to leeward if you lust: and hard within that is the rode and towne of Santa Martha, which at 11 of the clocke we tooke, the people all being fled, except a few Spaniards, Negros & Indians, which in a bravado at our landing gave us some 30 or 40 shot, & so ran away. That night their Lieutenant generall was taken and some little pillage brought in out of the woods: for in the town nothing was left but the houses swept clean. In all the main is not a richer place for gold: for the hops were mixt with the earth in every place, and also in the sand a little to the leewards of the towne. In the bay wee had a bad rode by reason of a small moone, for every small moone maketh foule weather all the maine along. The 21, the Generall caused the towne to be burnt, and all the ships to wey, and stood out, many of the souldiers being imbarked where the Generall had appointed, in the small ships which rode neerest the shore. We lost that night the company of the Phenix , captaine Austin , Peter Lemond, and the Garlands pinnesse, which stood along the shore, and being chased off by gallies out of Cartha gena Peter Lemond with nine of our men was taken, the rest came safe to our fleete. The 26 we saw the Ilands some twelve leagues to the Eastward of Nombre de Dios standing in toward the shore, but toward night we stood to the offin untill the next day. The 27 we came into the mouth of Nombre de Dios, and by one of the clocke tooke the towne, the people being all fled except some 100 Spaniards, which kept the Fort, and played upon us, having in the fort some 3 or 4 small pieces of ordinance, and one of them brake in discharging at us. They gave us also a voley of small shot: but seeing our resolution in running upon them they all fled and tooke the woods. The towne was bigge, having large streetes, houses very hie, all built of timber, but one Church very faire and large wrought all of timber likewise. Nothing was left in the towne of value: there was a shew in their shops of great store of marchandises that had bene there. There was a mill above the towne, and upon the toppe of another hill in the woods stood a little watch-house, where we tooke twentie sowes of silver, two barres of gold, some money in coyne, besides other pillage. The towne was situated in a waterie soile, and subject much to raine, very unhealthy as any place in the Indies, having great store of Orenges, plantans, cassavy-roots, & such other fruits; but very dangerous to be eaten for breeding of diseases. To the Eastwarde of the towne within the bay runneth out a fresh river of excellent good water, with houses, and all about it gardens: halfe a league from hence due East into the countrey was an Indian towne, whither as we marched a little before our comming away with an hundred men they had broken downe a bridge to hinder our passage, where they lay in ambush with some twentie or thirtie small shot, and bowes and arrowes, set upon us, and killed Lieutenant Jones, hurt three or foure and so fled into the woods, ranne before us and fired their owne towne, and then fled farther into the woods: our men fired diverse other houses in pursuing them, and so returned againe: our Generall with Sir Thomas being in the Rivers mouth with thirtie or fortie men filling water about some myle from us. The road of Nombre de Dios is a faire road: but on each side, as you come to ride before the towne, lyeth a ledge of rockes, but there is no danger because they are in sight. You may ride betweene them in three or foure fadome water, and without if you will in eight or ten fadomes, where neither Castle nor Fort can annoy you. The name of Nombre de Dios was greater then their strength. For they had no Castle nor Fort, but onely the little fort aforesaid standing on the top of an hill, although they might have made it stronger if they would. The 29 sir Thomas Baskervil with 750 armed men, besides Chirurgians and provand boyes, went for Panama. The last of December the Generall burned halfe the towne, and the first of Januarie burnt the rest, with all the Frigats, Barks & Galiots, which were in the harbour and on the beach on shore, having houses built over them to keepe the pitch from melting. The second of January sir Thomas returned with his souldiers both weary and hungry, having marched more then halfe the way to the South sea. The Spaniards played divers times upon us both outward and homeward in the woods, the way being cut out of the woods & rockes both very narrow, and full of myre and water. The march was so sore as never Englishman marched before. Having marched some ten leagues in a marvellous straite way, upon the top of an hill, through which we must needes passe, the Spaniards had set up a Fort and kept it with some 80 or 90 men, who played upon us as we came up, before wee were aware of them, and so killed some twentie or more of us, amongst whom was Captaine Marchant quarter-master Generall, and Ensigne Sampson, Maurice Williams one of her Majesties guard, besides diverse were hurt, as M. Captaine Nicholas Baskervil a valiant gentleman, with divers others. Then sir Thomas had perfect knowledge that they must passe two such Forts more, if he got that, besides Panama to be very strong, the enemie knowing of our comming long before. Also our souldiers had no victuals left, nor any meanes to get more: which considerations caused sir Thomas to returne and give over his attempt. As he marched thitherward he tooke an Indian and sent him to Nombre de Dios with letters of his returne and proceeding. The 5 we set saile at 12 of the clocke, and stood to the Westward. The 10 day we saw an Iland lying Westward some 30 leagues called Escudo, where wee came to anker on the Southside in 12 fadoms water, faire sand and good ankorage. If you come into the Easterne point, give it a birth, because of a ledge of rockes, that lyeth out there from the end of the Island: comming to anker we sawe a roader, who seeing us, set sayle, but that night with our Pinnesses we tooke him, he had nothing in him but a little maiz. The men being examined by the Generall confessed him to be an Advisor sent from Nombre de Dios to all the ports along the coast Westward. This Iland lyeth 9 or 10 leagues from the maine, & is not past two leagues long full of wood, and hath great store of fresh water in every part of the Iland, and that very good. It is a sickly climat also, and given to much raine: here we washed our ships, and set up the rest of our Pinnesses. The 15 day Captaine Plat died of sicknesse, and then sir Francis Drake began to keepe his cabin, and to complaine of a scowring or fluxe. The 23 we set saile and stood up again for Puerto Bello, which is but 3 leagues to the Westwards of Nombre de Dios. The 28 at 4 of the clocke in the morning our Generall sir Francis Drake departed this life, having bene extremely sicke of a fluxe, which began the night before to stop on him. He used some speeches at or a little before his death, rising and apparelling himselfe, but being brought to bed againe within one houre died. He made his brother Thomas Drake and captaine Jonas Bodenham executors, and M. Thomas Drakes sonne his heire to all his lands, except one manor which he gave to captaine Bodenham. The same day we ankored at Puerto Bello, being the best harbour we found al along the maine both for great ships and small. There standeth a saker shot off the shore at the Easterne point a little Iland: and there is betwixt the maine & that 5 or 6 fadomes: but the best comming in is the open mouth betwixt that Iland & another Iland that lyeth to the westward with a range of rocks. In Puerto Bello were but 8 or 10 houses, besides a great new house which they were in building for the Governour that should have bene for that place: there was also a very strong Fort all to the waters side with flankers of great trees and stones filled with earth betweene: and had not our comming disappointed their pretence, they would have made it one of the strongest places in all the maine. There they ment to have builded a great towne. We found there three pieces of brasse ordinance sunke in the sea, which we weighed up, all the people were fled and their goods carried away. Up within this bay there was a little village but of no force, where we found a great fresh river, our men rowing up some two leagues found pillage, as wine and oyle, and some small quantitie of yron. After our comming hither to anker, and the solemne buriall of our Generall sir Francis in the sea: Sir Thomas Baskervill being aboord the Defiance, where M. Bride made a sermon, having to his audience all the captaines in the fleete, sir Thomas commanded all aboord the Garland, with whom he held a Councell, & there shewing his Commission was accepted for General, & captain Bodenham made captaine of the Defiance, & M. Savill captaine of ye Adventure. The 27 died captaine Josias of the Delight, and captaine Egerton a Gentleman of the Foresight, and James Wood chiefe chirurgion of the fleete out of the Garland. The 28 died Abraham Kendall out of the Saker. At this place we watered againe, washed our ships & made new sailes, it being by the Generall and all the captaines agreed, that if we could by any meanes turne up againe for Santa Martha, we should, if not, to goe directly for England . Here also we tooke in some balast as our neede required. The 6 of Februarie the Elizabeth of M. Wattes was discharged and sunke, and that day the Pegasus jolly was going on shore for water, carying no guarde: The Spaniards perceiving it came downe upon them, killed two of them, and tooke 2 or 3 prisoners, and so ranne up into the woods againe. The seventh the Delight and captaine Edens frigat were discharged and sunke because they were old and leaked, and the Queenes ships wanted saylers. That day our men being mustered we had sicke and whole 2000. And the next day we set on shore all our prisoners as Spaniards and Negros. But before at our first comming to Puerto Bello sir Thomas sent two of those Spaniards to Nombre de Dios and to Panama to fetch ransome for some of the chiefest prisoners, but they never returned againe. As we were setting saile there came one with a flagge of truce, and told the General that they had taken 18 of our men, and that they were well used, adding that if he would stay 8 or 10 dayes longer they should be brought from Panama. We supposed this to have bene but a delay to have kept us there while the kings forces had come about by sea, as they dayly expected. We set saile the 8 of Februarie, turning up for Santa Martha, and the 14 day we saw the Ilands of Baru some 14 leagues to the Westward of Carthagena: The Generall that night told us he would stand in for the towne of Baru in the bay: but that night blew so much winde and continued that small moone, that the same night we lost the Foresight, and the next day standing againe to make the land which we had made, we lost companie of the Susan Parnel, The Helpe, and the Pegasus. Then the next day we put over for Cape S. Antonie, and gave over Santa Martha. The 25 we saw the Iland of Grand Cayman some 30 leagues to the Northwestward of Jamaica, being a low sandie Iland, having many tortoyses about it. The 26 we saw the hie land of Cuba to the Eastward of the broken Ilands, to the East of the Iland of Pinos, and were imbayed in among those dangerous places. But perceiving it, we stood out againe South-southeast and so got cleere, and then stood away West and by North for the Ile of Pinos, which we saw the first of March. It is a low land with wood and fresh water to the Western end. If you come in with the middest of it you shall see rise up above the rest of the land 8 or 9 round homockes, and the Westermost hath three in one. Being shot foorth with the West end, and standing in for to water we espied 20 sayle of ships about one in the afternoone. This was a third part of the fleete which the king sent for Carthagena, the rest of the fleete being gone for the Honduras . They were in all 60 sailes sent onely to meete our fleete, being commanded wheresoever they heard we were, to come upon us with all their three forces. This fleete which we met withall came standing for Cape de los Corrientes, and had bene refreshed at Havana. As soone as they discried us, they kept close upon a tacke, thinking to get the winde of us: but we weathered them. And when our Admirall with all the rest of our fleet were right in the winds eye of them, sir Thomas Baskervil putting out the Queenes armes, and all the rest of our fleete their braverie, bare roome with them, and commanded the Defiance not to shoot, but to keepe close by to second him. The Viceadmirall of the Spaniards being a greater ship than any of ours, and the best sayler in all their fleete loofed by and gave the Concord the two first great shot, which she repayed presently againe, thus the fight began. The Bonaventure bare full with her, ringing her such a peale of ordinance and small shot withall, that he left her with tome sides. The Admirall also made no spare of powder and shot. But the Defiance in the middest of the Spanish fleete thundering of her ordinance and small shot continued the fight to the end. So that the Viceadmirall with 3 or 4 of her consorts were forced to tacke about to the Eastward, leaving their admirall and the rest of the fleete, who came not so hotly into the fight as they did. The fight continued two houres & better. At sunne set all the fleete tacked about to the Eastward, we continued our course to the Westward for cape de los Corrientes, supposing we should have met with more of their consorts. In this conflict in the Defiance we had five men slaine, three English men, a Greeke and a Negro . That night some halfe houre after, their fleete keeping upon their weather quarter, we saw a mightie smoke rise out of one of their great ships which stayed behind: which happened by meanes of powder as we thinke, and presently after she was all on a light fire, and so was consumed and all burnt, as we might well perceive. The next day being the second of March in the morning by breake of day we were hard aboord Cape de los Corrientes, which is a bare low cape, having a bush of trees higher than the rest some mile to the Eastward of the cape. All Cuba is full of wood on the Southside . The Spanish fleete which then were but 14 no more than we were, kept still upon our weather quarter, but dared not to come roome with us although our Admirall stayed for them. Assoone as we had cleered our selves of the Cape 3 of their best saylers came roome with the Salomon, which was so neere the land that she could not double the Cape, but tacked about to the Eastward, & so was both a sterne and also to leeward of all our fleete: But when we saw the Spaniards working, the Defiance tacked about to rescue her: which the Spaniards seeing, and having not forgotten the fight which she made the night before, they loofed up into the middest of their fleete againe, and then all the fleete stayed untill the Salomon came up, and so stood along for Cape S. Antonio, which wee came in sight of by two in the after noone, being a low cape also, and to the Southwest a white sandie bay, where 3 or 4 ships may very well water. There is a good road for North & Easterly windes: there the Spaniardes began to fall a sterne. That night wee stood away a glasse or two Northwest, and Northnorthwest, and Northeast, and in the morning-watch South, and in the morning had sight of Cuba about the East part of the Organes, which are dangerous rocks lying 8 leagues off upon the North part of Cuba , presently assoone as you passe Cape S. Anthonie: then we stood to the Eastward of the land, the winde at Southsouthwest, and at 6 at night had foule weather, but after were becalmed all night. The 5 the winde came scant. The 7 we sawe a hie land like a crowne, which appeareth so 13 or 14 leagues to the Westward of Havana, and another place in Cuba called The Table, 8 leagues to the Eastward of the crowne. The land over Havana maketh two small mountaines like a womans breasts or paps. Here we found no great current untill we came to the Gulfe of Bahama. The 10 we saw the Cape of Florida being but a reasonable low land and broken Ilands to the Southward of the Cape. And at two in the afternoone we lost sight of the land 12 leagues to the Northward of the Cape. After we had disemboqued, we stood West till midnight, and were in 28 degrees, and then stood Northeast till the 13 at night, when we were in 31 degrees. And after the wind scanted with a great storme, in which we lost the Bonaventure , and the Little John, they bearing on head. Then we stood with our larbord tacked Eastsoutheast. The 19 we were in 29 degrees our course Eastnortheast. The 21 we had a great stormie gale of winde and much raine but large. And then all the rest of our fleete fell a sterne except the Hope, which bare a head: so that there kept no more with the Admirall, but the Defiance, the Adventure, and the Phenix . The 28 we were in 39 degrees, and stood away for Flores , which the 8 of Aprill we saw, and the 9 came to an anker on the Southside , where we watered because the Defiance when we came in had but two buts of water. We bartered with the Portugals for some fresh victuals, and set here on shore at our comming away out of the Admirall our two Portugall Pilots; which sir Francis Drake caried out of England with him. The 10 being Easter-eve at night we set saile the winde serving us to lie some slent in our course. That night and Easter day we had much raine: the winde came up at Northeast, wee beate it up some 30 leagues to the Eastward, & then about to the West, and so againe to the East, and tryed, and the next boord to the West. On Thursday towards night, being the 16 wee had sight of Corvo againe, we tryed all that night: and on Friday towards night we came to an anker to the Westward of the point of Santa Cruz under Flores : but before midnight we drave, and set saile the next day standing away Northeast. About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde came up againe at North. On sunday the 19 by two of the clocke in the afternoone we had made 20 leagues an East way: and then the winde came up a good gale at Northwest, and so Northeast with a flowne sheete we made the best way we could: but being dispersed by bad weather we arrived about the beginning of May in the West parts of England . And the last ships which came in together to Plimmouth were the Defiance, the Garland, the Adventure, and the Phenix .A Libell of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda, Generall of the king of Spaines Armada, concerning some part of the last voyage of sir Francis Drake; together with a confutation of the most notorious falsehoods therein contained, and a declaration of the truth by M. Henrie Savile Esquire: and also an approbation of both by sir Thomas Baskervil Generall of her Majesties Armada after the decease of sir Francis Drake.
To the courteous Reader.
To the courteous Reader.
WHEREAS Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda,
Generall of the Spanish fleete, hath by his printed letters
published to the world diverse untruthes, concerning our
fleete and the commanders thereof, seeking thereby his
owne glorie, and our disgrace; I have taken upon me
(though of many least able) to confute the same, the
rather for that the printed copie came first into my hands,
having my selfe bene Captaine of one of her Majesties
ships in the same voyage. Take this therefore (gentle
Reader) as a token of my dutie and love to my countrey
and countrey-men, and expect onely a plaine truth, as
from the pen of a souldier and Navigator: Which if you
take in good part, you may draw me hereafter to publish
some greater labour. HENRY SAVILE.
THE true copie of a letter found at the sacking of Cadiz , written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda, Generall of the king of Spaine his Navie in the West Indies, sent unto Doctor Peter Florez, President of the contractation house for the Indies, and by him put in print with privilege: wherein are declared many untruthes, and false reports, tending to the disgrace of the service of her Majesties Navie, and the commanders thereof, lately sent to the West Indies, under the command of sir Francis Drake, and sir John Hawkins Generals at the sea: and sir Thomas Baskervill Generall at land: with a confutation of divers grosse lies and untruthes, contayned in the same letter: together with a short relation of the fight, according to the truth.
The Copie of a letter which Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda, Generall of the king of Spaine his armie, sent unto Doctor Peter Florez, President of the contractation house for the Indies, wherein he maketh mention of the successe of the English armie, after they departed from Panama, whereof was Generall Francis Drake, and of his death.
FROM Cartagena I gave relation unto your Worship how I departed from the citie of Lisbone, in the pursuite of the English armie: although for the great haste the Galeons could not be so well repaired as was needfull, and with foule weather one was lost, and a Fly-boat was burnt. And having sayled many dayes in pursuite of the enemie, untill I arrived at Cartagena , and there taking the advise of Don Pedro de Acunna, Governour of the citie, and Captaine generall (for wee had great neede of water, and to repaire our shippes) we stayed in that port: whereas I had intelligence by an Indian that Francis Drake died in Nombre de Dios, for very griefe that he had lost so many Barkes and men, as was afterwards more manifestly knowen. Thus having given you a rela tion of all that happened hitherto, now I let you understand, that I left this Port the second of March, and tooke our course towardes Havana, where I thought to have found the English fleete. And having used all the diligence possible, upon Munday the eleventh of the said moneth, about two of the clocke in the afternoone, at the end of the Ile of Pinos, in the entrance of Guaniguanico, I met with the English fleete, being fourteene very good ships: I drew towardes them although they had the winde of us, and our Admirall who bore up towards the winde, with other two ships beganne to draw neere them, and although we set thus upon them, three times with all their ships, yet would they not set againe upon us, and those of our men which were farthest off cryed to them amaine, being both within shot of artillerie, muskets, and calivers, whereby they received evident hurt by us: They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner, and especially their Viceadmirall, and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them, they with all expedition and speede possible prepared to flie away, hoysing sailes and leaving their boates for haste in the sea: but I followed them, with nine ships all the night following, and with foure more the next day, till I made them double the Cape of S. Antonie, and to take the course towards the Chanell of Bahama, according to the instructions from his Majestie. It little availed us to be seene, with lesse number of ships, neither yet all the diligence we could use, could cause them to stay or come neere us, nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie, for they fled away as fast as they could, and their shippes were halfe diminished, and that the best part of them: the rest they repaired in Puerto Bello, whereas they were about forte dayes, and so by that meanes they were all well repayred; and our shippes were very foule, because the time would not permit us to trim them: I have sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall, since we departed from Cartagena , we have not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them: and the same day I departed thence, there came unto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse : our Viceadmirall and the rest of our ships have the like impediment, but no great hinderance unto us, for ought I could perceive by our enemies: It is manifest what advantage they had of us, and by no meanes was it possible for us to take them, unlesse we could have come to have found them at an anker. Neverthelesse they left us one good shippe behinde for our share, well manned, which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios, and that they have made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran: and also by meanes of the small time, being straightly followed by us, they had no opportunitie to take either water, wood or flesh, and they are also in such bad case, that I know not how they will be able to arrive in England . The number of men we have taken are about an hundred and fortie, and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort, and some of them rich, as well may appeare by their behaviour: I have no other thing to write at this time. Our Lord keepe you who best can, and as I desire.From Havana the 30 of March,
1596.
DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA.
Licence to Imprint
THE Licenciat Don John Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Sivill, and the Province thereof, who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego, giveth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake, which onely he may do for two moneths, and no other to imprint the same within the said terme, upon paine of tenne thousand Maravedis for his Majesties chamber.Given in Sivill the 15 of May 1596.
The Licenciat Don John Bermudes of Figueroa.
By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie.
The answere to the Spanish letter.
THIS letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie, was altogether received for an undoubted trueth, and so pleasing was this newes unto the Spaniarde, that there was present commandement given to publish the letter in print, that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common joy: the which letter printed in Sivill, bearing date the 15 of May, 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Savile Esquire, who being employed in that service for the West Indies, and Captaine of her Majesties good shippe the Adventure, under the conduct of sir Francis Drake, and sir John Hawkins, hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into Eng lish. And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare, the sayde Henrie Savile doth answere particularly to every untrueth in the same letter contayned, as hereafter followeth.First the Generall doth say, that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios, as he had intelligence by an Indian.
THE Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes: It is the first newes in his letter, and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine. For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him, whose life was a scourge and a continuall plague unto them: But it was a point of great simplicitie, and scarcely beseeming a Generall, to tie the credite of his report locally to any place upon the report of a silly Indian slave. For it had bene sufficient to have sayd, that Francis Drake was certainly dead, without publishing the lie in print, by naming Nombre de Dios: for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo, and Puerto Bello: but the Generall being ravished with the suddaine joy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie, doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea, and heaping one lie upon another, doth not cease untill he hath drawen them into sequences, and so doth commende them unto Peter the Doctor, as censor of his learned worke.Secondly, The Generall doth write unto the Doctor, that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men.
A THING very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie, should have such speculation in the bodie of him whom they never saw, as to deliver for truth unto his countrie, the very cause or disease whereof hee died: and this second report of his is more grosse then the first. For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable; notwithstanding, this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly proove that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie. And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Navie, by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death, we had none (one small pinnesse ex cepted) which we assuredly know was taken by chance, falling single into a fleete of five Frigates (of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio) neere unto the Iland of Dominica, and not by the valour of Don Bernaldino : the which five Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe, for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Juan de Puerto rico, and one other was sunke in the same harbour, and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz . This I thinke in wise mens judgements, will seeme a silly cause to make a man sorrowe to death. For true it is, sir Francis Drake died of the fluxe which hee had growen upon him eight dayes before his death, and yeelded up his spirit like a Christian to his creatour quietly in his cabbin. And when the Generall shall survey his losse, he shall finde it more then the losse of the English, and the most of his, destroyed by the bullet: but the death of Sir Francis Drake was of so great comfort unto the Spaniard, that it was thought to be a sufficient amendes, although their whole fleete had beene utterly lost.Thirdly, the Generall doth say of his owne credite, and not by intelligence from any Indian or other, that on the eleventh of March last he met the English fleete at the Ile of Pinos, being fourteene good shippes: who although they had the winde of him, yet he set upon them three times with all their shippes : but the English Fleete fled, and refused to fight, shooting now and then a shot, but especially the Viceadmirall.
THIS third lie of the Generall Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda (whose name for the prolixitie thereof may be drawen somewhat neere the length of a cable) hath no colour of protection, but it hath a just proportion in measure to the lies of olde Bernardino de Mendoza his countreyman, concerning the overthrowe of hir Majesties Navie in the yeere one thousand five hundred eightie and eight. For except Don Bernaldino the Generall did purpose to winne the whetstone from Don Bernardino de Mendoza the olde Spanish lyer; I cannot conjecture why he should write to his countrey for a truth, that he chased the English Navie with nine shippes, and did three severall times give the onset to the English fleete, who being fourteene good shippes (as he saith) did flie and refuse to fight; considering that the Spanish Viceadmirall (if he be living) and many other can witnesse the contrarie: who fighting like a true valiant man, departed from the fight with a tome and battered shippe to save her from sinking. Neither can I imagine that there is any one in the Spanish Fleete (Don Bernaldino excepted) that will say they were lesse then twentie sayle of shippes when they met the English fleete: and the Spanish Navie can witnesse that they received such store of bullets from the English fleete, that they were glad to depart, and in despight of them the English navie did holde their determined course: And taking a viewe of the Spanish fleete the next day, their number was not above thirteene ships, which did argue that they were either sunke or fled to harbour to save themselves.Fourthly, the General saith, that the English fleete fled away, and left their oares for hast behind them in the sea.
IT was strange that they should leave behinde them oares in the sea, sithence there was not in the English fleete either Galley or Galliasse, which required the use of oares: as for the oares of their ship-boates and other such small vessels, they had stowed them aboord their shippes, and were no impediment unto them, but most necessarie for them to use, and therefore not likely they would cast them overboord: But it is more likely, that the Generall fell into some pleasant dreame at Sea, wherein he did see a false apparition of victorie against the English, and for lacke of matter did set this downe in his letter for newes to his countrey: It is sinne to belie the Devill, and therefore the Generall shall have his right: the letter is so well contrived, and yet with no great eloquence, but with such art, that there are not many more lines, then there are lies, which shewed that there are wonderfull and extraordinarie gifts in the Generall: but I am perswaded if Don Bernaldino had thought that his letter should have beene printed, he would have omitted many things conteined in the letter: for the Doctor did use him somewhat hardly in shewing the letter openly, and more in suffering it to bee printed: for friendes may like good fellowes send lies one to the other for recreation, and feed their friends with some small taste thereof, so it be kept close, without danger to incurre the title of a lying Generall: But as the matter is now handled through the simplicitie of the Doctor, I cannot see but the Generall Don Bernaldino is like to carrie the title equally twixt both his shoulders.Fiftly, the Generall doth say in his printed letter, that notwithstanding all the diligence he could use, he could not cause the English fleete to stay nor come neere them, nor discharge one harquebuze or peece of artillerie, but fled away as fast as they could.
AND this lie also he doth not receive by intelligence from any other, but himselfe was an eye-witnesse in the action, which made him bold to sende this with the rest into his countrey for current newes: but herein Don Bernaldino was more bolde than wise, for the tome and battered sides of his Galeons, being compared with her Majesties shippes, and others that served in that fight, doe declare, that his ships received at least two bullets for one. Neither can it be concealed but his owne countreyman (if any do favour truth) may easily see the losse, and late reparations, done unto the kings fleete, sithence they did encounter with the English Navie, whensoever they that remaine shall arrive in Spaine. But the Generall seemeth to be a very good proficient in his profession, and waxeth somewhat bold, treading the true steps of olde Bernardino de Mendoza: and yet Mendoza was somewhat more warie in his lies, for he had sometime the colour of intelligence to shadowe them: but the Generall growing from boldnesse to impudencie maketh no scruple to say, that the English Navie fled as fast as they could without discharging any harquebuze or peece of artillerie, when as the battered sides of his ships doe returne the lie to his face: For in this conflict Don Bernaldino did behave himselfe so valiantly, that he was alwayes farthest off in the fight, and had so great care of his owne person, that he stoode cleare from the danger of musket or any small shot, and durst not approch; whereas our Generall was the foremost, and so helde his place, untill by order of fight other shippes were to have their turnes, according to his former direction : who wisely and politikely had so ordered his vangarde, and rereward, that as the manner of it was altogether strange to the Spaniarde, so might they have bene without all hope of victorie, if their Generall had bene a man of any judgement in sea-fights: I knowe no reason why the English Navie should flie from him; for the Spaniarde may put all the gaine in his eye that ever he did winne from the English: Peradventure some silly novice of our countrey meeting the Generall in Spaine, and hearing a repetition of so many sillables in one name, as Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda, might thinke them to be wordes of conjuration, and for feare of raysing a spirit, might flie from him as from the Devill: or some simple Indian slave hearing the like repetition of his long and tedious name, might suppose it to be an armie of Spaniards, and for feare runne away: but the commanders and captaines of the English Navie were men of such resolution, that no Spanish bragges could dismay them (for they have often met them with their Pikes in their Spanish beardes) nor the countenance of Don Bernaldino quaile them, although hee were acowtred in his gilt leather buskins, and his Toledo rapier.Sixtly the Generall saith in his letter, that notwithstanding their flying away so fast, the English left them one good ship well manned, who tolde him that Drake dyed in Nombre de Dios: in which ship were one hundred and fortie men, and fifteene noble captaines of the best sort.
THE Generall Don Bernaldino, like a resolute Spaniarde having already gone over his shooes, maketh no danger to wade over his bootes also: and as he hath begunne, so hee doth conclude. I marvaile that he did not in writing his discourse remember this old saying: that is, A liar ought to have a good memorie: It were much better for him in mine opinion to revoke the testimonie which he saith he had from the Englishmen, concerning Sir Francis Drake his death at Nombre de Dios, and stand to the intelligence received from the silly Indian slave, as it appeareth in his first lie: for without all doubt there is no English man that will say (if he have his right senses) that he dyed at Nombre de Dios, for they all knowe the contrarie: neither can the General avouch that he received intelligence from any English man, that after the death of Sir Francis Drake they did elect for Generall Colonel Quebraran (as he doth most falsely affirme in the latter ende of his vaine and frivolous letter) seeing that this name was strange & unknowen to any in the English Navie. Neither do I imagine that any of those which the Generall saith he hath taken, were so forgetfull, as not to remember their Generals name. But without all doubt this addition of so new and strange a name to the English Generall, doth proove that Don Bernaldino is not unfurnished of a forge and storehouse of lies, from whence as from an everflowing fountaine, he sendeth forth lies of al sorts sufficient for his own store, and great plentie to furnish his friends: the Generall was much beholding to his godfathers who gave him the name Bernaldino, which we in English doe take to be plaine Barnard, which name hath as it were a kinde of privilege from being sharpely reprehended, when the partie is thought to erre: for it is a common saying amongst the schoolemen that Bernardus non videt omnia, viz. Barnard seeth not all things, (when he doth dissent from their opinions) the which favour we could be content to yeeld to Bernaldino for the name sake, if he were not taken with so many manifest and impudent lies: neither doe I thinke that Sennor Bernaldino will say, that he sawe all that he hath written, be it spoken in councell for shaming the Generall: for is there any man so voide of reason as to thinke, that any Englishman being demanded of his Generals name, would write or speak Quebraran for Baskervil. So much difference there is in the sound of the sillables, as there is no affinitie at all, or likelihood of truth. But such are the Generals rare gifts, (be it spoken to his small prayse) that we Englishmen must of force confesse, that the Generall hath given a proud onset to carrie the whetstone from Sennor Bernaldino de Mendoza : neither will the hundred and fortie men and fifteene noble Captaines (which he saith he did take, of whom he might have bene rightly informed of their Generals name) acquit him of lying forgerie, for giving the name of Quebraran to the English Generall. As for the good shippe well manned, which he saith the English left them after the fight, I am perswaded he hath no man to witnesse that lie, for the ship was separated by weather from the English fleete in the night, thirteene dayes before the fight with the Spanish Navie, and never to any mans knowledge came more in sight of the English fleete. If the Spanish ship by chance did take the saide well manned ship (as they call her) I doubt not but they have the ship, the hundred and forty men, and the fifteene noble Captaines to shew : But evermore I gesse the Spanish reckoning will fall short when it is examined, for the fifteene noble Captaines will proove, (as I take it) but three, whose losse I grieve to thinke on: Neither did the Spaniards gaine them by valour, or we loose or leave them for cowardise, as most untruely this bragging lier hath certified. But the Generall like a provident man, to make his fame and credite the greater with his Prince and countrey, taketh upon him (amongst other his miracles performed before the English fleete) by way of amplification to make small matters seeme great, as a little shooe to serve a great foote, and finding that it can hardly be brought to passe, he doth so stretch the leather with his teeth that it is readie to breake: and yet notwithstanding al this will not serve his purpose; for the printing of the letter doth marre the play, and bringeth such matter in question, as the Generall doth wish might be concealed, and were he not of so drie and cholerick a complexion, as commonly Spaniards are, he would blush for very shame in publishing so impudently such manifest untruthes. For sithence his meeting with the English fleete at the Ile of Pinos, there hath bene by the worthie English Generals an honourable expedition from England into the Continent of Spaine, where amongst other exploites having taken the citie of Cadiz , in the sacke thereof was found some of Don Bernaldino his printed letters: which comming to the handes of a captaine that served in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the West Indies, he hath thought very fit (in regard of the slanders to the English Navie contained in the saide letter) to quote the errors, that the trueth onely may appeare, to all such as have a desire to be rightly informed of such accidents as befell them in this late voyage to the West Indies: and this may suffise to shew Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda his great judgement in amplifying small matters, or of nothing to make in shewe somewhat. And now having thus farre informed you of the trueth in reproofe of the slanderous, false, and untrue reports of this glorious lying Generall, with a true disproofe to some of the grossest of his lies, I will leave him with the rest of his lying letter, and the circumstances therein contained to your censures: who in discretion may easily discerne the same: And have here following plainely and truely set downe the course and order of our whole fight after we met.The meeting of our English Navie and the Spanish fleete, and the order of our encounter.
SUNDAY the first of March, according to our computation, wee descryed the Iland of Pinos, where haling in for the Westerne part thereof, thinking there to have watered, being within foure leagues off it Southerly, we sent in three of our Pinnesses to discover the harbour, and to sound afore us, about one of the clocke in the afternoone; the same day we discovered a fleete of twentie sailes, and deeming them to be the Spanish fleete, we kept our loofe to get the winde, but their Viceadmirall with divers other ships went about to cut off our Pinnesses: so that our Generall with some other of our shippes, was forced to tacke about upon the larbourd tacke, and so ranne in towardes the lande keeping the winde, so as we recovered our Pinnesses; which forced the enemies shippes to tacke about, and to take the aide of their fleete, and being come neere unto them they shot at us; we still approched, having our close fights up, our flags, ensignes and streamers displayed, our men orderly placed in each quarter, but forbare our fight untill our Generall beganne, and gave us warning to come in and fight, by shooting off a great peece, according to his former directions: so being within musket shot, the Viceadmirall of the Spanish fleete came neerest unto us, to whom our Viceadmirall John Traughton Captaine of the Elizabeth Bonadventure gave fight, betwixt whom there was the greatest voley of small shot changed that lightly hath bene heard at Sea, which continued a long halfe houre. In which time the Spanish fleete came in to fight. Our Generall Sir Thomas Baskervill being in the Garland (whereof Humphrey Reignolds was Captaine, being the next shippe unto the Elizabeth Bonadventure) bare up to the enemie, playing with his great ordinance hotly untill he came within musket shot. Jonas Bodenham Captaine of the Defiance, and Henrie Savile Captaine of the Adventure, came likewise in to fight with them. After the Garland being within musket shot played her part, and made good fight for the space of an houre. The Defiance bare up likewise and had her turne: after came the Adventure againe within musket shot, who having changed many a great bullet with them before, renewed his fight, & continued it an houre with small shot. Then came Thomas Drake Captaine of the Hope, who last of all had his turne. Thus had all the Queenes shippes their course: The marchants ships with other small vessels being without the Queenes ships, shot when they saw opportunitie. After the enemie finding no good to be done (being well beaten) fell from us, the Adventure playing upon them with her great ordinance, made three of the last shot at them: their Viceadmirall with divers others of their ships, were so beaten that they left off the fight, and were forced to lie in the winde, for that they durst not lie of either boord by reason of their many and great leakes, which they had received by our great shot. The Generall with the rest of their fleete tacking about, fell in our wake, thinking to get the winde, which in the beginning wee sought to hinder. But our Generall seeing that in holding the winde we should shoot our selves into the bay, gave them the winde. All that night they kept themselves upon our brode side, notwithstanding our Admiral carried his cresset-light all night, having great care of our smallest shippes. This fight continued about foure houres till it was neere night, in the which fight, thankes be to God, there were slaine so few persons of our English fleete, as I thinke the like conflict hath not bene performed with so little losse of men: What harme befell the Spaniards in their fleete I leave to your judgements. Yet our eyes can witnesse their ships were sore beaten and racked thorough, whereby there was such falling backe and lying by the lee to stoppe their leakes, as some of them were driven to haste away, and rather to runne on shore to save themselves then sinke in the Sea: besides within two houres after our fight with them, we sawe one of their great shippes on fire which burnt into the Sea, and all the sterne of another of their ships blowen up: And in the morning a shippe of our fleete was runne so neere the land, that to double the Cape de los Corrientes he must of necessitie tacke about and fall in the wake of the enemie, which caused our Generall in the Garland and the Defiance to tacke about; which two ships forced the three ships of the enemies (which were put foorth to take our shippe, or else to cause her runne on ground) to returne to their fleete to save themselves, hoysing all their sayles for haste: This morning they were faire by us having the winde of us, being but thirteen sayle of their twentie to be seene: then we stroke our toppe sayles thinking to have fought with them againe, which they perceiving tacked about from us, and after that never durst nor would come neere us: What became of the rest of their fleete wee knowe not, but true it was that they were in great distresse mightily beaten and tome, by having received many bullets from us. All this day wee had sight of them, but they shewed little will to fight or come neere us, so we keeping our course West, and by North, about sixe of the clocke at night lost the sight of them. And this is a true discourse of our fight with the Spanish fleete. The which the author hereof will justifie with the adventure of his life, against any Spaniarde serving in that action, that shall contradict the same.
HENRY SAVILE.
Thomas Baskervil knight, his approbation to the former twofold discourse of Captaine Savile.
I THOMAS BASKERVILL knight, Generall of her Majesties late Indian armada in the late conflict had betweene the Spanish fleete and us, having perused the Spanish letter written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda, Generall of the king of Spaines Navie, and also having perused captaine Henrie Savile his answeres unto the sixe exceptions in the Generals letter, with his discourse of the manner of our fight with the Spanish fleete, doe say that the said Henrie Savile hath answered the letter, and set downe the order of the fight sincerely according to truth, for testimonie of which I have hereunto set my hand. And if Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Avellaneda the Generall shall take any exceptions to this my approbation, or stand in the justification of his lying letter written to Doctor Peter Florez, President of the Contractation house for the Indies, and by him for Bernaldinos glorie lately put in print: I then say that he falsely lyed, and that I will maintaine against him with whatsoever armes he shall make choyce of. And because the kingdomes wherein we abide are enemies (by reason of which there is no meanes in either of them, to maintaine that I have written) let him make choise of any indifferent kingdome of equall distance from either realme, and I will there be readie to maintaine as much as I have written: But if by my imployments into France I be so stayed by her Majesties commandements, that I cannot out of that realme meete him in any other, I cannot see why he should take any exception to that, considering the equalitie of the place, and that the Armies of both our princes be there resident. THOMAS BASKERVILE.
A true relation of the voyage undertaken by Sir Anthony Sherley Knight in Anno 1596. intended for the Ile of San Tome, but performed to S. Iago, Dominica , Margarita, along the coast of Tierra firma, to the Ile of Jamaica, the bay of the Honduras , 30 leagues up Rio Dolce, and homewarde by Newfoundland . With the memorable exploytes atchieved in all this voyage.
WE departed from Hampton the 23 of Aprill with nine ships and a gallie. The Bevice Admirall being 300 tunnes, the Galeon Viceadmirall being 240 tunnes. The George Rereadmirall being 160 tunnes. The Archangel being 250 tunnes. The Swanne 200 tunnes, the George Noble being 140 tunnes, the Wolfe 70 tunnes, the Mermayde 120 tunnes, the Little John 40 tunnes the Galley and a Pinnesse. All which ships we sufficiently victualled and furnished for ten monethes, with all necessaries fit for the voyage. They were also manned with souldiers and saylers, exceeding well appointed with all furniture necessarie for the intended purpose of our Generall to the full number of 900. ratably & orderly distributed into every ship. We arrived at Plimmouth the 29 of Aprill, where wee found the Right honourable Earle of Essex readie for the attempt of his Cadiz Action, with whom our Generall left three ships and 500 souldiers well victualed and furnished. So the 21 of May we departed from Plimmouth with the Bevice, the Gallion, the George, the George Noble, the Wolfe and the Galley and Pinnesse, determining our voyage for the Ile of S. Tome. But if our whole force had remayned with us our Generals purpose was to have first sackt the Madera Ile, and so to have proceeded for S. Tome. The 27 of May we arrived upon the coast of Spaine, coasting all the shore, hoping to meete with some of the kings ships. From thence we past in sight of the coast of Barbary, and came to Masagant, within shot of the Fort, which our Generall reported to be an excellent fortification, where the Spaniard is in strong garrison. And bending our course for the Canarie Iles there purposing to water, our galley lost her rudder; so our Generall directed the George Noble to goe for the Ile Mogador, there to repaire the Gallies wants. Betweene which place and the Canarie lies we tooke a fly-bote of two hundred tunnes bound for Brasill, having nothing aboord her but some small portion of victuals for their reliefe. The Captaine of this Flybote tooke upon him to be a perfect Pilot of S. Tome, and willingly consented to stay with us, being a Fleming . Having watered at the Canaries, by the counsell of this Fleming we shaped our course for the Iles of Cape Verde, he assuring us that we should there meet the fleete of Saint Tome, for the yeere was so farre past, that we knewe they were all departed from S. Tome. The first of July we fell with the Isle Maio, where wee saw small hope of any fleete to bee expected, & therefore departed for Cape Verde, the appointed place for the George noble to meete us: where we arrived the fift of July, and there found him. And so instantly we proceeded for our voyage, because the yeere was farre spent. At this place most unfortunately our General fell exceeding sicke, and we wanting water were enforced to goe with a place named Pescadores in 10 degrees of North latitude, where we had many skirmishes with the barbarous Negros. Our Generall now hopelesse of life, and we all dismayed and comfortlesse through that his exceeding extremity, having his memory very perfit, he called all his Captaines, Masters, and officers unto him, unto whom he made a very pithie and briefe speech, tending to this purpose: That as we were Christians and all baptised and bred up under one and the true faith, so wee should live together like Christians in the feare and service of God: And as we were the subjects of our most excellent sovereigne, and had vowed obedience unto her: so we should tend all our courses to the advancement of her dignity, and the good of our countrey, and not to enter into any base or unfit actions. And because we came for his love into this action that for his sake we would so love together as if himselfe were still living with us, and that we would follow (as our chiefe commander) him, unto whom under his hand he would give commission to succeede himselfe: all which with solemne protestation we granted to obey. Then for that the yere was past, and finding the cost of Guynea most tempestuous, hee saw in reason that the bay of Æthiopia would be our utter overthrow, and infect us all to death: whereupon he advised us to be respective of our selves, and to divert our purpose from S. Tome, either for Brasil or the West India, yeelding many reasons that it was our best course: but we all with one voice desired to proceede for S. Tome. And so departing from this contagious filthy place, we directed our course for S. Tome, but could by no means double the sholds of Madrabomba, but very dangerously ran into shold water, still hoping of the best. In fine we were enforced to beare up & take some other course; for the time wasted, our men fell sicke, and the coast was contagious alwayes raging & tempestuous. The water falling from the heavens did stinke, and did in 6 houres turne into maggots where it fell either among our clothes, or in wads of Ocombe . So by a general consent it was held to be our best course to goe for the West India; & so much the rather, because we had good pilots for that place, who undertooke more then was after performed. So we bent our course for the Isles of Cape Verde, & arriving at the Isle of S. Iago the 30 of August, we presently landed at Praia , where we found a smal barke in the rode laden with wine and meale. After we were departed from this vile coast of Guyny our Generall to our great comforts began to recover strength; so that being now at Praia , he was able to land with us. In our landing the people made a shew of great resistance, but we entred the towne without hindrance, being a very pretie towne, having a small fort in it, with 6 or 8 cast pieces. Being here on shore, and finding nothing left in the towne, divers of our company were very importunate with our Generall, that he would go to the citie of S. Iago being 6 miles off: through their importunitie he yeelded consent, and so we marched towards the citie with 280 souldiers. As we passed by the Negros and herdsmen, they would crie unto us Guarda S. Iago. That night we lost our way, & lay under a hedge. The next morning the Ordinance of S. Iago was shot off to give us notice where the towne was: so wee marched towards it at the breake of the day. The countrey then being all spred over with people made shew of feare only to draw us into the town: but we farther marched with our colours flying by the drumme. The gentelmen would come gallopping by us and viewing us very much. But when we came in sight of the towne, we could see no way how to get into it, but by one little path downe a very steepe hill, only man by man to go downe. The strength and situation of this towne was sufficient to have danted a man of very good courage, for it standeth between two steepe cliffes strongly housed, & three exceeding good forts commanding the whole, the chiefest and best standing upon the top of the hill right over the towne: so that from thence with muskets they command every streete, the other 2 forts standing by the waters side, all three commanding the rode, and these two every streete in the towne. Upon the front of the towne the sea beateth, the rest standeth betweene two mighty cliffes, not accessible but by one small path, by which wee were enforced to goe. Our Generall seeing himselfe thus straighted, and perceiving the drift of the Portugals was to draw him into this trench, and knowing wel that he could not returne as we came, by reason of many straights and advantageable places, with an excellent resolution (like unto himselfe) cryed out, all courage my hearts: assure your selves that the device of the Portugals shall serve our turne this day; for they will suffer us quietly to passe downe into their supposed trappe, and then will pursue us, then which nothing can happen better. The day is ours now shew your selves as I know you will: and so presently we descended into the trench. And being downe the enemy pursued with a mightie crie, and all the cliffes on both sides were beset full of men; shot, and stones we wanted none from them on every side in great plenty; for this naturall trench was not halfe a musket shot over. Those that attempted our Rereward by our Generals policie were so received that they made a stand, and never more came neere us. We had now halfe a mile to the towne, into the which when wee came, wee were received with the streetes full of souldiers, who joyned with us at the push of the pike. But their captaine and divers of them being slaine (feare possessing them) they fled: and our Generall pursuing with such furious speede, did so dismay them that they fled the towne, and the third of August we possessed both the lower forts. Being now masters of the towne, we presently by the Generals direction (whose skill, spirit, and diligence can never have sufficient commendation) baricadoed up all the streets, and brought our selves into a very convenient strength. After we had bene sixe houres in the towne the Portugals still comming in great multitudes to the upper fort, began to sally downe upon us, and to assault us at every baricado: so that in the first assault they slew and wounded eighty of our men, to our very great weakening. But they had small cause of triumph, for their losse was thrise more then ours: but they still prosecuted their assault, not giving us time either to sleepe or eate, so that we were in exceeding extremitie; for their forces did dayly increase to the number of three thousand persons: but we dayly lost of our poore number. Whilest we were thus keeping the towne, our ships came about unto us, who received many dangerous shot from the upper castle. Our Generall finding himselfe thus streighted, & discreetely looking into the policie and strength of the enemy, and scarse able to defend any one assault more, sent to the forts and to his ships that about ten of the clocke in the darke of the night they should shoote at the upper fort with all possible diligence, and send all the boates ashore, which was accordingly perfourmed. And wee likewise keeping a tumult in the towne, the enemie supposing that our purpose was to assault the upper fort, (which God knowes was most impregnable for us) retyred from their plotted purpose for the defence thereof. So we in a souldierlike order with very good safety departed the towne, although the Portugals having espied our Generals policie came very furiously upon the backe of us, after we had kept it two dayes and two nights. In the rode of S. Iago we tooke a ship with wine and cloth, which did greatly refresh our men. From hence we sayled to an Isle called Fuego, being a very small Isle, with a very high hill in the midst of it, which continually burneth: this Isle is invincible by nature, high cliffed round about, yet by diligent search we found a small path where wee landed our men with exceeding much difficulty, and so were masters of the Isle the eleventh of September, where wee tooke in water, but the Isle yeelded us nothing but miserable infection. One night wee had a showre of ashes which fell so thicke into our ships from that burning hill of Fuego, that you might write your name with your finger upon the upper decke. Departing from this place the twentieth of September, we shaped our course for Dominica an Isle in the West India: but before we came thither our men fell generally downe, so that the hole could not relieve the sicke, the disease was so vile that men grew lothsome unto them selves, franticke and desperately raving, among whom our good Generals part was not the least; for his disease was vehement, the griefe of his mind, the lamentation of his men, and the losse of those whom he loved were to him torments more then durable: all which with patience and humilitie in prayer he humbled himselfe unto. But had not his mind bene invincible and his desires above the ordinary course of men, it had bene impossible that life should now have rested in him: but God (I hope) hath preserved him to some exceeding good purpose. Arriving at Dominica the seventeenth of October, with all our men sicke and feeble, wee found there two hote bathes, wherein our weake men washing themselves were greatly comforted: and the Indians of this place used us with great kindnesse, so that we were all perfectly well before we departed from this place. For here we stayed untill the 25 of November. From Dominica we sayled to Margarita, betweene the Isle and the maine, thinking to meete with the perle dredgers, but wee found them not. And comming to the point of Araia in the road of Cumana , we sawe a Flemish ship riding; the marchant and men whereof came aboord us, and brought with them my lord Admirals passe. By which meanes our General would in no sort meddle with them, yet they were very rich. Departing thence by Cape Coadera, going for Cape de la Vela at the Isle Buenaire our Fliboat was cast away, & some of the men lost, but the most part saved. Coasting all the shore from Cape de la Vela, being bound for S. Martha, we tooke a small frigat laden with Guiny corne, the eleventh of September: she had in her money to the valew of 500 pound, linnen cloth and China silke, all which our General bestowed upon his company to comfort them after their long sustained miseries: Out of which frigat we had 2 good pilots for those coasts: for our pilot, that promised many things before we came thither, was now absent in the Woolfe, who, we thinke, did wilfully loose us. Arriving at S. Martha, two leagues West from the towne in a faire bay, we landed the 12 of September, & so marched to the towne being often times encountred by the way, and in a narrow way at our descent downe a hill, they had placed two cast pieces of brasse, which we recovered, and so entred the towne, the enemie flying before us. While we abode in this towne, there came one Don Martin de Castilla, a gentleman of good education and a very great traveller, who knew the whole state of the West India, Malucos, & Philippinas: he had bene in China , and made many relations to our Generall, his purpose was to save the towne from burning, wherin he prevailed, but ransome I know of none we had: for this gentleman made many great protestations of great poverty to be in that place. So wee departed, onely taking their ordinance, and a prisoner lost there by sir Francis Drake, with some reliefe of victuals. Having stayed there al the time of Christmas, we departed thence on Newyeres day, with termes of great content to our General in the Spaniards great submission unto him, for they were now within a league of us with 700 souldiers. And being challenged by him to defend their towne like men of worth, they did notwithstanding intreat favour with great humilitie. Whilest we were at S. Martha, the Wolfe came againe unto us: so wee shaped our course for Jamaica , and missing the rode, were constrained to saile round about the Isle, a thing not before done. In this place the Wolfe absolutely againe forsooke us with the smal barke that we tooke at S. Iago, and returned for England with hard newes of our ruine, but by Gods favourable help wee arrived in the road of Jamaica the 29 of January, which is very dangerous to enter by reason of the sholds and rocks that lie before it. Here we landed and marched 6 miles into the countrey, where the towne standeth; the people all on horsebacke made shew of great matters, but did nothing. Now being masters of the towne and whole Isle, the people submitted themselves to our Generals mercy: and here they provided for us great store of dried beefe, and Cassavi meale, a base food, yet the best that the countrey yeeldeth, to continue at sea. This Isle is a marveilous fertil Isle, & is as a garden or store house for divers parts of the maine. It is full of plaine champion ground, which in the rest of the Indies we have not seene: it aboundeth with beeves and Cassavi, besides most pleasant fruits of divers sorts. We have not found in the Indies a more pleasant and holsome place. During the time that we remained in this Isle the captaine of the Isle came often aboord us, we having pledges for the security of their promise. They were in fine at our Generals devotion, to dispose of al things, and in all things as he pleased, so that now we were as one people & in one peace together. Being almost ready to depart, M. captaine Parker of Plimmouth came into the rode in his ships boat the second of March, with whom our Generall consorted to goe for the bay of Honduras , where by his perswasion we had great hope of a very good voyage. And departing from Jamaica the 6 of March, we sailed to Cape de Corrientes in Cuba , to looke for a barke of M. Parkers for our better strength: but not finding her, we went for the cape of Honduras , where we purposed to entrap the watch, & so to sacke the towne of Truxillo, but the watch discovering us, made great fires, and the towne presently shot off a great piece, and answered with fires. Notwithstanding the next day being the 31 of March we brought our ships under the fort, and landed our men, but it was a vaine purpose: for the towne is not to be taken but by exceeding multitudes, for it is invincible by nature. It standeth upon the top of a very steepe hill, bordering close to the sea: so environed with woods of such exceeding thicknes, that there is no passage among the trees, which if they were gone, yet there is no climbing up the hill, only having one narrow lane to go into the towne; at the end whereof is a great gate very strongly fortified, so that it is not to be approched unto, so that with the losse of some few men, we retired from this enterprise, being altogether impossible to be atchieved by our few and weake men. We departed from Truxillo the second of April and went for Puerto de Cavallos lower down in the bay, stil nourishing our hope of good successe: and comming thither found it reasonably fortified, but wee presently prevailed and tooke it the 7 of April, being the most poore and miserable place of all India . Now our hopes were all frustrate and no likelihood remayning how we could by any meanes make a voyage: our General reserving unto himselfe his silent inward impatience, laboured to doe some memorable thing. And in fine concluded by Rio Dolce to search with his boats some narrow passage or Isthmos for the South sea, alleaging that if hee could but finde a boat there, it should serve him to great purpose; against which there could be no reasonable contradiction. All his chiefest sea men consented hereunto, but especially the Captaine of the Admirall. So sayling with the ships to Cape de tres puntas in the bottome of the bay, there leaving the ships well mored the tenth of Aprill he departed with his boats for Rio Dolce, which in many Charts hath his passage through the land. Up this river by many uncertaine windings we passed 30 leagues and better, where we found a strong built fort, a towne, and divers store-houses: but for money or merchandize we found none. Wee learned by the miserable people that we tooke, that the South sea was 20 leagues from the nerest of that river, and that it was 50 leagues to Guatimala, 40 leagues to Sonsonate , and 30 leagues to Sacatocaluca, being townes which we hoped to march unto: so that now we were in worse case then before: for wee were fallen sicke with the unholsomenesse of this ayre, and our victuals so wasted, as that we were desperate how to recover our countrey. Whereupon with most unwilling minds we returned to our shipping, and with all possible expedition weyed, & so laboured upon the tacke to turne out of this very deepe bay, being 60 leagues within the point of land. Being out of the bay, wee shaped our course for Cape S. Anthony. Our General, whose restles spirit continually laboured to avoide the frownes of fortune, had now plotted with the Bevice and Galeon to goe for Newfoundland , and there to revictual, and to have fresh men, of which we stood in good assurance, & so to depart for the streits of Magellan, and so by his very good policie would have concluded his voyage in the East India, which plat I thinke it unnecessary here to reveale, being put in principall trust by him. Being thwart Havana , by what chance I know not, but all his ships forsooke him the 13 of May, and here in a desperate place hee was left desperately alone. The George departed by consent with his letters, the Galeon I know not how: but our misery in the Admirall was very great, for there was not one in the ship that was ever before in the Indies, besides our miserable want of victuals, the danger of the place, and the furious current of the chanel. Notwithstanding we were enforced without stay to disemboque: which happily being performed, we shaped our course for Newfoundland . And by Gods mercy we arrived there the fifteenth of June, not having one houres victuals to spare, and there by our countreymen we were well refreshed: where we stayed till the 24 of June, still expecting the Galeon, for the execution of this his last purpose: but she not comming, and that plat overthrowen, we returned for England , where we found the right honourable the Erle of Essex bound to the seas, with whom wee presently departed in his lordships ship, to doe him our humble service.A voyage of Master William Parker of Plimmouth gentleman, to Margarita, Jamaica , Truxillo, Puerto de Cavallos situate within the bay of Honduras , and taken by sir Anthony Sherley and him, as likewise up Rio dolce: with his returne from thence, and his valiant and happie enterprize upon Campeche the chiefe towne of Yucatan , which he tooke and sacked with sixe and fifty men, and brought out of the harbour a Frigat laden with the kings tribute, and surprized also the towne of Sebo.
IN the yeere 1596, Master William Parker of Plimmouth gentleman being furnished with a tall shippe and a barke at his owne charges, the ship called the Prudence of one hundreth and twenty tunnes, wherein himselfe went captaine, and the barke called the Adventure of five and twentie tunnes, whereof was captain one Richard Hen, departed from the foresayd haven of Plimmouth in the moneth of November, having one hundreth men in his company. The first place where wee touched in the West Indies was the Isle of Margarita on the coast of Tierra firma, where we tooke a Spanish gentleman and others, who for his ransome set at libertie Master James Willis, and five other Englishmen which were prisoners in Cumana, who otherwise were never like to have come from thence. Thus passing from thence, wee sayled over to the Isle of Jamaica, where the second of March we met with sir Anthony Sherley, who before our comming had taken the chiefe towne in the Island, and was now almost in a readines to depart. And here consorting our selves with him, we departed from Jamaica the sixt of March, and resolved to set upon the strong towne of Truxillo neere the mouth of the bay of the Honduras . And having sayled to Cape de Corrientes upon Cuba , to seeke a barke of mine for our better strength; but not finding her, we went for the cape of Honduras , where wee purposed to intrap the watch, and so to have sacked the towne of Truxillo. But the watch discovering us, made great fires, and the towne presently shot off a great piece, and answered with fires. Notwithstanding, the next day being the one and thirtieth of March, wee brought our ships under the fort, and landed our men: but it was a vaine purpose, for the towne is invincible by nature, and standeth upon the top of a very steepe hill joyning close to the sea, environed with woods of such exceeding thicknes, that there is no passage through the trees: there is also but one very narrow and steepe lane to goe into the towne, at the end whereof is a gate very strongly fortified: so that it is not to be approched unto, unlesse it be upon the sudden, and with surprize of the watch: wherefore with the losse of some few men wee retired from this enterprize. From hence we passed up farther into the gulfe the second of April, with intention to invade the towne of Puerto de Cavallos, where wee arrived the seventh of April, and tooke the same, finding it well fortified, but nothing answering our expectation for wealth. Whereupon Sir Anthony Sherley and I being hitherto frustrate of our hopes, resolved here to enter up to the bottome of Rio dolce, and to passe overland unto the South sea. Wherefore wee set forward, and entred above thirty leagues up the sayd Rio dolce, thinking to have passed overland with two companies of men, and to have caried a pinnesse in sixe quarters to be set together with skrewes, and therein to have embarked our selves in the South sea, and there for a time to have tried our fortune; and to have returned overland to the bay of Honduras . But this our diligence tooke no effect, because of the huge highnes of the mountaines, and the length of the way, being more then was given out at the first. Then with much griefe we returned out to Truxillo, where I departed from Sir Anthony Sherley. After my departure from this worthy knight, I set my course for Cape de Cotoche which lieth on the East part of Yucatan from whence I ranged al the North coast of the said promontory of Yucatan , untill I came unto Cape Desconoscido, where I put 56 of my men into a Periago, or long Indian Canoa; and leaving my ship sixe leagues from the towne of Campeche at three of the clocke in the morning I landed hard by the monasterie of San Francisco, and tooke the sayd towne of Campeche , with the captaine and Alcalde, finding therein five hundreth Spaniards, and in two townes close adjoyning to the same eight thousand Indians. The multitude of the Spaniards which fled upon my first assault by ten of the clocke in the morning assembling together renued their strength, and set furiously upon me and my small company. In which assault I lost some sixe of my men, and my selfe was shot under the left brest with a bullet, which bullet lieth still in the chine of my backe. Being thus put unto our shifts wee devised on the sudden a newe stratagem: for having divers of the townesmen prisoners, we tied them arme in arme together, and placed them in stead of a baricado to defend us from the fury of the enemies shot. And so with ensigne displayed, taking with us our sixe dead men, wee retired with more safetie to the haven, where we tooke a frigat which rode ready fraught with the kings tribute in silver and other good commodities, which were presently to bee transported to S. Juan de Ullua, and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship, which lay in two fadome water sixe leagues from the town, being not able to come any neerer for the sholds upon that coast. Over against the place where our ship rode, stoode a towne of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo, which we likewise tooke, where wee found Champechewood good to dye withall, with waxe, and hony. This done we left this coast, and turned up to Cape de Cotoche againe, and ankored every day at noone, because of the brizes, and in turning up I lost my barke called the Adventure, which was taken by 2 frigats of warre, which were manned out from Campeche : wherein Captaine Hen and thirteen of my men were taken, and afterward executed, as since we understand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts. After we had stayed five weekes on this coast, wee shaped our course for Havana , where finding nothing, we disemboqued, and came along by the Isle of Bermuda, and crossed over to The banke neere Cape Race in 22 fadomes : and from thence sayling for England , we fel with Sillie about the first of July, and within two dayes after arrived at Plimmouth, where we found the Right honorable the Erle of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Azores.An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the West Indies, and for Tierra firma, and Nueva Espanna.
IF a man depart from the barre of S. Lucar in Summer time, hee must steere Southwest until hee hath sight of Punta de Naga, which is in the Isle of Tenerif. The markes to know it be these. An high point sloping to the sea, & at the Easter point it hath two down falles like particions, and they shew to be separated from the maine of the Island & stand in 28 degrees & a halfe. And if thou wilt have sight of the Grand Canaria, and findest thy selfe with Punta de Naga, thou shalt then steere Southwest and by South, and so thou shalt have sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees. And thou must come to ankor on the Southeast side of the Island. But I advise thee, if it be in winter time, that thou keepe another course, and that as followeth.The course that a man must keepe departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar.
DEPARTING from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt goe West and by South keeping along the coast, because if thou goe farre from the coast, thou shalt meete with the wind off the sea untill thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin, which is a low flat cape with the sea. And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape, called Casa del Cavallero. And from thence thou shalt steere thy olde course, that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegranza, and Lancerota; and when thou art North and South with Alegranza, thou shalt steere thence Southwest, and so thou shalt see the Canaria, which is a round high land, and standeth in twentie eight degrees.What thou must doe if a contrary wind take thee fiftie leagues off the shore.
WHEN thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off, and there thou chance to meete with a contrary winde off the sea, and if it force thee to put roome, then thou shalt steere Northeast and by East, and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata, which shew when thou art a seaboord so farre as thou mayest descrie them, to be like two points of white sand: and if it be cleere thou shalt see within the land certain high hilles lying Northwest and by West called las Sierras de Zahara, and being three leagues from land thou shalt have thirtie fadomes water, and sand: And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt goe along Northwest by the coast: and if thou be in thirtie or forty fadomes, thou shalt have oaze; but if thou bee in lesse then thirtie fadomes, thou shalt have other sounding; which if it chance, then thou art against S. Pedro. And if it bee by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian, which seemeth to be a shippe under sayle. And thou shalt goe into the bay taking heede of the Puercos, give them a good birth off. And if thou chance to bee benighted when thou fallest with the bay, and wouldest goe into the bay, thou shalt carie thy lead in thy hand, and be sounding: and finding thy selfe in rockie ground, thou shalt steere North because of shunning the Puercos: and yet give them not too great a birth because of The Diamant, and so thou mayest goe in, sounding when thou thinkest good. And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay, and if thou doest not goe into it, then make the largest boord thou canst keeping off till day. If thou be at the Canaries and wouldest sayle to Nueva Espanna, thou shalt sayle foure and twenty houres South because of the calmes of Fierro. And from thence thou shalt goe Westsouthwest, untill thou finde thy selfe in twenty degrees. And then thou must goe West and by South, which is the course for the Isle Deseada. And from Deseada thou shalt goe West and by North, because of the variation of the compasse. And falling with Deseada, thou shalt finde it to rise low with the sea: and it standeth in 15 degrees. And the eastermost part is the sharpest, and smaller then the West point. And if thou art going for Tierra firma, thou shalt goe West and by South untill thou come to Dominica , and there on the Northwest side is a river, where thou mayest water. The marks to know it bee a certaine high land full of hilles. And seeing it when thou art farre off to the seaward, it maketh in the middest a partition; so that a man would thinke it devided the Island in two parts. And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a halfe. I advise thee that if thou wouldest goe for Nueva Espanna, and so doest passe betweene Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward, that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest, and so shalt have sight of Santa Cruz, which standeth in seventeene degrees and a halfe. And the markes to know it be these. It is an Island not very high, and lyeth East and West, and at the East end it is lower then at the West end. And going forward on thy course thou shalt runne Westnorthwest, and so thou shalt goe to have sight of the Isle of San Juan de Puerto rico, which is an Island lying East and West, and standeth in eighteene degrees. And the markes be these. That on the West end it is lowest, and the Eastermost is the highest. And if thou fall with the middest of the Island, then thou shalt goe a long it to the West unto Cabo Roxo, which is the end of the Isle. And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada. Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes. Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona , and so thou shalt have sight of Mona . And the marks thereof be these, it is a low land lying East and West: and on the East end it is highest, it hath a slope towards the sea, and standeth in 18. degrees, rather lesse then more. And if it be by day, then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona: which is an Island lying without Hispaniola, and lyeth East and West, and is full of trees; and hath certaine sandy bayes. And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey. And being benighted upon Mona , then thou shalt steere West and by South, because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona: but having day light and no sight of land, thou shalt loofe up Northwest and so passe by it, and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola, and seest the sea to be cast up into the aire, then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo, and these mountings up are called The Spoutes. But I advise thee, that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo, then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest. And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo, and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind, then the best way is to runne East till it be day. And having daylight thou shalt cast about, and so thou must ply to wind-ward untill the Northerly wind be done: and when it is past, make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas : and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay, which lyeth on the other side: and thou must take in thy maine saile, and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the river; and so having opened the river, thou must go with great care in the middest of the same, with all thy sailes up, except thy maine saile, and thou must have thy boat out, if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship, if she cast too much to the loofe, for the currents will cast here to the loofe: wherefore bee sure to have thy boat out to helpe thy steerage: and this is the way whereby thou must worke.The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueva Espanna.
I ADVISE thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueva Espanna, thou shalt goe Southwest and by South, and so thou shalt have sight of Punta de Nizao, which is a low point, and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Viejas, and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land, and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Nizao Westnorthwest, and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso, and the Bay that it maketh: and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road, and feare not to go neere the land: for all is deepe water, and cleare ground, and let not fall thine anker til thou be past all the rivers; and beware of the land, for it thou ride much without, thy anker wil come home, because it is rocky and flatte ground. And thou must be ready, that when thine anker commeth home, thou have thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or five men, and if thou thinke good, thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope. And when thou art come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare, so shalt thou be best moared.The course from Hocoa to Nueva Espanna.
GOING from Hocoa to Nueva Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest: and this way thou shalt find the Isles Beata, and Alto velo: Beata hath these marks: It is a low land with the sea, and full of trees: and on the East side an high land or cliffe; and Alto velo hath these markes. A blacke round land, and the Eastermost part thereof is highest, and it hath a downefall. When thou art North and South with* then thou shalt go West, untill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes : and from thence goe West and by North, and keeping this course thou shalt have sight of Cape Tiburon. And if by keeping this course thou have sight of a little Island, thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque: and it is hard to the land, and from thence thou shalt go West, keeping thy selfe out untill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay, and then thou must go West and by North, till thou come to Cape Tiburon, that hath a round blacke land, and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes. I advise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon, thou stirre Northwest, and so thou shalt have sight of Cuba , which lyeth East and West: and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre, and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba: and finding thy selfe so, thou mayest runne West unto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino, and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land waxeth lower and lower, and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe. And if thou chance to have the water troubled, as though thy ship did raise up the sand from the ground, be not afraid: for this place is called The nine fathoms: for thou shalt find no lesse water upon it, and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt have. Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an ende of the coast that commeth from the East to the West, and beginneth the course that goeth North and South, and standeth in 19. degrees, rather more then lesse. From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest: and this way thou shalt have sight of the Isle de Pinos, and if thou have faire weather, then thou must goe Northwest, and by West, because of the currents that will set thee out to sea. And keeping this course thou shalt have sight of an high land. I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Jardines, and is commonly called the land of Zagueio: and then thou shalt goe West and by South: and if it bee by night, then goe Westsouthwest untill thou have brought thy selfe out from The Jardines. And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land, and shalt goe Westnorthwest, and so thou shalt see the Isle de Pinos.The markes to know the Cape de Santo Antonio.
THE headland called Capo de Santo Antonio is a lowe land, and full of trees, and upon the Cape it selfe it hath two or three thicke woods, and the coast lyeth Northwest and Southeast. And thou must also take good heed that thou have sight on the same coast of a white sandie Bay; and it is on the same coast that lyeth Northwest and Southeast. And these be the markes from Punta de las Arenas, or The poynt of the sands, to the Cape of Saint Anthonie, and from the Cape de Corrientes to Punta de las Arenas thou shalt have a great Bay, being so long, that if thou be not very neere the shore thou canst not see land, it is so low. And if thou see not the land well, it will shew to be a tuft of trees. And the Cape of S. Anthony standeth in 22. degrees.A ruttier that a man must keepe from Dominica to Martinino, and so to Tierra firma.
I ADVISE thee that going from Martinino or Dominica , if thou wouldest goe for Margarita, that thou stirre South and by West, because of the great currents that goe here, and set Northwest. And by this course thou shalt find the Testigos, which be 4 or 5 Islands: and if thou wilt not goe so much to windward, then thou shalt see Frailes, which bee three small Islands. And if thou wilt goe into the harbour of Manpater, it is presently in doubling of the point on the East side to the Southward. And being minded to go for puerto de Juan Griego, which lieth on the Northside, then go neere the land, and along the coast of the West, and presently thou shalt have sight of puerto de Juan Griego; it standeth in 11. degrees. I advise thee that going from Matalino, which standeth in 13. degrees, if thou wouldest goe to Cartagena , thou shalt goe West and by South, and by this way thou shalt have sight of the Isles of Curazao and Aruba , which stand in 12. degrees: from these Islands thou shalt go West; and when thou art North and South with Monjes, thou shalt see them to be three little white Ilands, and they are white because of the multitude of birds that are there: they stand in a triangle. From thence thou shalt goe West, if it be by day, and so shalt have sight of Coquebacoa that standeth in 12. degrees. And being by night, then goe Northwest: and by day thou shalt cast to goe for the land againe Westsouthwest. Coquebacoa hath a certaine poynt not very high, and within this poynt thou shalt see in the inland certain hilles which bee called las Sierras de Avite. Going from this poynt of Coquebacoa thou shalt run West, and shalt run along the coast, and shalt go to have the sight of Baya honda and Portete, which is a low land even with the sea. The Cape de la Vela lieth with a redde shewe not very high; and without this Cape about a league there is a little coppled rocke. A man may be bold to go betwixt this rocke and the maine. And going from this Cape to have sight of Cape del Aguja thou must stirre Southwest, and thou shalt have sight of the Ancones which lye at the ende of the hilles called Sierras Nevadas. And then presently thou shalt see the Cape del Aguja: the marks whereof are these: It is a low Cape, and upon it is a copple not very high, and there beginneth the high land of the Sierras Nevadas, or snowy mountaines. Take this for a warning that if thou goe for Cape de la Vela by night by the course abovesayd, and commest into a whitish water, then sound and thou shalt find 40. fathoms, and thy sound will be certaine smal sandy white oaze, and some smal weeds. And then thou mayest make account that thou art North and South with the river called Rio de Palominos, which commeth out of the midst of the Sierras Nevadas. And being benighted thou shalt go Westnorthwest, or West and by North until day: and being day then thou mayest hale in with sight of the land Southwest, because thou mayest be sure to come right in with it. If thou goe from Cape del Aguja for Cartagena , if it bee by day, thou shalt goe West and by South, and shalt goe to have sight of Morro Hermoso, that is The faire mountaine, which lyeth to the Westward of Rio grande. And being alone, and with a good ship of saile, and drawing towards night, then thou must come to anker behind Morro hermoso: and after the first watch thou must set saile, and go out West and by North, because thou must be sure to keep a seaboord from the Island de Arenas, which lyeth 2 leagues to seaward right against Samba. And if thou goe from Cape del Aguja by night, thou shalt goe West and by North: and so thou shalt goe without the force of the water of Rio Grande. And being by day thou shalt goe along the coast, and shalt see Morro hermoso, which, as I have sayd, lyeth to the West of Rio Grande, and hath for markes, a face of a blacke land not very hie, and it is round. And if thou depart by day from Morro hermoso, thou must goe West, and must take heede, as I sayde before, of the Isle de Arenas, which lyeth North and South of Samba. Samba hath for a marke as it were a gallie towed. And going this way by day, thou shalt see El buio del Gato , which is an high land with certaine white cliffes to the seaward: and also more to the West thou shalt see the poynt called Punta de la Canoa, which is a low land even with the water: and there endeth the coast which lyeth East and West. And the Bay that goeth to Cartagena beginneth here, and lyeth Northeast and Southwest. And take this for a warning, that if thou be benighted against Samba, thou shalt take in thy sailes, & lye off to the offward until midnight without any saile abroad until midnight: and from midnight forward thou shalt lye so into the land without sayle: and if in the breake of day thou see no land, then goe Southwest, and if this way thou have sight of certaine white cliffes, make account it is Buio del Gato . Take this for a warning, if thy ship bee great come not nigh the land in the Bay: I meane thou mayest not with a great ship come nigh the land from the poynt de la Canoa untill thou come to Cartagena , because in many places there are not above 3 or 4 fathoms at the most. In all this Bay there is no hie land but the Gallie, which is right over the harbour of Cartagena . And if it chance that any man come for this place that never was here before, then let him looke for a little hill like a towed gallie lying East and West, and all the land is low, and seemeth to be full of trees. Having these sights, then make account thou art against Cartagena , and to goe in thou hast nothing to be afraid of: but keepe thyselfe hard aboord the poynt of Ycacos: and then when thou commest to double the poynt del Judeo, give a breadth off, because there is a shoald. I advise thee that if thou be benighted, when thou art at The poynt de la canoa, and wouldest enter into Cartagena by night, that thou take good heede of a shoald that lyeth halfe a league to the sea, and so thou shalt goe in 8 fathoms, and sandie ground. And when thou findest thy selfe in deepe water, as in 30 fathoms and more, then the harbour will bee open before thee. And if thou have any fresh Northerne winds, then loofe up to the seaward, and lye with thy stemme Eastsoutheast, and so thou mayest goe in East through the middest of the chanell: and though it bee by night, yet thou mayest goe in safely, because it is all cleere. And if the night be cleere thou shalt have sight of the Island called Cares, and it is an high land. Comming from Cartagena to goe for Nombre de Dios in the time of the Northerne winds, thou must bring thy selfe to the offward of Sal medina: and thence stirre West till thou bring thy selfe North and South with Cabeza de Cativa; and then goe Southwest and by West, and thou shalt so fall with Rio de Francisco. It hath for markes a certaine land not very high, and within the land certaine high hils lying East and West. And on the West of the river of Francisco thou shalt see certaine cliffes that bee sixe leagues from Nombre de Dios, inclining toward the sea. I advise thee that going this course above written; if thou see 3 or 4 Isles lying lowe with the sea, and also lying East and West, thou mayest make account that they be the Islands de Cativa, and then runne West, and so thou shalt go along the coast. And if thou see by this way a poynt of low land, make account it is Punta de Samblas : and upon it thou shalt see a row of hie rockie hils, and they be the mountaines of Santa Cruz. If thou come from Cartagena to go to Nombre de Dios in the time of the sea winds, when thou art out from Sal Medina, thou shalt goe West and by North, that thou mayest have sea-roome, and take the Brisas or Northerne winds when they come: and goe till thou be North and South with the harbour of Nombre de Dios: and from thence goe Southwest, and if by this way thou see a row of high hils on a coast that lyeth Northeast and Southwest, make account they are Sierras de las minas Viejas, which minas Viejas lie North and South with the harbour of Velo alto. Having kept this course abovesaid, and having sight of the former marke, thou mayest account that thou art on the West side of Nombre de Dios. Furthermore when thou hast sight of an high land, and thou bee North and South with it, and in the toppe thereof thou seest as it were a litle table, if it be highest toward the East, then make account that thou art North and South with Nombre de Dios, I say, with the harbour of Nombre de Dios, and this hill is called Sierra de Capira. And if thou wilt goe into the harbour, thou must keepe thy prow right against this hill, and comming neerer to the shore, thou shalt see a ledge of rockes, and it is without, and thou mayest goe in what depth thou thinkest good, or at which place thou findest most water in. And to the West of the harbor thou shalt see two or three Islands called Islas de los Bastimentos. Take this for a warning, if thou come out of Nombre de Dios in the time of the Brisas or Northerne winds, and wouldest goe for Cartagena , thou shalt come out in the morning, and shalt go Northnorthwest untill 3 of the clocke at afternoone, and then cast about to the land, untill thou be hard aboord the shore, and so thou must go turning untill thou hast doubled Cabeza de Cativa: and having doubled it then ply to windward all that thou mayest: and if thou be Eastnortheast off it, then thou shalt have sight of the Ilands of Baru, which are 3 or 4 Islands lying low, and are all full of trees: and then presently thou shalt have sight of the gallie that is over Cartagena , and it is like a gallie towed. I advise thee, that if thou come for Cartagena in the time abovesayde, and commest from Cabeza de Cativa, if the wind will not suffer thee to lye but West, then going thus if thou seest a great high Island full of mountaines, and on the North side thereof thou see a ledge of rocks two leagues into the sea, thou mayest be sure it is Isla fuerte: but if thou see not the rocks, give them a good breadth: and if thou wilt come to anker, thou mayest ride well on the West side of them, betwixt the maine and them in fifteene fathomes; and the sounding is clay. And if thou wilt go betweene this and the Islands of Saint Barnardo to goe into Cartagena , thou mayest goe safely. And if any man aske thee how thou knowest the Islands of Baru and San Barnardo, thou mayest answere truely, that the Isles of San Barnardo are full of high hilles, and certaine sandie bayes to seaward; and the sayd Isles have a good depth two or three leagues to the sea: and this depth is called the Bacilla. And these are all the markes for the Islandes of San Barnardo. And touching the Isles of Baru, they bee 3 or 4 little Islands and very even with the sea, and full of trees, and there is no good depth about them, but hard aboord them.A ruttier from Cartagena to Havana in Cuba .
COMMING from Cartagena to goe to Havana , thou must goe Northnorthwest untill thou be in foureteene degrees: and then forwardes thou shalt goe with great care to anker every night, and when it is day set sayle. And this is to bee done in this place because of the shoalds of Serrana: and so thou mayest proceede with a care to anker when thou commest about Seranilla, or neere to it, which is in fifteene degrees and a halfe. And upon it thou shalt see a lowe flatte land lying Northeast and Southwest: and the sea beateth upon it round about, except that on the Southeast part it hath certaine shelves of sand, and on the West side it hath a certain litle copple, which from sea seemeth to bee a shippe under sayle : and being Northeast and Southwest off it, scant a league from the shoald commeth out on the West side a certayne shoald, whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate. I advise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side, then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that it is like a sayle and the shoald: for the passage is good. But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest, and seest a lowe land with the sea, and certaine white sandy bayes, and on the West side seest a low land, and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West, thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes. And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio, thou must goe Westnorthwest, and so thou shalt goe with the Cape. The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes: and upon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groves of great trees, and they be upon the Cape it selfe. To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Havana in the time of the North winds, thou shalt goe Northwest untill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape, and then hale thy bowlines, and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly, untill thou bring thy selfe unto 24. degrees, and there sound, and thou shalt find it the Tortugas, and thy sounding will be white sand. Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before: for he that writ the same hath seene it, and bene witnesse to this: that comming from Seranilla, and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees, and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camaron. And from thence, if thou have the wind large, goe Northeast and by East, because of the variation of the compasse, and thou shalt make thy way Eastnortheast, and thou shalt fall with Isla de Pinos. This I say, because the currents set sometime West: and so it fell out to bee true in March, Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther, that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East, for the wind would not suffer us to lye neerer the East, and one evening at Sunne going downe we fell with a land, that had the same markes to our judgement with the Cape de Corrientes: and because night was at hand, we wrought to double Cape de Sant Antonio, stirring West: and about midnight we had land all high right a head, & the coast lying Southwest: and then we cast and lay Northeast till day: And being day, wee saw the land all a head, and we plied to windward to the East, and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest. And to be short, we went here on land in the same place that we first fell with in the evening before: and it was an Island called Cozumel, lying on the coast of Yucatan . And this Island was the land which we saw first, seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrientes. Wee came to an anker about the middest of the Island, rather to the Norther then the Souther part: there we found a towne of Indians, who gave us all things which we needed for our money: and wee carried our Astrolabs on shore and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierce. A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of Yucatan , and the Cape de Catoche at pleasure Northeast; and the water wil set in thy favour: and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees, and so thou shalt have the sounding of the Tortugas.The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueva Espanna.
IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueva Espanna, and beeing late, thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees: and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West, until thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja : and when thou art so, thou shalt go Southwest, & by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica, which is in 19 degrees & a halfe, and the signes be these. Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest. But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lyeth North and South, then thou mayest account, that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes. It is a land not very high, and it is full of little copples. And if thou have cleare weather, thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo. And I advise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada, which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica, thou mayest stirre thence South and by West, and thou shalt goe along the coast, and shalt see a lowe land, and with this land thou shalt fall, going for Saint Paul, and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul, if thou wilt goe into the harbour, thou must stirre Southwest: and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay. And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof: and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill, and it is called Monte de Carneros. Take this for a note, that it lyeth over the house of Buytron: and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes, thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going, and shalt have foure fathomes and a halfe or five fathomes, and so thou mayest goe through the middest of the chanell. And comming against the castle, thou shalt give it some breadth off towards the Arrecife or rocke: and having doubled the castle, thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria, which is a cleane Bay, and thou shalt ride against the hospitall. I advise thee that if thou be benighted when thou art neere to S. Paul, and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight, that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses, and lye by, plying to windward, and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt have neere the shore, to the Northward: and being day, then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best, observing what is abovesaid. And I advise thee that if thou come from Villa Rica, and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe, and seest no land, and seest that the water doth alter, thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water: and if in this depth thou hast oaze, make account thou art East and West with the river of Almeria . This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueva Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions.Now followeth how to worke, if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine.
IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueva Espanna within the Alacranes, thou must stirre West and by South, and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms; and if thou keeping this course findest lesse water, then go West and by North, and that way thou shalt bring thy selfe into 20. fathomes againe, untill thou have brought thy selfe North and South with the triangle. And being North and South with the triangle, then thou shalt be also North and South with Surta: from thence thou shalt go Southwest: and by this course thou shalt have sight of the high hils of S. Martin, which are certaine high hils lying Northwest and Southeast, and they have a partition in the midst, and to the Northwest they be highest: and on the Southeast part within the land, thou shalt see something an high land, called Pan de Minsapa, that is, the loafe of Minsapa, which is a round loafe not very high. The hils of S. Martin stand in 18. degrees lesse one fift part. I advise thee that when thou fallest with Saint Martin, and wouldest go with Saint John de Ullua, then thou shalt goe Westnorthwest: and this is the course that thou must keepe, if thou bee farre off at sea, I meane so farre off as thou mayest well descrie the hils of S. Martin. But if thou be neere to the land, then thou must goe Northwest and by West, and thou shalt so come along the coast, and thou shalt find the coast to bee low land: and comming this course thou shalt have sight of certaine little hilles not very high: then thou shalt fall with the poynt called Punta de Antoni Serro : and these hilles lye over the river of Medelin. And if when thou art East and West, with The Volcan or hill that casteth out fire, any man doe aske thee, where the harbour of Sant Juan de Ullua is, thou mayest truely answere, West and by South, and it standeth in 18. degrees and a halfe.The course to be kept from Nueva Espanna to the maine of Spaine in Europe .
COMMING from S. Juan de Ullua to goe for Spaine, thou shalt stirre Northeast untill thou be in 24. degrees: and so beeing thou shalt goe East untill thou bring thy selfe in the soundings of the Tortugas, and thy ground wil be white sand. I advise thee, that if it be by night, thou goe East; and finding the water to waxe shoalder, then goe Southwest, with a care to keepe thy lead going, untill thou loose ground, and come into great depth, because thou mayest fall to the North of the Tortugas. And going from this sound for Havana thou must stirre Southsoutheast, because of the currents that carrie thee to the East. And if by this way thou have sight of an hie land, that seemeth to be like a loafe, make account it is the loafe of Cabanas. And to the East of this loafe thou shalt see a land that hath a plaine. It sheweth to be low, even with the sea, and as smooth as the sea: and from this land to the East the land is lower and lower. And from thence to Havana thou must goe East. And if the wind will not let thee go that course, thou must turne up till thou be upon the harbour of Havana . The marks of the poynt of Havana be these, that on the East side it hath an hie blacke land, which is sloping to the sea, with a litle white tower on the top thereof: and as thou goest into the port, thou must keepe neere the high blacke land, and when thou art hard to it, strike thy toppe sayles in signe of peace to the castle, least it shoote at thee.What course the Spaniards keepe from Havana to Spaine.
IF from Havana thou wouldest set thy course for Spaine, thou must goe Northeast, and shalt so have sight of the Martyres, which stand in 24. degrees and a halfe. And the coast lieth East and West. The marks be these, it sheweth like heads of trees, and in some places certaine rocks with white sandy bayes. And if the wind be large, thou mayest go East and by South untill thou see the coast to lye Northeast and Southwest: and if the wind be scant, then go turning up: and take good heed that every evening at Sunne going downe thou have sight of the land, and so thou must do being in the chanell, untill thou bring thy selfe into the middest of the chanell : and thou must lye off from the going downe of the sunne, untill the ende of the first watch with thy coarses alone, without any more sayle; and from midnight forwards cast about, and lye the other way with the like sayle untill day: and thus thou must doe untill thou bring thy selfe into the chanel. And if being in the Chanel thou finde the winde large, thou shalt stirre Northeast, with a care to goe cleane off the sholds of the Mimbres or the Osiars. And if being in the Chanel thou meete with the wind at North, then thou must turne with a litle saile 4. glasses one way, and 4. another, as thou thinkest good. And if thou canst not beare sayle, then thou mayest goe with all thy sayles downe, except when thou wouldest cast about, thou mayest loose some small sayle to winde thy ship. I advise thee, that when thou art come out of the Chanel, thou shalt be in 28. degrees. And if it be in summer, thou shalt goe Northeast untill thou be in 39. degrees and 1/2, which is the height of Flores : and thou shalt goe to the Northward of Bermuda. And if thou thinke good to go in more degrees, to have the seawinds, thou shalt goe by the same height, as I have sayd: and if thou shalt finde the winde off the sea, thou hast no neede to goe in more heights: and from thence thou shalt goe East and by South: and thou must goe thus because of the variation of the Compasse. And thus thou shalt find the isles of Flores and Cuervo, which stand in 39. degrees 1/2, and in 40. large. These markes be these.* Thou mayest goe from betwixt Flores and Cuervo, and must goe East Southeast, and so thou shalt have sight of the Island of Sayles, which is the Island of S. George. And beeing at the land thou shalt goe along it, and when thou hast doubled a certaine litle Headland that lyeth in the East poynt, then thou shalt stirre East and by North, and East. And thus going, thou shalt have sight of Terzera, which is in 39. degrees. The markes bee these.* And behinde a certaine blacke land something high, which is called el Brasil , standeth the Citie called Angra . Going from Terzera, thou shalt runne East Northeast, untill thou bring thy selfe Northwest, and Southeast with the Cape of Saint Vincent. And thou mayest worke thus being in summer: for alwayes thou shalt have the windes at Northwest. And beeing Northwest and Southeast with this Cape, thou shalt stirre Southeast and by East, and thou shalt so fall with the land 6. or 7. leagues to the windward off the Cape on the coast, which lyeth North and South: then thou shalt goe along the coast to the South, untill thou see the Cape. And the Cape standeth in 37. degrees: the markes be these. It is a Cape not very hie, and is blacke, sloping to the Sea. And from thence thou shalt double the Asagresal Southeast: and so running, thou shalt then goe East unto the Cape of S. Mary: and from this Cape goe East Northeast, and so thou shalt runne to have sight of Arenas Gordas: and then thou shalt see presently a little hill towardes the East which is called Cabeza de Pedro Garcia. And if thou be benighted, and comming into 8. or 9. fathoms, then I wish thee to come to anchor, untill it be day, and then call for a Pilote, that may by some meanes carie thee into harbour. I advise thee, if in the Winter time thou bee shot out of the narrowest of the Chanel of Bahama, and wouldest goe for Spaine, that thou must goe East Northeast, untill thou be in 30. degrees rather lesse then more; and then thou mayest goe East and by South, because of the variation of the Compasse. And stirring hence East Southeast, thou shalt goe on the Southside of Bermuda: and must goe with great care, because many have bene lost heere about this Island, because of their negligence. And when thou art sure thou art past this Island, then goe East Northeast, untill thou bee in the height of seven and thirtie degrees: which is in the height of the Island of Saint Marie. And going thus, and not seeing Land, but seeing the Sea to breake, make account it is the rocks called las Hormigas. And if thou thinke good to goe to Faial , thou shalt goe till thou be in 38. degrees 1/2 scant, and then thou shalt goe East, and so shalt have sight of Faial . The markes of it be these.* Comming out from Faial , and leaving all the Islandes, then all goe East and by South untill thou bring thy selfe in 37. degrees, which is the height of Cape Saint Vincent: and then goe East, and thou shalt see the Cape having the markes aforesayd. And from Cape S. Vincent thou must goe East Southeast, till thou be Northeast, and Southwest, with the barre of S. Lucar: and then goe Northeast for the Barre. Take this for a warning, that if going in 37. degrees thou have not sight of Cape S. Vincent, and hast sight of certaine hie hils, make accompt they are Sierras de Monchico. I advise thee, that if thou stand in feare of men of warre about the Cape of S. Vincent, then goe in 36 degrees 1/3. And finding thy selfe within the Cape, if thou see many signes of greene weedes, then cast about to the North Northeast, and by this way finding land, and the same shewing white, be sure it is the castle of Aimonte.A ruttier for the old Chanel from the East point of Cuba by the North side thereof to Havana .
GOING from the Cape of S. Nicolas, thou shalt goe North Northwest, but thou must keepe to windward off the poynt, that thou mayest weather it, & it is called the poynt of Mayaci: and it is a very low land and smooth: and above up within the land about a league it hath a long Hill, which is not very high but flat. And from that poynt to Baracoa is 7. leagues. And being disposed to goe into Baracoa, keepe the weather-shore all along, untill thou open the Harbour. And to knowe if thou bee open of the Harbour, looke upon the South side; and thou shalt see an Hill by it selfe, which maketh as it were a crowne upon it. And if thou come along, it maketh as it were a Fort with Ports about it: And this is the marke if thou come out of the Sea. And this Hill is North and South of the Harbour, over the Harbour of Baracoa. And if thou wilt goe in, thou must take heede of a Shoald which lyeth on the East side, and thou must keepe the West side: and goe not much from the Shoald, because the foote of the Shoald that shooteth Westward hath 5. fathoms water. And when thou art within the Shoalds, thou must goe a litle within them, and then let fall an anchor: and looke that thou come not much on the East side, for it is shoaldie. And comming out from Baracoa, being to passe through the old chanel, you shal set your course Northwest until you come with the Cayo de Moa, or the shoald of Moa, untill you thinke you are Northeast and Southwest with it, or till you thinke you are gone 12. leagues: and you shal know that you are upon Cayo de Moa. For before you come at it by 2. leagues or more, you shall understand that it hath a poynt of lowe land, and upon the poynt it hath a Palme tree; which tree you shall see alwayes, before you see the point: and it is like a sayle. From thence to the Pracellas or Flats you shall stirre Northwest two parts of your way, that you have to runne from Cayo de Moa to the sayd Pracellas or Flats, and the one halfe part of the way North Northwest and by West. And this way you shall see the Pracellas or Flats in a cleane place of the shoald above the water, for all the breach of the sea. The Mosowes bee from the Pracell West, and you shall leave them to windward. And if you will goe with the Pracellas or Flats, you shall finde 4. or 5. fathomes: and you may goe sure without danger a Northwest course untill you come in 7. fathomes. And if you will goe upon the Shoald, you shall goe upon that depth, untill you have runne 40. or 45. leagues: And from thence you shall set your course Southwest, till you see the Flattes of the maine land. You shall then see to the Westward a rocke divided into 3. partes, which is called the Camoloquea. And looke that when you come from the Pracellas Southwest, you have certaine Flats before you: take heede of them that you fall not by night with them by foure leagues, for feare of the Mecala: and you shall set your course West Northwest untill day: and when it is day, you must beare close aboord the shore, and then you shall see a flat Island with many broken sands, which is called Cropeda, and lyeth but a little out of the trade way, somewhat to the Northward. Off that you shall see 2. Rocks of stone, which are the poynt of all the Flats: And two leagues from them on the mayne land you shall see a poynt which sheweth like broken land. This is called the poynt of Caucus. And from that poynt to Matanzas on the Northside of Cuba are 12. leagues, and your course lieth West and by North: and then you must borrow upon the land all that you can, because of the currents: for the currents will cary you into the Chanell. And being at Matanzas , you must runne all along the shore, because of the currents. Remember that when you see one league before you a Rocke, and a Shoald, that hath upon it but 2. fathomes water; and your marke if you come out of the sea is an Hill, and the Hil is not very hie, it standeth East and West, and upon it are some little risings and they are not very high, and upon these risings stand two round homocks close together, you shall see the Teates of Havana. To know along the shore when you are against the Harbour of Xaroca, the markes are these. A little to the Westward one league, you shall see along the shore a Hill that is broken, and that broken Hill is over the Harbour of Xaroca: and then a little more to the Westward a league, there is another broken Hill. And you shall see that North and South from these broken hils is a Flat off. And from that to Havana is 7. leagues: and it is all cleane ground, and you may goe along the shore till you come to Havana . To know the harbour of Havana , you shall see before you come at it one litle rocke of stone not very hie, and smooth toward the sea: upon the rocke standeth a litle white tower, wherein they keepe watch. And then if you have the winde large, you shall see the harbour open, and then you may beare in with it. Your shippe being of great burthen, when you are within, then keepe on the West side, because on the East side, on the West end of the Rocke aforesayde, there lieth a ledge to the Westward which hath but three or foure fathoms 1/2 upon it. If your ship be of small burthen, you may run along the weather shore, untill you come right against the Castle; and then halfe the Bay over you may come to an anchor.How to worke comming through the olde Chanell, if you be not minded to goe over the Pracellas or shoalds.
IF you will come through the olde Chanel, when you come as hie as the Shoalds, comming upon your course from the Caio de Moa, as I told you, keepe 2. leagues from the Pracel or shoald: and then set our course West unto the low islands of the Firme land. And upon this course you shal ken the Flats on the point of Caio Romano: and within it is one Flat higher then the other, and smooth upon, and in the middest it maketh as it were broken land; and when you are in the chanel in the day time, you must take heede you come not neere the shore by 2. leagues, and by your sounding no neerer then 3. fathoms. And you must take heede stil when ye night commeth to keepe 2. or three leagues off for feare of the shoalds. And in the night you must goe Northwest as is aforesaid. And also you must take heed that you keepe in the middle of the chanel, as nere as you can toward the shoald. And finding much wind & being benighted, from midnight till day stirre West Northwest, and when it is towards day, then you may edge towards the Flats as is aforesaid. And as you stirre hence one day and one night from Caio Romano to the inwards of the Chanell, you shall see the firme land of Cuba , and other markes; and among the rest, a round hamocke, which you may easily know. It is called Alcane de Barasoga. And from thence to Savano and to Basquo is 6. leagues, and likewise Havana 6. leagues. And from thence to crosse under the Fort is 45. leagues. And stirre hence upon your course aforesaid. And if you have gone from Barasoga 30. leagues, you shall see none of the Flats of Mecala: And give them a bredth off two or three leagues, and keepe your course West Northwest, as aforesayd, untill it be day, and presently you may edge round to the Flats. And thus stirring, keepe your course untill you see the hilles of Camaloqua. And looke that when you come from Caio de Moa, along the Pracel or shoald by night close by it, you shall not see what land it is, till it be day: and in the Morning you shall set your course as is aforesayd untill you see the shoald, and in seeing it, you may stirre on your course as is above mentioned, untill you come to Havana . For to set your course from the point of Mance to Caio Romano, when you are North and South with the point of Mance, you shall stirre thence West Northwest, until you thinke you be Northeast and Southwest with the hill of Hama . And this hill is an high hill and smooth to the seaside. And from this hill to Caio Romano you shall stirre Northwest and by West: and upon this course you may be bolde to see Caio Romano. And the marke of this Flat is, that it maketh an hie land and smooth upon the top: and in the middest of it, it sheweth as it were broken. And when you come to it, you must take heede you come not neere it by 2. leagues, because it is fowle. And looke that you bring not yourselfe too neere the hill of Hama by night. For you must take heede of Caio Romano to keepe off it untill Morning: in the Morning you may goe your course untill you see it, and then set your course, as is abovesaid.A principal ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from S. Lucar in Andaluzia by the Isles of the Canaries, the small Isles called Las Antillas, along the South parts of the Isles of S. Juan de Puerto rico, Hispaniola and Cuba : and from Cabo de Corrientes, or Cabo de S. Anton without and within the litle Isles called Los Alacranes, to the port of S. Juan de Ullua in Nueva Espanna: and the course from thence backe againe by Havana , and through the Chanell of Bahama to Spaine: together with the speciall markes of all the Capes, Islands, and other places by the way; and a briefe declaration of their latitudes and longitudes.
IF you depart from the barre of S. Lucar de Barameda toward the West Indias in the Summer time, you must stirre away Southwest untill you come to the head-land called Punta de Naga upon the Isle of Tenerif. But if your departure be from the sayd barre in the Winter, you must stirre away Southwest and by South, untill you come to the height of Cape Cantin on the coast of Barbarie the markes and signes whereof be these following.The markes to know Cape Cantin.
CAPE Cantin is a lowe Cape and small to the sea ward, and maketh a snowt like the nose of a galley, and hath upon the top of the poynt a Heath or shrubby place, and on the toppe thereof stand two homocks, that to the seaward being higher then the other; but that on the Souther side sheweth like a tower: and his Cape is in 32. degrees and 1/2. And he that wil seeke from this Cape to discover Punta de Naga beforesayd, must stirre away Southwest and by West, untill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest with the same point, and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said point.The signes of Punta de Naga.
THE said point or Head-land is an high point of Land, and plaine upon the toppe like a table, and without it there are two litle rockie Islands; and upon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo, and upon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like unto the eares of a Hare.The course from the Canaries to the West Indies.
IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias, you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South, to the ende you may avoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro: and being so farre distant from the said Island, then must you stirre away West Southwest, untill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees, and then saile West and by South untill you come to 15. degrees and 1/2. And from thence stirre away West and by North; and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse: which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada.The markes of the Island of Deseada.
THIS Island Deseada lieth East Northeast, and West Southwest, having no trees upon it, and it is proportioned like a Galley, and the Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowt of a galley; and by comming neere it, and passing by the Norther ende thereof, you shall perceive white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them: & the Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tilt of a galley. And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and 1/2.Markes of the Island of Monserate.
MONSERATE is an high Island, and round, full of trees, and upon the East side thereof you shall perceive certain white spots like sheetes: and being upon the South side at the very point of the Island, somewhat off the land, it maketh like a litle Island, and putting your selfe either East or West from that point, in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land.Markes of the Island of Marigalanta.
MARIGALANTA is a smooth Island, and full of wood or trees, and as it were of the fashion of a galley upon her decke: and being on the Southeast side about half a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones, and certain white patches: but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines.Markes of the Isle of Dominica.
THE Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast, and upon the Northwest side it sheweth more high: and if you come neere it at full sea, it will shew like two Islands, but by comming neerer unto it, you shall perceive it to be but one: and upon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point, and upon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon; and upon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island, and upon the top thereof is, as it were, an high steeple, and upon the Norther side you shall perceive it like many white sheetes.Markes of the Island of Guadalupe.
THE Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada, and upon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines, but upon the East side it maketh certaine tables, which are called the high part of Guadalupe . And this Island is cut North and South; so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it, as if it were two Islands.Markes of the Isle of Matalina, or Martinino.
THE Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines, having in the midst thereof 3. homocks: the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat. And upon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands. And in this Island there are warlike Indians like those of Dominica .Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos, or the Islands of Saintes.
Los Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another upon the South side of Guadalupe . For to goe with S. Juan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest, untill you fall with the Isle of Saba.Markes to know the Isle of Saba.
SABA is a litle Island, and round about it you shall see the bottome; but feare not, for there is no danger but that which you shall see; and round about it, it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand; and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship under saile: but follow that direction that I have given, and you shall see La virgin gorda.Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda.
LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round, and seeing it, you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another, and are bare without any trees. You may goe about by them until you see the litle gray Island, which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines; and comming neere to the sayd Island, over that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Island, which seemeth like a ship under saile. And if you will passe betweene this litle white Island or bare rocke, and the greene Island, you must beware that you leave the white Island on the larbourd side of you, and come no neerer it then a Caliever-shot, and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water: and then stirre away Northnorthwest, and so shall you enter into the Haven of Puerto rico: and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night, goe by the foresaid direction, untill the first watch be out, and then take in your sayles, and so drive untill it bee neere day: and then hoise sayles, and stirre away Southwest, seeking the sayde Port: and when you come to the entring within, you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne. And know, that having the Loguilo at Southwest, then shall the Harbour be off you North and South.Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz.
HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz, must stirre away Westnorthwest : and by the same course you shall seaze upon S. Juan de Puerto rico.Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz.
SANTA Cruz is an Island not very high, all full of homocks: and comming with it at full sea, it will shew like the Virgines : and upon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the rest. And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Juan de Peurto rico; and having found it, you may sayle along the South coast East and West, untill you come to Cabo Roxo.Markes to know Cape Roxo.
CAPE Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward, having certaine heapes of broken ground thereon, which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe, but comming neere unto it, it will make all a whole land. Directions from Cabo roxo to the Isle of Mona. IF you will seeke Mona from Cape roxo, you must stirre away West and by North.Markes of the Isle of Mona.
THE Isle of Mona is a low, round, and smooth Island, lying lowe by the sea, and full of trees: and to goe from thence to the Isle of Saona you must stirre away West; and if you fall with it in the night season, and come any thing neere the land, then stirre away West and by South, untill it be neere day, that you may keepe your selfe by the land; and if so be that in the Morning you see it not, then stirre away Northwest, and so shall you finde it: and if it be faire weather, and you perceive that the current hath set you to the Southwest, then stirre away Northnorthwest, and so shall you goe cleare off the land.Markes of the Isle of Saona.
IF you chance to see the Isle of Saona, it is an Island smooth with the sea, and lyeth Northeast and Southwest, and you shall see the trees before you see the Island: and on the Southwest end of this Island appeareth a great high banke of white sand which is called the head of Saona. And if you would come to an anchor, you may, for all is cleare ground. And to go from this Island to Santa Catelina, you must stirre away Northwest.Markes of the Isle of Santa Catelina.
SANTA Catelina is a litle lowe Island all full of low rockes even from the water, and hath not any trees, and it is close by the land; and if you doe not run along the coast of Hispaniola, you shall not see it: and from that Island to goe to Saint Domingo, you shall sayle along as the land lyeth, West and by North: and before you come to the point called Causedo, you shall see certaine holes in rockes, which lye alongst as the rocks doe that cast up the water, which will shew like to the spouting of Whales. And a litle ahead off that, you shall see the point of Andresa: and ahead thereof the poynt of Causedo. This poynt of Causedo lyeth lowe close by the water, and passing thereby, the coast will make to thee Northwest and Southeast; and from thence to S. Domingo are 5. leagues. And if the winde chop up at North upon you, by meanes whereof you should be cast off from the coast or Port, and that you happen to see the olde Mines (called Sierras de las minas viejas) beare Northwest off you, and The teates which are within the land be open of you, then shal you be North and South with the harbour; and if The old Mines beare North off you, then shall you be below the harbour.Directions from Saint Domingo to Nueva Espanna.
IF you will sayle from Saint Domingo in Hispaniola to Nueva Espanna, stirre away Southsouthwest, until you come up as farre as the point of Nizao: and from thence stirre away Westsouthwest, and so you shall finde the Isle of Beata. And if you saile from this point of Nizao for Ocoa, you must passe along the coast West and by North, untill you come to Puerto Hermoso, or The beautifull haven, which is 18. leagues distant from Saint Domingo: and if you proceede from Puerto Hermoso for Nueva Espanna, you must stirre away Southsouthwest, untill you looke out for Beata and Alto velo.Markes of the Isle of Beata.
BEATA is a small Island and not very high: you may passe along the outside thereof, and there is no danger but that you may see; and by and by you shall raise Alto velo: and from thence you must stirre away West and by South, to give a birth from the Islands called Los Frailes, or The Friers. And when you are as farre ahead as the Frailes, then must you stirre away West and by North, and so shall you goe right with Bacoa, and before you come to it, you shall see high craggie cliffes, and at the descending of them white paths like great sheetes; these high craggie mountaines are called Las sierras de donna Maria. And before you come to the sayde point of Bacoa, you shall discover a little lowe Island even with the Sea and full of trees, which is called Isla Baque.Directions from Isla Baque to Cape Tiburon.
IF you will goe from the Island Baque, or from the point of Bacoa for Cape Tiburon, or to the isle of Navaza, you must stirre away Westnorthwest, and edge in somewhat to the Northwest, and you shall passe betweene Navaza and Cape Tiburon.Markes of Cape Tiburon, which is the Western cape of Hispaniola.
CAPE Tiburon lyeth sliding downe to the Seaward, and maketh a sharpe cliffe like the snout of a Tiburon or sharke-fish; and upon the top thereof it appeareth like white wayes with certaine gullets or draines upon it, which are caused by the passage of the water from the mountaine in the Winter time.Markes of the Isle of Navaza.
NAVAZA is a litle round Island full of low trees or shrubs, and it lyeth East and West from Cape Tiburon, and from this small Island to go for Sierras de Cobre, or The mountaines or mines of Copper upon the Southeast part of Cuba , you must stirre away Northnorthwest.Directions from Cape Tiburon to Cabo de Cruz in Cuba .
IF you will saile from Cape Tiburon to Cape de Cruz in Cuba , you must stirre away Northwest, and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines de Cobre; and from thence you may goe along the coast West towardes Cabo de Cruz; and before you come at it you shall see The great Tarquino, and from this Tarquino you shall have to Cape de Cruz 30. leagues, and this great Tarquino is the highest land upon all that coast; and then by and by you shall see the lesser Tarquino, from whence to the foresayd Cape you have 12. leagues, and so shall you goe discovering the coast, untill you come to Cabo de Cruz.Markes of Cabo de Cruz.
CAPE de Cruz is a low Cape full of shrubs; and from thence Westward you shall see no land; for the distance or bay is great between the sayd Cape and the Isles called Los Jardines.Directions from Cape de Cruz to Isla de Pinos.
IF you sayle from Cape de Cruz to seeke the Island of Pinos, you must stir away Westnorthwest. And note, that if in this course you happen to sounde, doe not feare; for you have nine fathoms. If also going this course, you meete with certaine little Islands upon the larboord side, which are called The Caimanes, or The crocodiles, having sight of them, stir away Northwest, and so shall you finde the Island of Pinos. And if by seeing the sayde Islands called Caimanes you are amazed, you shall knowe by the latitude, whither they bee the Jardines or no: for if you finde your selfe in one and twentie degrees, then bee you sure they are The Jardines, and then stir out againe South, till you bee cleare of them; and when you have brought them North of you, then may you stirre away West, if it bee by day; if it bee by night, West and by South, till you see the Island of Pinos.The markes of Isla de Pinos.
THE Island of Pinos stretcheth it selfe East and West, and it is full of homocks, and if you chance to see it at full sea, it will shewe like 3. Islands, as though there were divers soundes betweene them, and that in the midst is the greatest; and in rowing with them, it will make all a firme lande: and upon the East side of these three homocks it will shewe all ragged; and on the West side of them will appeare unto you a lowe point even with the sea, and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you shall discerne the point.Directions from the Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes.
IF you saile from the foresayde Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes, stir away West and by North; and before you come to the sayd Cape upon the Northside of you, you shall see certaine mountaines all full of homocks, which are called Las Sierras de Guanaguarico, and that upon the West part hath more homocks then that on the other.Markes of Cape de Corrientes.
CAPE de Corrientes is a lowe Cape, though not so low as the other part of the land that lyeth along by it; for it is more lowe, and hath upon it 4. or 5. great splats like unto oxen, and the very point of the Cape is all white sand: and from thence Westward you shall discerne no lande, for it maketh a great bay: and from hence you must saile to Cape de Sant Anton.Markes of Cape de Sant Anton.
THE cape of Sant Anton is lowe by the sea, and all full of shrubs or trees; and you shall see within the land a lake of fresh water; and if you want water, there you may water: and upon the North side of the said Cape you shall discerne a palme tree higher then the rest of the trees, and it sheweth round like a bowle at the top, like to the top of a ship: and North from the Cape are certaine sholdes which are 2. or 3. leagues long.Directions from the Cape de S. Anton to Nueva Espanna on the outside of the small Islands called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions.
IF you will sayle from Cape Sant Anton to Nueva Espanna with a North winde, then stirre away Westnorthwest from 21. to 22. degrees, and then sound upon the pracel or flat; and if you see by this direction, that you holde water, then stir away Northwest, untill you lose the ground; and then follow your course againe, untill you have brought your selfe into 24. degrees and 1/2. and then saile West untill you bring your selfe North and South with the Isle of Vermeja, or The red Isle: then stir away Southwest, and by this way you shall finde Villa rica on the coast of Nueva Espanna. And if by going this course you be in 19. degrees and 1/2. and chance not to see the lande, then stir away West untill you see Villa rica, and from thence saile you South for the harbour of S. Juan de Ullua: and if you should be neere the land you must stir South and by West towardes the same harbour. And if you chance to see the Volcan or burning hill to beare west & by South from you, then know, that the harbour of S. Juan de Ullua shalbe East and west off you.Markes of Villa rica.
VILLA rica standeth in 19. degres and 1/2. and the signes thereof are certaine high hilles full of homocks of many heads, which have on the top of them certain white patches after the maner of white beaten wayes; and these hils lie Northeast and Southwest. And if you doubt whether these be the Sierras or hils of S. Martin, wet your lead or sound, and if you finde bottome, they are the Sierras of Villa rica: and saile you to the landward, and looke by how much you come neerer the land, so much will they seeme lower unto you: but so doe not the hilles of S. Martin; for the neerer you come to them, the higher will they appeare to you: and likewise if they be the hilles of S. Martin, you shall not finde bottome, but even at land it selfe.Markes of Rio de las palmas, and of the river of mountaines called Rio de las montannas.
IF you should chance to fall with Rio de las palmas, or The river of palmes, or els with the river of Mountaines, it is all a plaine lande, and full of trees and certaine woodie homocks, and among them certaine heapes of sand, and all this along by the sea side: and if you went by land to the river of Panuco, you shall have many mouthes or openings of plaias or strands, where also are many lizas or oazy places, which stretch to Rio Hermoso. You must beware what part soever you happen of this coast to fall withall, to discover it, and although you knowe it, you must sound the depth; because if the windes bee Easterly, the current setteth there much to the North: but if you should be 40. leagues at sea, then this current setteth to the Northeast.Markes of Rio Hermoso or The beautifull river.
IF you wil seeke the river called Rio Hermoso, looking well within the land, you shal see three homocks of an high hill, and those two which are to the landward within, are rounder then the other which is neerest the sea, for that it is longer and bigger, and lyeth North and South, and you shall be 4. leagues at sea when you shall see them: and they are called The sierras, or mountaines of Tamaclipa; and from thence to the river of Panuco there is no high land, but all lowe and even with the sea, and full of palme trees and other trees.Markes of the river of Panuco.
IF you fall with the river of Panuco (betweene which and the foresayde Villa rica standeth the Island called Isla de Lobos or The Isle of seales) the markes bee these. From the mouth of the river it maketh a great bay without, and at the ende of this bay upon the Northside there is oazy, low, and bare ground altogether without trees, and at the out ende of the oazy lowe place upon the West side it maketh a low homock like to a Lizards head: and when you see the aforesayde cliffe, you shall bee in the opening of the mouth of the sayd river, and then shall you see a little low tower having on the top of it a crosse, which the fishermen call Marien: and this barre hath on it 2. fathom water, and 2. and 1/2. and you neede not to stay for the tyde, for that it floweth not there: and that you may the better knowe whether you bee in this bay which I have mentioned, or not, you shall see certaine hils at West Southwest, which are called Las sierras de Tarquia; and forthwith also you shall see the oazy place that I speake of, which goeth to the mouth of the river where standeth a towne called S. Luis de Tampice, and from thence to Panuco you have 9. leagues by land.The markes of Isla de lobos, or The Isle of seales.
ISLA de lobos is a small Island nothing so big as the carde doth shew it, and in it is a litle grove or wood of palme trees, and all the rest of the Island is without trees, and round about it are sundry playas or strandes, and it is inclosed round about with arrazifes or shoalds, and chiefly toward the maine lande. And from thence to Cape Roxo or The red Cape are 3. leagues. And if you will come to anker at this Island to water, for that there is water in it, you may ride on all the South side close by the poynt that stretcheth to the Westward, and you may passe by the East side of it, and ride in 22. fathom, and untill you come to 15. fathoms, all is cleane ground.Markes of the river of Tuspa.
IF you fall with the river of Tuspa, you must beware the sholdes which run 5. or 6. leagues into the sea: and upon this river of Tuspa within the lande there are high hilles which lie Northeast and Southwest, and have their ending upon the bay of Cassones: and upon the river you shall perceive a white cliffe, which will shew unto you like the castle of S. Juan de Ullua.Markes of the river of S. Peter and S. Paul.
IF you chance to fall with the bay of Cassones, and upon the river of S. Peter and S. Paul, take heede: for the sayd bay is a deepe bay, and the hilles of Tuspa have their ending upon this bay. And in the mouth of this river of S. Peter and S. Paul are two homockes of white sand, the Westermost being bigger then that on the Northeast. And by and by you shall perceive the water to change white which commeth out of the river, and sounding you shall finde sande mixed with clay upon your lead; and looke upon the West side, and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines of S. Paul, which are two, and that on the North side is higher then the other.Markes of Almeria.
IF you should chance to fall or come upon the plaines of Almeria , it is a lande full of many homocks, some with tuftes of trees on them, and some bare with white sand, and in 60. fathoms you shall have clay or oaze, and in 30. fathom to the landward sand. And from thence to Punta de hidalgo or Punta delgada the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest.Soundings of Villa rica.
IF you fall with Villa Rica in 30. fathoms, you shall finde clay or oaze, and in some places stones, and neere the lande you shall have sand: and upon the port of S. Juan de Ullua you shall have in some places clay or oaze, and in some places herring bones, and in other places mase and , and upon the rocks called Cabezas anegadas you shall have small blacke sande at 17. fathom two leagues from land. And if you see a coast that lieth Northeast and Southwest, and another Northwest and Southeast, you shall be upon S. Paul: and if you should be upon Cabezas anegadas, you shall finde in 30. fathoms great sand & blacke, and in 28. fathoms you shall have the sand white like the shavings of free stone: and from S. Paul to the barre of Vera Cruz it is clay or oaze, and from thence to S. Juan de Ullua you have many deeps, which at one sounding bring you clay, and at another sand, and at another clay and mase together, and herring bones: and in some 35. or 40. fathom you shal finde rockie ground, and in some places sand, and in some other places herring bones: and we call this Comedera de pescado, or The foode of fishes.The course from Cabo de Corrientes and Cabo de S. Anton upon the West end of Cuba , towards Nueva Espanna, within the Isles called Los Alacranes, or The Scorpions.
IF you saile from Cape de Corrientes towarde Nueva Espanna on the inside of The Alacranes, you must stir West: and when you thinke you have sailed 35. or 40. leag. you shall sound upon the pracel, and you shall come upon many bristlings of waters, which, if it were faire weather, would seeme a skull of fish. And before you come out of the bristlings, if you sound you shal have depth as I have sayd. If you goe from Cape de S. Anton by the inside of The Alacranes, you must stir away West and by South, and you shall finde sounding in the same order as I have sayd: you shall have white sand, and neere the land you shall finde it like the shavings and peckings of free stone, and white sand like houre-glassesand, and sometimes periwinkles or small shelles. Also if you sound in deepe water, and on the sudden finde rockes, then knowe that you are upon The Alacranes, and then stir away Westsouthwest untill you finde cleane ground, and til you bring your selfe into 18. or 20. fathoms. And if you goe deeping your water, then stir away West, and by these depths you shall go sounding; and then taking your heigth by sunne or starre, you must beware that you passe not 21. degrees & 1/3. or 2 . degrees and 1/2. at the most; and in this heigth, and at 18. or 20. fathoms you shall follow your way: and if you deepen water, edge to the Northwestward, and if you alter more your depth, edge to the Southwestward, untill you have gotten so farre ahead as Cape Sisal, and discovered the coast of Campeche , which coast lyeth North and South, and you shall take up on your lead white sande like houreglasse sand, and sometime periwinkles or small shelles; and by and by you shall goe increasing depth, until you lose it, and so shal you passe between the Triangle and the Sandy Iland.The course betweene the Triangle and the Sandy Island to S. Juan de Ullua.
WHEN you have lost your depth, stirre away Southwest to fetch the Sierras or hils of S. Martin: and to knowe the hils of S. Martin, there are 2. hils stretching Northeast and Southwest, and the Southwest is greater then that on the Northeast, but the Northermost hill is higher, and maketh on the top a flat point and very high, and without it, it hath an Island which is called Roca partida, or The cloven rock: and if it be cleare, on the Southwest side an high lande like a topsaile will appeare, and then shall you bee North and South with The Pan or Loafe of Nisapa. Note, that these Sierras or Hilles of Sant Martin are all blacke and full of trees, and make no shewe as Villa rica doth: And marke this, that by how much you come neerer them, so much the higher will they shewe unto you: neither shall you finde any bottome till you bee at the very shore.The course from Roca partida or The cloven rocke to S. Juan de Ullua.
IF you depart from Roca partida or The cloven rocke for Sant Juan de Ullua, you must stir away Westnorthwest, and so shall you fetch or fall with the point of Anton Mislardo: and if you happen to sound upon The sunken rocks called Cabezas anegadas, you shall have black sand and 17. fathom water, and you shall bee but a league from the land, and if you bee 2. leagues from the land, you shall have 34. fathoms.The course from Sant Juan de Ullua in the bay of Mexico to Spaine in Europe .
IF you depart from S. Juan de Ullua to Havana , you must stir away Northeast until you bring your selfe in 25. degrees, and from thence you must stir away East from the little Islands called Las Tortugas, untill you have the sounding of them; and if you finde white sande very small, you shall bee East and West with them, and if your sounding bee shellie ground and periwinkles, or small shelles or skales, then shall you be Northeast and Southwest, and the shelles or skales must bee red, and if at some time you take up blacke sande, then are you North and South with the sayd Tortugas.Markes of The Tortugas.
IF you chance to fall with The Tortugas, they are 5. or 6. little Islands of white sand, lowe and close by the sea, saving one which hath on it some shrubs or bushes of trees: and they are in 25. degrees.The course from The Tortugas toward Havana .
IF you depart from The Tortugas towards Havana with a fresh winde, you must stir away Southwest: and if it be faire weather, and a small gale of winde, then stir South, that the current may not draw you in, nor set you too much to the Westward: and if you fall with Los Organos, they are a ranke of high and low hilles with many sharpe heads like unto Organ pipes and at the entring thereof on the South side is Rio de puercos, or The river of hogs; and at the further ende is the deepe bay called Baya honda, and there is the round loafe or heape called El pan de baya honda, that is to say, The loafe of the deepe bay: and from this place untill you come to Cape de S. Anton all is sholdes and flats 4. or 5. leagues into the sea, even as farre as the sayde Cape: and from Baya honda or The deepe bay to Havana , all the coast is full of high and lowe hilles, which they call La Quadrilla de sierras, which is as much to say, as A companie of hilles together like souldiers on a heape; and more to the Eastward you shall descry an high hill which is called El pan de Cabannas. And if you fall with Havana , you shall see on the Southwest side an hill called La meza de Marien, or the Table of Marien; and if it be cleare, you shall see lower to the Westwarde the heape or loafe that is called El pan de Cabannas. You must note, that about Havana it is all lowe land even with the sea, till you come to Mesa de Marien, and then looke well within the lande, and you shall see 2. little round trees like to the teates of womens breasts; and bringing your selfe North and South, you shall be with the harborough of Havana , and then shall you soone perceive the tower that is upon the cliffes of Havana .Markes of the haven or port called Puerto de Marien.
PUERTO de Marien is a harbour that you may enter into without any danger or feare, but at the entrance thereof you must borrow on the West side, by reason of the rockes and shelves, and when you are within, then borrow on the East shoare, and leave the other side, and so shall you enter safe: and from this place to Havana is all lowe lande. Note, that if you overpasse the harborough of Havana to the Eastward, or if the current hath set you past it by meanes of calmes, then shall you perceive at full sea upon the coast certaine broken places like the enterances of harbours, because the lande is lowe; and comming neere the shoare you shall see in some places of the coast Playas or strandes of sande which shewe like unto Chipiona: and looking Eastward along the sea coast, you shall see a round loafe which is called El pan de Matanzas : and also you shall perceive in certaine places round white heapes of sande called Barrancas. If you will recover Havana , go along the coast close by the lande, for the current runneth very swift in the chanell, and there is no feare but of that which you may see; for all the coast is cleane ground.The course from Havana to Spaine.
IF you will saile from Havana to Spaine, you must stirre away Northeast, till you come to the head of The Martires called La Cabeza de los Martires. If it chance before you come to the said head, that the winde should chop up at North on you, then stand to the Eastward, untill you bring your selfe as farre ahead as Matanzas ; then cast about to the West, to discover the lande of The Martires, or of Florida , that the current may not set you on The Mimbres : and if by chance you see The Pan de Matanzas at ful sea, it hath these markes following. It is a round heape or loafe, and high withall, and on the Westerne side thereof, appeareth a rocke like to the head of a Tortoise: and betweene this Pan and the hilles of Seluco, there will appeare unto you a great broken lande, like as it were sunken places, and upon the East side of this Pan toward Punta de los Puercos it is all lowe lande, and you shall see no high lande at all: and being so farre shot, that this Pan de Matanzas shall beare Westnorthwest and Southsoutheast off you, and being desirous also to avoyde the furie of the current of the chanell of Bahama, stir away Northnortheast, and by this course you shall passe the chanell, and win the coast of Florida .Markes of the head of The Martires called Cabeza de los Martires.
THE head of The Martires are three heapes of white sande full of trees, and that in the midst hath on the top a crowne, as it were of white sande, and is higher and bigger then the other two: and to know whether you be entred into the chanell, marke well how the coast lyeth off you; and if you perceive that the coast beareth off you East and West, you are not in the chanell; but if the coast should beare off you Northeast and Southwest, then are you in the chanell; and taking your heigth you shall know: for if you finde your selfe in 24. degrees and 1/2, then are you East and West with the head of The Martires: and if you see the coast beare off you Northeast and Southwest, (as I have sayde) stir away 4. or 5. leagues from the landward right off; and then stir away Northeast: and being in 28. degrees and a halfe, you shall be shot out of the chanell, and then shall you be East and West with Cape de Cannaveral, or The Cape of Reedes.The course to come through the chanell of Bahama homeward for Spaine.
IF in Winter you should passe through the chanell of Bahama for Spaine, stirre away the first Sangradura or course Eastnortheast, and afterward East and by North, and so shall you passe by the South side of Bermuda : and you must take heede that you goe these foure hundred or five hundred leagues, because you shall not come neere the said Isle of Bermuda; & when you are gone this course, then put your selfe in what heigth you will, and make your way as you will your selfe. But if you passe the chanell in the Summer time towards Spaine, stir away Eastnortheast, and you shall passe by the North side of Bermuda ; and when you have brought your selfe in 35. degrees, stirre East and by North untill you bring your selfe to 25. degrees and 1/2, and from thence stir away East for the Isle of Fayal or of Flores .Markes to know the Isle of Fayal.
THE Island called Fayal upon the Southwest side, maketh an high hill or loafe like to the top of Brasilla in the Island of Terzera; and behinde that high Pike or loafe is an harbour called Puerto Pini, and upon the East side it maketh a little plaine Island; and upon the North side there standeth a rocke or Island by it selfe. And from this Island being one of the Azores , you may shape your course to which of the Islands you please, or to any other place which you know.Markes to know the Isle of Flores.
IF you happen to fall with Flores first, by this you shall know it: the Island lyeth Northeast and Southsouthwest, and the West ende thereof maketh a rocke or cliffe like the cliffe of Tiburon; and comming neere the lande, you shall see two little Islands neere the point of the lande; and to the Northward of this cliffe or rocke a little from the land you may ride and water; and betweene that and the village, in every bay you may likewise ride and water: and you shall see the water run into the sea in every part that you looke on.Now followeth the course and direction to saile from Passage on the Northeast part of S. Juan de Puerto rico, unto Havana , by the North side of the Isle of Hispaniola, and by The old chanell.
IF you depart from S. Juan de Puerto rico to seeke Cabo del Enganno, you must stirre away Westnorthwest, and so shall you see a round heape or loafe in the sea, which lieth on the Southwest side of the gulfe of Semana; and from thence it beginneth about the hill of the Cape del Enganno, & this is the mouth of the gulfe. And if it should be neere night when you see this lande, stir away Northwest with a small sayle, because of certaine rockes called Las Ovejas, or The Sheepe: and in the morning cast about to see the land to the Southwestward; and if when you see the land, it seemeth unto you a small island at full sea like a round mountaine, then is it The cape del Enganno: and from thence stir away West and by North toward Cabo Franco.Markes of Cabo Franco.
CABO Franco is a low Cape even with the sea, and hath these markes * And from thence stir away West, and you shall see an high mountaine, and on the top thereof a cloudie homock like the top of a hat: and at the foote of this hill is the haven or harbour called El puerto de plata. And if you will goe into this port, you must leave the Island on the West side, and then take heede of that which you see, and borrow on the castles side. And from thence to goe with the olde chanell, you must stirre away Northwest, untill you come out of sight of lande, and then stir away West and by North, and so shall you goe with the lande of Baracoa, and here are hilles very high, which make the teats which looke like 3. crownes. And you shall passe betweene the Isle of Tortugas, or Hinagua, and the Island of Jaico: and from thence run alongst the coast Northeast and Southwest; and having doubled the outmost high hill or mountaine, you shall see in the midst thereof a round hill, and upon the Southwest side by the sea you shall see a lowe even lande foure or five leagues long, and a lowe point, and this point of the hill is called La sierras de Cabanca; and then beginneth the bay of Cayo Romano: and ahead the sierras you shall see a rounde loafe which is in the midst of the same bay, and ahead of that you shall see a hill flat on the top like a table sixe or seven leagues, which hill is not very high, and from these hilles to Cayo Romano you have five and thirtie leagues, and you must stirre the one halfe of the course Northwest, and the other halfe Northwest and by West, and so shall you make or see the sayd Cayo Romano upon the larboord side of you. Note, that from Cayo Romano to Cabo de Cruz you have three leagues, and they lie North and South one from another.Markes of Cayo Romano.
CAYO Romano is an high Island, and lyeth Northeast and Southwest, and stretcheth it selfe as it were 4. leagues: and comming on it Northeast & Southwest, it maketh a loafe or round heape or homock; in the midst there are two saddles, as wee terme them, or lowe partitions, the one on the one side, and the other on the other side; and comming with it North and South, it maketh all one lowe send or saddle in the midst. And if night should come on you at this Cayo Romano, enter not the chanell, because in the mid way is an Isle, flat, or Cayo , which lyeth North and South with Cayo Romana, and it is called Cayo de la Cruz: and at full sea you shall discerne a heath, which this Cayo hath in the midst of it, which is like to a saile; but al night beare but your foresaile a glasse one way and another glasse the other way untill it be day, and then enter the chanell, and leave these Cayos, on the larbourd side of you. Note, that if you bee within sight of the Parcel, and see two litle Islands of white sand, that then you are on the cantell of the Parcel: and if you goe more a head coasting the Parcell, about fifteene leagues, you shall see three Islands full of trees, which are called Las Anguillas and all these three Islands beare North and South one from another. Item from Cayo de Cruz to Havana , if it be by day, stir away West Northwest; but if it be by night, then stir a point more to the Westward: and if in this course you chance to see the Parcell, feare not; for in the lowest water there are sixe fathomes; then cast about to the Southwestward to get out about two glasses, and then stir away Westnorthwest untill it be day and so shall you goe by the Cayos: and in this course you must keepe twentie foure leagues or thereabout. And from this Cayo de Cruz sixe or seven leagues lyeth another Cayo upon the Northeast and by North, which is great and white, and all even: But the point on the Southwest is smaller, and upon the said point is a shrub or bush which sheweth like a saile : also there is a banke of white sand along by the sea-side, which in the middest thereof maketh a cliff full of trees that seemeth like a sadle: and upon the Northeast side (for on this maner the coast lyeth along from the Cape) going by the chanell you shal see certaine hilles eighteene or twentie leagues long lying Northeast and Southwest being all saddle-like: and bringing the poynt Southwest off you, you shall be in the middest of the chanell: and from thence you have as farre to Matanzas as to Cayo Romano. Likewise from thence on the side of Havana you shall see certaine hilles which shewe to be three, and ly Northeast and Southwest, and that on the Southwest is highest: they are called Las Sierras de Guana: and North and South from them lyeth a flat, which is called Cayo de Nicola, which stretched out two leagues into the Sea, and in the middle of the sayde flatte there is a little Island of white sand: and from thence you must sayle to Cruz del Padre.Markes of Cruz del Padre.
CRUZ del Padre is a Cape all broken in pieces: and from thence you must stir away Northeast, because of the Bay that is there, called the Bay of Conell, and this Bay stretcheth to the Bay of Caos, which is within 20 leagues of the sayd poynt: and then stir away West Northwest to goe with the Port of Matanzas, and with the hilles of Camoniaca.Markes of the hilles of Camoniaca.
THE hilles of Camoniaca ly Northwest and Southeast, and the Southeast side is lowe land and even: also upon the Northeast side it is even land, and runneth towards the Bay of Matanzas, and in the middle of these hilles there is one high hill, and upon the Northeast side there appeareth a round heape: and if you see this hill at West Southwest, the Pan or round heape of Matanzas will beare off you West and by South.Markes of the round hill called El pan de Matanzas .
THIS Pan is a round heape standing on a lowe land and if you bring your selfe North and South with it, it will make you two saddles; and on the West side it maketh a great parted lande as it were sinking with the sea. Note that wheresoever you shall goe to seeke the Tortugas, and shall come with the coast and finde it beare off you Northeast and Southwest, I advise you to goe along the coast to the Southwestward: you may not deepen more then fortie five fathomes, for if you doe, you shall cast your selfe without the Tortugas. Also you must note, that if by chance you finde your selfe shotte betweene the Tortugas, and the Martyres, and that you cannot goe on the out-side of the sayde Tortugas, then cause one to goe to the top, to see if you can descry them; and if you cannot see them, stir away Southwest untill you see them; and having gotten sight of them, sounde, and you shall finde eighteene or ninteene fathomes : and so sholding stir away South and by West, and goe by this course. And feare you not the sholding, for you shall meete with 12 fathoms, and shall have blacke sand in your sounding. And going neerer to the ende of the said Tortugas (for hee that is on the toppe shall see them all) as you passe by, you shall finde but eight fathomes, and stony ground, and that is the sholdest water you shall have. And you shall passe by a bustling of a tyde, that shoules out of the chanel that way: but you neede not feare any thing for you shall have no lesse then eight fathome water: and being past the said bustling but a minion shot, you shal loose the ground and be in the chanell.An advertizment.
WHEN you shall passe this course, goe not out of sight of the Tortugas. And if you will goe from thence to Havana , having a faire winde, stir away Southwest because the current may not set you off: and if with a fresh winde and Northerly, then stir away Southerly.Here follow the latitudes of the headlandes, Capes, and Islands, as well of Madera, The Canaries, and the West Indies, as of the Azores and the Isles of Cabo Verde.
| Degrees of latitude. | |
| THE island called Puerto santo standeth in | 33 |
| The isle of Madera standeth in | 32 1/2 |
| The isle Salvaja in | 30 |
| The isle of Alagranza in | 29 1/2 |
| The isle Fuerte ventura in | 28 1/2 |
| The Grand Canaria in | 28 1/2 |
| The isle of Palma, and the point called Punta de Naga in Tenerif in | 28 1/2 |
| The isle of Gomera in | 27 1/2 |
| Degrees of latitude. | |
| The island of Fonzeca standeth in | 11 1/4 |
| The isle Tabago in | skant 11 |
| The Barbudos in | 13 |
| The isle of Trinidad upon the North side in | 10 |
| The isle of Granata in | 11 1/4 |
| The isle of Sant Vincent in | 12 |
| The isle of santa Lucia in | 12 3/4 |
| The isle of Dominica in | 14 |
| The isle of Matalina or Martinino in | 14 1/2 |
| The isle of Marigalante in | 15 |
| The isle of Deseada in | 15 1/2 |
| The isle of Monserate in | 16 |
| The isle called La Antigua in | 17 |
| The isle called La Baruada in | 17 |
| The isle of S. Bartholomew in | 17 |
| The isle of S. Martin in | 17 1/2 |
| The isle called La Anguilla in | skant 18 |
| The isle of Sombrero in | 18 1/2 |
| The isle Anegada in | 18 1/2 |
| The isle called La isla de Avez in | 15 1/2 |
| The isles called Las Virgines in | 18 |
| The isle of Santa Cruz in | 17 |
| The isle of S. Juan de Puerto rico { On the North side in | 18 1/2 |
| { On the South side in | 17 1/4 |
| Cape del Enganno upon the East part of Hispaniola in | 18 1/2 |
| The point of the isle of Saona in | 17 1/2 |
| The Cape called Punta de Nizao neere S. Domingo in Hispaniola in | 17 1/2 |
| The isle of Beata on the South side of Hispaniola in | 17 |
| The point of Bacao on the South side of Hispaniola in | 17 1/2 |
| Cape Tiburon upon the West part of Hispaniola, and the isle of Navaza in | 18 1/3 |
| The isle of Jamaica
{ On the South side in | 17 1/4 |
| { On the North side in | 18 1/2 |
| Cape de Cruz on the South side of Cuba in | 20 |
| The 3 Isles called Caimanes, or Crocodiles, South of Cuba, in | 19 1/4 |
| The dangerous isles called Los Jardines South of Cuba in | 21 |
| The isle of Pinos in | 21 |
| Cape de Corrientes upon the Southwest part of Cuba in | 21 1/2 |
| Cabo de sant Anton being the most westerly Cape of Cuba in | 22 |
| The litle isles called Los Alacranes, or The Scorpions, in | 22 |
| The isles called Nigrillos in | 23 1/2 |
| Isla de Lobos, or The isle of seales neere the maine of Nueva Espanna, in | 22 |
| The Cape of Yucatan called Cabo de Catoche in | 21 |
| The island called Isla de Ranas in | 21 1/2 |
| Degrees of latitude. | |
| Villa rica standeth in | 19 1/2 |
| Sant. Juan de Ullua in | 18 3/4 |
| From Sant Juan de Ullua sayling to the Tortugas you must sound in | 27 1/2 |
| The small isles called Las Tortugas stand in | 25 |
| The Port of Havana upon the Northwest part of Cuba in | 23 1/2 |
| The head of the Martyrs lying before the Cape of Florida in | 25 |
| The Mimbres are in | 26 1/2 |
| The Chanel of Bahama in | 27 1/2 |
| The Cape de Cannaveral upon the coast of Florida in | 28 1/3 |
| The Isle of Bermuda in | 33 |
| The *isle of John Luis or John Alvarez in | 41 1/4 |
| Degrees of latitude. | |
| The isle of Flores standeth in | 39 1/2 |
| The isle of Cuervo in | 40 |
| The isle of Fayal in | 38 1/2 |
| The isle of Pico and the isle of Sant George both in | 38 1/2 |
| The isle of Terzera in | 39 |
| The isle of Gracioso in | 39 1/2 |
| The isle of Santa Maria in | 37 |
| The isle of sant Michael in | 38 |
| Cape sant Vincent upon the coast of Spaine | 37 |
| The Rocke in | 39 |
| The Burlings in | 40 |
| Bayona in | 42 1/2 |
| Cape Finister in | 43 1/2 |
| The enterance of the streights of Gibraltar is in | 36 |
| Cape Cantin upon the coast of Barbarie in | 32 1/2 |
| Cape Bojador upon the coast of Barbarie in | 27* |
| Rio del oro, or The river of Gold, in | 23 1/2 |
| Cabo de Barbas in | 22 |
| Cabo blanco, or the white Cape in | 20 3/4 |
| The isles of Sant Anton, Sant Vincent, Santa Lucia, and Sant Nicolas stand all in | 18 1/3 |
| Isla del Sal, or The isle of salt, in | 17 1/4 |
| The isle called Buena vista in | 16 |
| The isle of Sant Iago in | 15 |
| Degrees of latitude. | |
| The isles of Aruba , Curazao, and Buinaro stand all in | 12 |
| The isle of Margarita in | 11 |
| The islandes called Los Testigos in | 11 1/4 |
| The coast of Baya Honda to Cape de la Vela lyeth East and West in | 12 |
| Cape del Aguja in | 11 1/3 |
| The rockes of Serrana in | 14 |
| The Roncador in | 13 1/2 |
| The isle of Santa Catelina in | 13 1/2 |
| The isle of Sant Andrew in | 12 1/2 |
| The Seranilla in | 15 1/2 |
| The isle of Centanilla or Santanilla in | 17 1/4 |
| Cape Camaron on the maine, South of the enterance of the Honduras | 16 |
| Ganaba in . | 16 3/4 |
| Genaza in | 16 1/2 |
| Leagues. | ||
| From Sal Medina upon the Coast Andaluzia till you bring your selfe North and South with Cape Cantin upon the Coast of Barbary | 85 | |
| From Sal Medina to the island of Gran Canaria | 200 | |
| From the Gran Canaria to Deseada | 850 | |
| From Deseada to Monserate | 20 | |
| From Monserate to santa Cruz | 58 | |
| From santa Cruz to Cape Roxo the Southwest Cape of Sant Juan de Puerto Rico | 45 | |
| From Cape Roxo to Saona | 25 | |
| From Saona to sant Domingo | 25 | |
| From sant Domingo to Ocoa | 18 | |
| From Ocoa to Beata | 20 | |
| From Beata to the isle Baque | 43 | |
| From the isle Baque to Navaza | 33 | |
| From Navaza to sant Iago of Cuba | 32 | |
| From sant Iago of Cuba to Cabo de Cruz | 34 | |
| From Cabo de Cruz to the first Cayman | 40 | |
| From the first Cayman to the middle Cayman | 6 | |
| From the middle Cayman to the great Cayman | 12 | |
| From the great Cayman to the isle of Pinos | 48 | |
| From Cabo de Cruz to the isle of Pinos by the forsaid course | 106 | |
| From the isle of Pinos to Cabo de Corrientes | 19 | |
| From Cabo de Corrientes to Cabo de sant Anton | 20 | |
| The course fro Cabo de sant Anton to sant Juan de Ullua by the outside or North of the Isles called Alacranes. | From Cabo de sant Anton to the Nigrillos | 106 |
| From the Nigrillos, untill you bring your selfe North and South with the isle Vermeja | 25 | |
| From the isle Vermeja to Villa Rica | 96 | |
| From Villa rica to Sant Juan de Ullua | 12 | |
| The course from Cabo de Corrientes to sant Juan de Ullua on the inside or South of the Alacranes. | From Cabo de Corrientes to the first sounding | 45 |
| From the first sounding till you come so farre a head as the island called Isla de Ranas | 80 | |
| From Isla de Ranas unto | ||
| Leagues. | |
| From Saint Juan de Ullua to the Tortugas. | 280 |
| From the Tortugas to Havana. | 36 |
| From Havana to the head of the Martyrs. | 36 |
| From the head of the Martyrs to the Mimbres. | 30 |
| From the Mimbres to Bahama. | 22 |
| From the head of the Martyrs to Cabo de Cannaveral. | 62 |
| From Cabo de Cannaveral to Bermuda. | 350 |
| From Bermuda to the Isle of John Luis or John Alvarez. | 320 |
| From the Isle of John Luis or Alvarez to Flores. | 300 |
| From Flores to Fayal. | 28 |
| From Fayal to Terzera. | 28 |
| From Terzera to Saint Michael . | 28 |
| From Saint Michael to Cape Saint Vincent . | 218 |
| From Terzera to Cape Saint Vincent . | 256 |
| From Cape S. Vincent to Cabo de santa Maria upon the coast of Algarbe. | 22 |
| From Cabo de santa Maria to Sal Medina in Andaluzia. | 32 |
