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77. Assimilation.—A consonant is sometimes assimilated to another consonant in the same word. This assimilation may be either partial, as in ἐ-πέμφ-θην I was sent for ἐ-πεμπ-θην (82), or complete, as in ἐμμένω I abide by for ἐν-μενω (94).

a. A preceding consonant is generally assimilated to a following consonant. Assimilation to a preceding consonant, as in ὄλλυ_μι I destroy for ὀλ-νυ_-μι, is rare.


78. Attic has ττ for σς of Ionic and most other dialects: πρά_ττω do for πρά_σσω, θάλαττα sea for θάλασσα, κρείττων stronger for κρείσσων.

a. Tragedy and Thucydides adopt σς as an Ionism. On χαρίεσσα see 114 a.

b. ττ is used for that σς which is regularly formed by κ or χ and ι (112), sometimes by τ, θ, and ι (114). On ττ in ᾿ Αττικός see 83 a.

79. Later Attic has ρρ for ρς of older Attic: θάρρος courage = θάρσος, ἄρρην male = ἄρσην.

a. But ρς does not become ρρ in the dative plural (ῥήτορ-σι orators) and in words containing the suffix -σις for -τις (ἄρ-σις raising).

b. Ionic and most other dialects have ρς. ρς in Attic tragedy and Thucydides is probably an Ionism. Xenophon has ρς and ρρ.

80. An initial ρ is doubled when a simple vowel is placed before it in inflection or composition. Thus, after the syllabic augment (429), ἔ-ρρει was flowing from ῥέω; and in καλί-ρροος fair flowing. After a diphthong ρ is not doubled: εὔ-ροος fair flowing.

a. This ρρ, due to assimilation of σρ (ἔ-ρρει, καλί-ρροος), or ϝρ (ἐρρήθη was spoken), is strictly retained in the interior of a word; but simplified to single ρ when standing at the beginning, i.e. ῥέω is for ρρέω. In composition (εὔ-ροος) single ρ is due to the influence of the simplified initial sound.

b. A different ρρ arises from assimilation of ρς (79), ρε (sounded like py, 44, 117), and νρ (95).

80 D. In Hom. and even in prose ρ may remain single after a vowel: ἔ-ρεξε did from ῥέζω, καλλί-ροος. So ἰσό-ρροπος and ἰσό-ροπος (by analogy to ῥόπος) equally balanced. ἐκ χειρῶν βέλεα_ ῥέον M 159 represents βέλεα ρρέον. Cp. 146 D.

81. β, γ, δ are not doubled in Attic (cp. 75 D.). In γγ the first γ is nasal (19 a). φ, χ, θ are not doubled in Attic; instead, we have πφ, κχ, τθ as in Σαπφώ Sappho, Βάκχος Bacchus, ᾿ Ατθίς (Atthis) Attic. Cp. 83 a.

81 D. 1. Hom. has many cases of doubled liquids and nasals: ἔλλαβε took, ἄλληκτος unceasing, ἄμμορος without lot in, φιλομμειδής fond of smiles, ἀγάννιφος very snowy, ἀργεννός white, ἔννεπε relate. These forms are due to the assimilation of ς and λ, μ, or ν. Thus, ἀγά-ννιφος is from ἀγα-σνιφος, cp. sn in snow.

2. Doubled stops: ὅττι that (σϝοδ-τι), ὁππότε as (σϝοδ-ποτε), ἔδδεισε feared (ἐδϝεισε).

3. σς in μέσσος middle (for μεθιος medius, 114), ὀπίσσω backward, in the datives of ς-stems, as ἔπεσσι (250 D. 2), and in verbs with stems in ς (τρέσσε).

4. One of these doubled consonants may be dropped without lengthening the preceding vowel: ᾿ Οδυσεύς from ᾿ Οδυσσεύς, μέσος, ὀπίσω. So in ᾿ Αχιλεύς from ᾿ Αχιλλεύς. On δδ, ββ, see 75 D. Aeolic has many doubled consonants due to assimilation (37 D. 3).



82. A labial or a palatal stop (16) before a dental stop τ, δ, θ must be of the same order (16).

a. βτ, φτ become πτ: (τετρι_β-ται) τέτρι_πται has been rubbed from τρί_β-ω rub; (γεγραφ-ται) γέγραπται has been written from γράφ-ω write. γτ, χτ become κτ: (λελεγ-ται) λέλεκται) has been said from λέγ-ω say; (βεβρεχ-ται) βέβρεκται has been moistened from βρέχ-ω moisten.

b. πδ, φδ become βδ: (κλεπ-δην) κλέβδην by stealth from κλέπ-τ-ω steal; (γραφδην) γράβδην scraping from γράφ-ω write (originally scratch, scrape). κδ becomes γδ: (πλεκ-δην) πλέγδην entwined from πλέκ-ω plait.

c. πθ, βθ become φθ: (ἐπεμπ-θην) ἐπέμφθην I was sent from πέμπ-ω send; (ἐτρι_β-θη) ἐτρί_φθη it was rubbed (τρί_β-ω rub). κθ, γθ become χθ: (ἐπλεκ-θη) ἐπλέχθη it was plaited (πλέκ-ω plait); (ἐλεγ-θη) ἐλέχθη it was said (λέγ-ω say).

N. 1.—Cp. πτά seven, βδομος seventh, φθήμερος lasting seven days.

N. 2.—But ἐκ out of remains unchanged: ἐκδίδωμι surrender, ἐκθέω run out (104).

83. A dental stop before another dental stop becomes ς.

ἀνυστός practicable for ἀνυτ-τος from ἀνύτω complete, ἴστε you know for ἰδ-τε, οἶσθα thou knowest for οἰδ-θα, πέπεισται has been persuaded for πεπειθ-ται, ἐπείσθην I was persuaded for ἐπειθ-θην.

a. ττ, τθ remain unchanged in ᾿ Αττικός, ᾿ Ατθίς Attic, and in κατθανεῖν die (75 D., 81). So ττ for σς (78).

84. Any stop standing before a stop other than τ, δ, θ, or in other combination than πφ, κχ, τθ (81) is dropped, as in κεκόμιδ-κα I have brought. γ before κ, γ, or χ is gamma-nasal (19 a), not a stop.


85. Before μ, the labial stops (π, β, φ) become μ; the palatal stops κ, χ become γ; γ before μ remains unchanged.

ὄμμα eye for ὀπ-μα (cp. ὄπωπα), λέλειμμαι I have been left for λελειπ-μαι from λείπ-ω leave, τέτρι_μμαι for τετρι_β-μαι from τρί_β-ω rub, γέγραμμαι for γεγραφμαι from γράφ-ω write, πέπλεγμαι for πεπλεκ-μαι from πλέκ-ω plait, τέτευγμαι for τετευχ-μαι from τεύχ-ω build.

a. κ and χ may remain unchanged before μ in a noun-suffix: ἀκ-μή edge, δραχ-μή drachma. κμ remains when brought together by phonetic change (128 a), as in κέ-κμη-κα am wearied (κάμ-νω).

85 a D. So in Hom. ἴκμενος favoring (ἱκά_νω), ἀκαχμένος sharpened.

b. γγμ and μμμ become γμ and μμ. Thus, ἐλήλεγμαι for ἐληλεγγ-μαι from ἐληλεγχ-μαι (ἐλέγχ-ω convict), πέπεμμαι for πεπεμμ-μαι from πεπεμπ-μαι (πέμπ-ω send).

86. A dental stop (τ, δ, θ) before μ often appears to become ς. Thus, ἤνυσμαι for ἠνυτ-μαι (ἀνύτ-ω complete), πέφρασμαι for πεφραδ-μαι (φράζω declare), πέπεισμαι for πεπειθ-μαι (πείθ-ω persuade).

87. On the other hand, since these stops are actually retained in many words, such as ἐρετμόν oar, πότμος fate, ἀριθμός number, ς must be explained as due to analogy. Thus, ἤνυσμαι, πέφρασμαι, πέπεισμαι have taken on the ending -σμαι by analogy to -σται where ς is in place (πέφρασται for πεφραδ-ται). So ἴσμεν we know (Hom. ἴδμεν) follows ἴστε you know (for ἰδ-τε). ὀσμή odor stands for ὀδ-σμη.


88. β regularly and φ usually become μ before ν. Thus, σεμνός revered for σεβ-νος (σέβ-ομαι), στυμνός firm for στυφ-νος (στύ_φω contract).

89. γίγνομαι become, γιγνώσκω know become γί_νομαι, γι_νώσκω in Attic after 300 B.C., in New Ionic, late Doric, etc.

90. λν becomes λλ in ὄλλυ_μι destroy for ὀλ-νυ_μι.

λν is kept in πίλναμαι approach. On sigma before ν see 105.

90 D. Aeolic βόλλα council, attic βουλή and Doric βωλά_ (with compensatory lengthening), probably for βολνα_.


91. ν before π, β, φ, ψ becomes μ: ἐμπί_πτω fall into for ἐν-πι_πτω, ἐμβάλλω throw in for ἐν-βαλλω, ἐμφαίνω exhibit for ἐν-φαινω, ἔμψυ_χος alive for ἐν-ψυ_χος.

92. ν before κ, γ, χ, ξ becomes γ-nasal (19 a): ἐγκαλέω bring a charge for ἐν-καλεω, ἐγγράφω inscribe for ἐν-γραφω, συγχέω pour together for συν-χεω, συγξύ_ω grind up for συν-ξι_ω.

93. ν before τ, δ, θ remains unchanged. Here ν may represent μ: βρον-τή thunder (βρέμ-ω roar).

94. ν before μ becomes μ: ἔμμετρος moderate for ἐν-μετρος, ἐμμένω abide by for ἐν-μενω.

a. Verbs in -νω may form the perfect middle in -σμαι (489 h); as in πέφασμαι (from φαίνω show) for πεφαν-μαι (cp. πέφαγ-κα, πέφαν-ται).

b. Here ν does not become ς; but the ending -σμαι is borrowed from verbs with stems in a dental (as πέφρασμαι, on which see 87).

95. ν before λ, ρ is assimilated (λλ, ρρ): σύλλογος concourse for συν-λογος, συρρέω flow together for συν-ρεω.

96. ν before ς is dropped and the preceding vowel is lengthened (ε to ει, ο to ου, 37): μέλα_ς black for μελαν-ς, εἷς one for ἑν-ς, τιθείς placing for τιθεντ-ς, τούς for τόν-ς.

a. But in the dative plural ν before -σι appears to be dropped without compensatory lengthening: μέλασι for μελαν-σι, δαίμοσι for δαιμον-σι divinities, φρεσί for φρεν-σι mind. But see 250 N.


97. With ς a labial stop forms ψ, a palatal stop forms ξ.

λείψω shall leave for λειπ-σωκῆρυξ herald for κηρυκ-ς
τρί_ψω shall rubτρι_β-σωἄξω shall leadἀγ-σω
γράψω shall writeγραφ-σωβήξ coughβηχ-ς

a. The only stop that can stand before ς is π or κ, hence β, φ become π, and γ, χ become κ. Thus, γραφ-σω, ἀγ-σω become γραπ-σω, ἀκ-σω.

98. A dental stop before ς is assimilated (σς) and one ς is dropped.

σώμασι bodies for σωμασσι out of σωματ-σι, ποσί feet for ποσσί out of ποδ-σι, ὄρνι_σι birds for ὀρνι_σσι out of ὀρνι_θ-σι. So πάσχω suffer for πασσχω out of παθ-σκω (cp. παθ-εῖν and 126).

a. δ and θ become τ before ς: ποδ-σι, ὀρνι_θ-σι become ποτ-σι, ὀρνι_τ-σι.

98 D. Hom. often retains σς: ποσσί, δάσσασθαι for δατ-σασθαι (δατέομαι divide).

99. κ is dropped before σκ in διδακ-σκω teach (διδακ-τός taught).

π is dropped before σφ in βλαπσ-φημία_ evil-speaking.

100. ντ, νδ, νθ before ς form νσς (98), then νς, finally ν is dropped and the preceding vowel is lengthened (37).

πᾶσι all for πανσ-σι out of παντ-σι, τιθεῖσι placing for τιθενσ-σι out of τιθεντ-σι. So γίγα_ς giant for γιγαντ-ς, λύ_ουσι loosing for λυ_οντ-σι, σπείσω shall make libation for σπενδ-σω, πείσομαι shall suffer for πενθ-σομαι (πένθος grief).

101. a. ἐν in, σύν with in composition are treated as follows:

ἐν before ρ, ς, or ζ keeps its ν: ἔν-ρυθμος in rhythm, ἐν-σκευάζω prepare, ἐνζεύγνυ_μι yoke in.

σύν before ς and a vowel becomes συσ-: συσ-σῴζω help to save. before ς and a consonant or ζ, becomes συ-: συ-σκευάζω pack up, σύ-ζυγος yoked together.

b. πᾶν, πάλιν before ς either keep ν or assimilate ν to ς: πάν-σοφος all-wise, παν-σέληνος or πασσέληνος the full moon, παλίν-σκιος thick-shaded, παλίσ-συτος rushing back.

102. On ρς see 79 a. λς is retained in ἄλσος precinct. ρς, λς may become ρ, λ with lengthening of the preceding vowel: ἤγειρα I collected, ἤγγειλα I announced for ἠγερ-σα, ἠγγελ-σα.

102 D. Hom. has ὦρσε incited, κέρσε cut, ἐέλσαι to coop up, κέλσαι to put to shore.


103. Sigma between consonants is dropped: ἤγγελςθε you have announced, γεγράφςθαι to have written, ἕκςμηνος of six months (ἕξ six, μήν month).

a. But in compounds ς is retained when the second part begins with ς: ἔν-σπονδος included in a truce. compounds in δυσ- ill omit ς before a word beginning with ς: δύσχιστος hard to cleave for δυσ-σχιστος (σχίζω).

104. ἐξ out of (= ἐκς) drops ς in composition before another consonant, but usually retains its κ unaltered: ἐκτείνω stretch out, ἐκδίδωμι surrender, ἐκφέρω carry out, ἐκθύ_ω sacrifice, ἐκσῴζω preserve from danger (not ἐξῴζω), ἐκμανθάνω learn thoroughly. Cp. 82 N. 2, 136.

105. ς before μ or ν usually disappears with compensatory lengthening (37) as in εἰμί for ἐσ-μι. But σμ stays if μ belongs to a suffix and in compounds of δυσ- ill: δυσ-μενής hostile.

a. Assimilation takes place in Πελοπόννησος for Πέλοπος νῆσος island of Pelops, ἕννυ_μι clothe for ἑσ-νυ_μι (Ionic εἵνυ_μι), ἔρρει was flowing for ἐ-σρει, 80 a.

105 D. ς is assimilated in Aeol. and Hom. ἔμμεναι to be for ἐσ-μεναι (εἶναι), ἀργεννός white for άργεσ-νος, ἐρεβεννός dark (ἐρεβεσ-νος, cp. Ερεβος), ἄμμε we, ὔμμες you (ἀσμε, ὐσμες). Cp. 81 D.

106. σδ becomes ζ in some adverbs denoting motion towards. Thus, ᾿ Αθήναζε for ᾿ Αθήνασ-δε Athens-wards (26, 342 a).

106 D. Aeolic has σδ for medial ζ in ὔσδος branch (ὄζος), μελίσδω make melody (μελίζω).

107. Two sigmas brought together by inflection become ς: βέλεσι for βέλεσ-σι missiles, ἔπεσι for ἔπεσ-σι words (98), τελέσαι for τελέσ-σαι (from τελέω accomplish, stem τελεσ-).

a. σς when = ττ (78) never becomes ς.

107 D. Homer often retains σς: βέλεσσι, ἔπεσσι, τελέσσαι.

108. Many of the rules for the euphony of consonants were not established in the classical period. Inscriptions show a much freer practice, either marking the etymology, as σύνμαχος for σύμμαχος ally (94), ἐνκαλεῖν for ἐγκαλεῖν to bring a charge (92), or showing the actual pronunciation (phonetic spelling), as τὸγ (= τὸν) κακόν (92), τὴμ (= τὴν) βουλήν (91), τὸλ (= τὸν) λόγον, ἔγδοσις for ἔκδοσις surrendering (104), ἐχφέρω, ἐχθύ_ω for ἐκφέρω, ἐκθύ_ω (104).



109. Numerous changes occur before the semivowel [ιγλιδε] (= y, 20) before a vowel. This y is often indicated by the sign [ιγλιδε]. In 110-117 (except in 115) [ιγλιδε] is = y.

110. λ[ιγλιδε] becomes λλ: ἄλλος for ἀλιος Lat. alius, ἅλλομαι for ἁλ[ιγλιδε]ομαι Lat. salio, φύλλον for φυλ[ιγλιδε]ον Lat. folium.

111. After αν, ον, αρ, ορ, [ιγλιδε] is shifted to the preceding syllable, forming αιν, οιν, αιρ, οιρ. This is called Epenthesis (ἐπένθεσις insertion).

φαίνω show for φαν-[ιγλιδε]ω, μέλαινα black for μελαν-[ιγλιδε]α, σπαίρω gasp for σπαρ-[ιγλιδε]ω, μοῖρα fate for μορ-[ιγλιδε]α. (So κλαίω weep for κλαϝ-[ιγλιδε]ω 38 a.) On ι after εν, ερ, ιν, ιρ, υν, υρ, see 37 a.

112. κ[ιγλιδε], χ[ιγλιδε] become ττ (= σς 78): φυλάττω guard for φυλακ-[ιγλιδε]ω (cp. φυλακή guard), ταράττω disturb for ταραχ-[ιγλιδε]ω (cp. ταραχή disorder).

113. (I) τ[ιγλιδε], θ[ιγλιδε] after long vowels, diphthongs, and consonants become ς; after short vowels τ[ιγλιδε], θ[ιγλιδε] become σς (not = ττ 78), which is simplified to ς.

αἶσα fate from αἰτ-[ιγλιδε]α, πᾶσα all from παντ-[ιγλιδε]α, μέσος middle (Hom. μέσσος) from μεθ-[ιγλιδε]ος (cp. Lat. med-ius), τόσος so great (Hom. τόσσος) from τοτ-[ιγλιδε]ος (cp. Lat. toti-dem).

a. In the above cases τ[ιγλιδε] passed into τς. Thus παντ-[ιγλιδε]α, παντσα, πανσσα, πάνσα (Cretan, Thessalian), πᾶσα (37 D. 3).

114. (II) τ[ιγλιδε], θ[ιγλιδε] become ττ (= σς 78): μέλιττα bee from μελιτ-ια (cp. μέλι, -ιτος honey), κορύττω equip from κορυθ-[ιγλιδε]ω (cp. κόρυς, -υθος helmet).

a. χαρίεσσα graceful and other feminine adjectives in -εσσα are poetical, and therefore do not assume the native Attic prose form in ττ. But see 299 c.

b. ττ from τ[ιγλιδε], θ[ιγλιδε] is due to analogy, chiefly of ττ from κ[ιγλιδε].

115. τ before final ι often becomes ς. Thus, τίθησι places for τίθητι; also in πλούσιος rich for πλουτ-ιος (cp. πλοῦτος wealth).

a. ντ before final ι becomes νς, which drops ν: ἔχουσι they have for ἔχοντι (37).

115 D. Ioric often retains τ (τίθητι, ἔχοντι). σέ is not from (Dor.) τέ (cp. Lat. te), no is σοί from τοί.

116. δ[ιγλιδε] between vowels and γ[ιγλιδε] after a vowel form ζ: thus, ἐλπίζω hope for ἐλπιδ-[ιγλιδε]ω, πεζός on foot for πεδ-[ιγλιδε]ος (cp. πεδ-ίο-ν ground), ἁρπάζω seize for ἁρπαγ-[ιγλιδε]ω (cp. ἅρπαξ rapacious). After a consonant γ[ιγλιδε] forms δ: ἔρδω work from ἐργ-[ιγλιδε]ω.

117. π[ιγλιδε] becomes πτ, as in χαλέπτω oppress from χαλεπ-[ιγλιδε]ω. ρ[εγλιδε] becomes ρρ in Βορρᾶς from Βορέα_ς Boreas. Here ε was sounded nearly like y (44, 61 a).


118. The spirant ς with a vowel before or after it is often lost. Its former presence is known by earlier Greek forms or from the cognate languages.

119. Initial ς before a vowel becomes the rough breathing.

ἑπτά seven, Lat. septem; ἥμισυς half, Lat. semi-; ἵστημι put for σι-στη-μι, Lat. si-st-o; εἱπόμην I followed from ἐ-σεπ-ο-μην, Lat. sequor.

a. When retained, this ς is due to phonetic change (as σύν for ξύν, σι_γή silence for σ[υγλιδε]ι_γη Grm. schweigen), or to analogy. On the loss of ( see 125 e.

120. Between vowels ς is dropped.

γένους of a race from γενες-ος, Lat. gener-is, λύ_ει thou loosest from λύ_ῃ for λυ_ε-ςαι, ἐλύ_ου from ἐλυ_ε-ςο thou didst loose for thyself, τιθεῖο for τιθεῖσο, εἴην from ἐσ-ιη-ν Old Lat. siem, ἀλήθε-ια truth from ἀληθεσ-ια.

a. Yet ς appears in some -μι forms (τίθεσαι, ἵστασο), and in θρασύς θαρσύς 128. ς between vowels is due to phonetic change (as ς for σς 107, πλούσιος for πλουτιος 115) or to analogy (as ἔλυ_σα for ἐλυ_α, modelled on ἐδεικ-σ-α), cp. 35 c.

121. ς usually disappears in the aorist of liquid verbs (active and middle) with lengthening of the preceding vowel (37): ἔστειλα I sent for ἐστελ-σα, ἔφηνα I showed for ἐφαν-σα, ἐφήνατο for ἐφαν-σατο. Cp. 102.

122. Digamma (3) has disappeared in Attic.

The following special cases are to be noted:

a. In nouns of the third declension with a stem in αυ, ευ, or ον (43). Thus, ναῦς ship, gen. νεώς from νηϝ-ός, βασιλεύς king, gen. βασιλέως from βασιλῆϝ-ος (34).

b. In the augment and reduplication of verbs beginning with ϝ: εἰργαζόμην I worked from ἐ-ϝεργαζομην, ἔοικα am like from ϝεϝοικα. Cp. 431, 443.

c. In verbs in εω for εϝω: ῥέω I flow, fut. ῥεύ-σομαι.

123. Some words have lost initial σϝ: ἡδύς sweet (Lat. suadvis), οὗ, οἷ, him, ὅς his (Lat. suus), ἔθος custom, ἦθος character (Lat. con-suetus).

123 D. Hom. εὔαδε pleased stands for ἐϝϝαδε from ἐσϝαδε.


124. A smooth stop (π, τ, κ), brought before the rough breathing by elision, crasis, or in forming compounds, is made rough, becoming an aspirate (φ, θ, χ). Cp. 16 a.

ἀφ᾽ οὗ for ἀπ) οὗ, νύχθ᾽ ὅλην for νύκτα) ὅλην (82); θἄ_τερον the other (69), θοἰμάτιον for τὸ ἱ_μάτιον the cloak (66); μεθί_ημι let go for μετά) ἵ_ημι, αὐθά_δης selfwilled from αὐτός self and ἁδεῖν please.

a. A medial rough breathing, passing over ρ, roughens a preceding smooth stop: φρουρός watchman from προ-ὁρος, φροῦδος gone from πρό and ὁδός, τέθριππον four-horse chariot (τετρ ¨ ἵππος).

124 D. New Ionic generally leaves π, τ, κ before the rough breathing: ἀπ᾽ οὗ, μετίημι, τοὔτερον. But in compounds (9 D.) φ, θ, χ may appear: μέθοδος method (μετά after + ὁδός way).

125. Two rough stops beginning successive syllables of the same word are avoided in Greek. A rough stop is changed into a smooth stop when the following syllable contains a rough stop.

a. In reduplication (441) initial φ, θ, χ are changed to π, τ, κ. Thus, πέφευγα for φε-φευ-γα perfect of φεύγω flee, τί-θη-μι place for θι-θη-μι, κέ-χη-να for χε-χη-να perf. of χάσκω gape.

b. In the first aorist passive imperative -θι becomes -τι after -θη-, as in λύ-θη-τι for λυ-θη-θι; elsewhere -θι is retained (γνῶθι).

c. In the aorist passive, θε- and θυ- are changed to τε- and τυ- in ἐ-τέ-θην was placed (τίθημι) and ἐ-τύ-θην was sacrificed (θύ_ω).

d. From the same objection to a succession of rough stops are due ἀμπέχω ἀμπίσχω clothe for ἀμφ-, ἐκε-χειρία_ truce for ἐχε-χειρια_ (from ἔχω and χείρ).

e. The rough breathing, as an aspirate (16 a), often disappeared when either of the two following syllables contains φ, θ, or χ. ἔχω have stands for ἔχω σεχω (119, cp. ἔ-σχον), the rough changing to the smooth breathing before a rough stop. The rough breathing reappears in the future ἕξω. Cp. ἴσχω restrain for ἱσχω from σι-σχ-ω, ἔδεθλον foundation, but ἕδος seat, Lat. sedes.

f. In θρίξ hair, gen. sing. τριχ-ός for θριχος, dat. pl. θριξί; ταχύς swift, comparative ταχί_ων (rare) or θά_ττων (θά_σσων) from θαχι_ων (112).

g. In ταφ- (τάφος tomb), pres. θάπ-τ-ω bury, fut. θάψω, perf. τέθαμ-μαι (85); τρέφω nourish, fut. θρέψω, perf. τέ-θραμ-μαι; τρέχω run, fut. θρέξομαι; τρυφ- (τρυφή delicacy), pres. θρύπτω enfeeble, fut. θρύψω; τύ_φω smoke, perf. τέ-θυ_μ-μαι.

N.—The two rough stops remain unchanged in the aorist passive ἐθρέφθην was nourished, ἐθρύφθην was enfeebled, ἐφάνθην was shown forth, ὠρθώθην was set upright, ἐθέλχθην was charmed, ἐκαθάρθην was purified; in the perfect inf. πεφάνθαι, κεκαθάρθαι, τεθάφθαι; in the imperatives γράφηθι be written, στράφηθι turn about, φάθι say.

126. Transfer of Aspiration.—Aspiration may be transferred to a following syllable: πάσχω for παθ-σκω (cp. 98).

126 D. Hdt. has ἐνθαῦτα there (ἐνταῦθα), ἐνθεῦτεν thence (ἐντεῦθεν), κιθών tunic (χιτών).

127. Some roots show variation between a final smooth and a rough stop; δέχομαι receive, δωροδόκος bribe-taker; ἀλείφω anoint, λίπος fat; πλέκω weave, πλοχυός braid of hair; and in the perfect, as ἦχα from ἄγω lead.

127 D. Hom. and Hdt. have αὖτις again (αὖθις), οὐκί not (οὐχί). All the dialects except Attic have δέκομαι.


128. Metathesis (transposition).—A vowel and a consonant often exchange places: Πνύξ the Pnyx, gen. Πυκνός, τίκτω bear for τι-τκ-ω (cp. τεκ-εῖν).

a. Transposition proper does not occur where we have to do with αρ, ρα (20, 35 b) as in θάρσος and θράσος courage; or with syncope (44 b) due to early shifting of accent, as in πέτ-ομαι fly, πτε-ρόν wing; or where a long vowel follows the syncopated root, as in τέμ-νω τέ-τμη-κα I have cut.

In βέβληκα I have thrown (βάλλω throw), βλη is formed from βελε found in βέλε-μνον missile.

128 D. Hom. κραδίη, καρδίη heart, κάρτιστος best (κράτιστος), βάρδιστος slowest (βραδύς), δρατός and -δαρτος from δέρω flay, ἔ-δρακον saw from δέρκομαι see.

129. Dissimilation.—a. λ sometimes becomes ρ when λ appears in the same word: ἀργαλέος painful for ἀλγαλεος (ἄλγος pain).

b. A consonant (usually ρ) sometimes disappears when it occurs also in the adjoining syllable: δρύφακτος railing for δρυ-φρακτος (lit. fenced by wood).

c. Syllabic dissimilation or syncope occurs when the same or two similar syllables containing the same consonant succeed each other: ἀμφορεύς a jar for ἀμφι-φορευς, θάρσυνος bold for θαρσο-συνος. This is often called haplology.

d. See also under 99, 125 a, b.

130. Development.—δ is developed between ν and ρ, as in ἀνδρός of a man for ἀνρος from ἀνήρ (cp. cinder with Lat. cineris); β is developed between μ and ρ (or λ), as in μεσημβρία_ midday, south from μεσ-ημρια_ for μεσ-ημερια_ from μέσος middle and ἡμέρα_ day (cp. chamber with Lat. camera).

130 D. So in Hom. μέ-μβλω-κα have gone from μλω from μολ- in ἔ-μολ-ο-ν (128 a). At the beginning of words this μ is dropped; thus, βλώσκω go, βροτός mortal for μβρο-τος (root μρο-, μορ-, as in mor-tuus). In composition μ remains, as in ἄ-μβροτος immortal; but ἄ-βροτος immortal is formed from βροτός.

131. Labials and dentals often correspond: ποινή and τίσις retribution; φόνος murder, θείνω strike. π and κ: αἰπόλος goat-herd, βουκόλος ox-herd. πτ for τ is found in πτόλεμος war, πτόλις city for πόλεμος, πόλις. Cp. Neoptolemus and Ptolemy. So χθ and χ in χθών ground, χαμαί on the ground.

132. The dialects often show consonants different from Attic in the same or kindred words.

132 D. τ for ς: Doric τύ, τοί, τέ, δια_κατίοι (δια_κόσιοι), ϝί_κατι (εἴκοσι), Ποτειδά_ν (Ποσειδών).

ςτ: Doric σά_μερον to-day (τήμερον Attic, σήμερον Ionic).

κπ: Ionic (not Hom.) κότε when, κότερος which of two? ὅκως, κόσος, κῆ.

κτ: Doric πόκα (πότε), ὅκα (ὅτε).

γβ: Doric γλέφαρον eyelid, γλά_χων (Ion. γλήχων) pennyroyal.

δβ: Doric ὀδελός (ὀβολός) a spit.

πτ: Hom. πίσυρες, Aeol. πέσσυρες four (τέτταρες); Aeol. πήλυι far off (cp. τηλόσε), πέμπε five (πέντε).

θτ: see 126 D.

φθ: Hom. φήρ centaur (θήρ beast).

ρς: (rhotacism): late Laconian, Elean τίρ who, Thessal. Θεόρδοτος god-given.

ςθ: late Laconian σιός for θεός god (26 D.).

νλ: Doric ἐνθεῖν come.


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