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INFLECTION OF Ω-VERBS

625. Verbs which end in ω in the first person present indicative active, and deponent verbs in which the personal endings are preceded by the thematic vowel, have the following peculiarities of inflection:

a. The thematic vowel usually appears in all tenses except the perfect and pluperfect middle (passive) and the aorist passive (except in the subjunctive). These three tenses are inflected like μι-verbs.

b. The present and future singular active end in -ω, -εις, -ει (463). The ending -μι appears only in the optative.

c. The thematic vowel ο unites in the indicative with the ending -ντι, and forms -ουσι (463 d).

d. The third plural active of past tenses ends in -ν.

e. The imperative active has no personal ending in the second person singular except -ο-ν in the first aorist.

f. Except in the perfect and pluperfect the middle endings -σαι and -σο lose ς and contract with the final vowel of the tense-stem (465 a, b). In the optative contraction cannot take place (λύ_οι-ςο, λύ_σαι-ςο).

g. The infinitive active has -ειν (for -ε-εν) in the present, future, and second aorist; -ε-ναι in the perfect; and -αι in the aorist.

h. Active participles with stems in -οντ- have the nominative masculine in -ων.

626. In 627-716 the method of inflection of all ω-verbs, both vowel and consonant, is described. The examples are generally taken from vowel verbs, but the statements hold true of consonant verbs.

Forms of ω-verbs which are inflected according to the non-thematic conjugation are included under the ω-verbs.


PRESENT AND IMPERFECT ACTIVE AND MIDDLE (PASSIVE)

For the formation of the present stem see 497-531.

627. Indicative.—Vowel and consonant verbs in -ω inflect the present by attaching the primary endings (when there are any) to the present stem in -όε (-ώη-). λύ_ω, τι_μῶ (τι_μά-ω), φαίνω, λείπω. The imperfect attaches the secondary endings to the present stem with the augment. See the paradigms, pp. 114, 120. For the active forms -ω, -εις, -ει, see 463.

628. - and -ει are found in the pres. fut. mid. and pass., fut. perf. pass. ε-ςαι yields (written EI in the Old Attic alphabet, 2 a), which is usually given as the proper spelling in the texts of the tragic poets, whereas ει is printed in the texts of prose and comedy. ει was often written for ηι () after 400 B.C., as in ἀγαθεῖ τύχει, since both had the sound of a close long e. It is often impossible to settle the spelling; but βούλει wishest, οἴει thinkest, and ὄψει shalt see (from ὁράω) have only the -ει forms. -ει is sometimes called Attic and Ionic in contrast to - of the other dialects, including the Koiné.

629. Subjunctive.—The present subjunctive adds the primary endings to the tense-stem with the long thematic vowel. For the endings -ῃς, - see 463. Thus, λύ_ω, -ῃς, -, τι_μᾷς ( = τι_μά-ῃς), τι_μᾷ ( = τι_μά-ῃ), φαίνωμεν, -ητε, -ωσι (from -ωντι). Middle λύ_ω-μαι, λύ_ῃ ( = λύ_η-σαι), λύ_η-ται; τι_μᾶ-σθον ( = τι_μάη-σθον); φαινώ-μεθα, φαίνη-σθε, φαίνω-νται.

630. Optative.—To the tense-stem ending in the thematic vowel (always ο) are added the mood-sign -ι_- (-ιε-) or -ιη- (459, 460) and the secondary personal endings (except -μι for -ν, where the mood sign is -ι_-, 459). In the 3 pl. we have -ιε-ν.

a. The final vowel of the tense-stem (ο) contracts with the mood suffix (ι_), ο-ι_ becoming οι. Thus λύ_οιμι (λύ_ο-ι_-μι), λύ_οις (λύ_ο-ι_-ς), λύ_οιεν (λύ_ο-ιε-ν), λυ_οίμην (λυ_ο-ί_-μην), λύ_οιο (λύ_ο-ι_-σο).

631. Imperative.—The present imperative endings are added to the tensestem with the thematic vowel ε (ο before -ντων). The 2 pers. sing. active has no ending, but uses the tense-stem instead (παίδευε, φαῖνε). In the middle -σο loses its ς (466, 2 a); λύ_ου from λύ_ε-σο, φαίνου from φαίνε-σο. On the forms in -ετωσαν and -εσθωσαν for -οντων and -εσθων, see 466, 2 b.

632. Infinitive.—The present stem unites with -εν: λύ_ε-εν λύ_ειν, λείπε-εν λείπειν. In the middle (passive) -σθαι is added: λύ_ε-σθαι, λείπε-σθαι.

632 D. Severer Doric has ἔχην and ἔχεν; Milder Doric has ἔχειν; Aeolic has ἔχην. Hom. has ἀμύ_νειν, ἀμυ_νέμεναι, ἀμυ_νέμεν.

633. Participle.—The present participle adds -ντ- to the present stem ending in the thematic vowel ο. Stems in -ο-ντ have the nominative singular in -ων. Thus masc. λύ_ων from λυ_οντ-ς, fem. λύ_ουσα from λυ_οντ-[ιγλιδε]α, neut. λῦον from λυ_οντ). See 301 a and N.

633 D. Aeolic has fem. -οισα in the present and second aorist (37 D. 3), λύ_οισα, λίποισα.

634. A few ω-verbs in the present and imperfect show forms of the μι-conjugation. These are usually Epic.

δέχομαι, 3 pl. δέχαται await for δεχται, part. δέγμενος, imperf. ἐδέγμην. But these are often regarded as perfect and pluperfect without reduplication. ἐδέγμην in some passages is a second aorist (688).—ἔδω eat (529. 5), inf. ἔδμεναι.—ἐρύω (or εἰρύω) in εἰρύαται.—λοῦται wash is from λόεται, not from λούω (cp. 398 a).— οἶμαι think is probably a perfect to οἴομαι (οἰ-ο-).—οὐτάω wound in οὖτα, οὐτάμεναι is 2 aor.—φέρω bear, imper. φέρτε.

CONTRACT VERBS

635. Verbs in -αω, -εω, -οω contract the final α, ε, ο of the verb-stem with the thematic vowel -όε (-ώη) in the present and imperfect tenses. Thus, τι_μάω τι_μῶ, ποιέω ποιῶ, δηλόω δηλῶ; ἐτί_μαον ἐτί_μων, ἐποίεον ἐποίουν, ἐδήλοον ἐδήλουν. The rules of contraction are given in 4955; the paradigms, p. 120.

a. Open forms of -εω verbs occur in the lyric parts of tragedy.

636. Subjunctive.—The subjunctive adds the primary endings. For the contractions see 59.

637. Optative.—άοι becomes , έοι and όοι become οῖ. Thus. -άο-ι_-μι -ῷμι, -αο-ίη-ν -ῴην, -αο-ί_-μην -ῴμην; -έο-ι_-μι -οῖμι, -εο-ίη-ν -οίην, -εο-ί_-μην -οίμην; -όο-ι_-μι -οῖμι, -ο-ίη-ν -οίην, -οο-ί_-μην -οίμην. Thus, τι_μῴην (τι_μαο-ίη-ν), τι_μῴης (τι_μαο-ίη-ς), τι_μῴη (τι_μαο-ίη), τι_μῴμην (τι_μαο-ί_-μην), ποιοῖο (ποιέο-ι_-σο), ποιοῖτο (ποιέο-ι_-το).

638. In the singular -αω verbs usually end in -ῴην, -ῴης, -ώῃ, rarely in -ῷμι, -ῷς, -. -εω verbs usually end in -οίην, -οίης, -οίη, rarely in -οῖμι, -οῖς, -οῖ (-οῖ chiefly in Plato).

639. In the dual and plural -αω verbs usually end in -ῷτον, -ῴτην, -ῷμεν, -ῷτε, -ῷεν, rarely in -ῴητον, -ῳήτην, -ῴημεν, -ῴητε, -ῴησαν. -εω verbs usually end in -οῖτον, -οίτην, -οῖμεν, -οῖτε, -οῖεν, rarely in -οίητον, -οιήτην, -οίημεν, -οίητε, -οίησαν.

640. Few cases of the optative of -οω verbs occur. In the sing. both -οίην and -οῖμι are found; in the plur. -οῖμεν, -οῖτε, -οῖεν. For ῥι_γῴην from ῥι_γόω shiver see 641.

641. Several contract verbs have stems in -α_, -η, -ω.

These are the verbs of 394, 398 with apparently irregular contraction, and δρῶ do; with presents made from -α_-[ιγλιδε]ω, -η-[ιγλιδε]ω, -ω-[ιγλιδε]ω. Thus, from ζήω, ζήεις, ζήει and χρήομαι, χρήεςαι, χρήεται come ζῶ, ζῇς, ζῇ and χρῶμαι, χρῇ, χρῆται; so διψῆν, πεινῆν from διψή-εν, πεινή-εν. ίδρόω, ῥι_γόω (398) derive the forms in ω and from ἱδρω-, ῥι_γω- (ἱδρώω, ῥι_γώω from ἱδρωσ-[ιγλιδε]ω, ῥι_γωσ-[ιγλιδε]ω). The forms in -οω are from the weaker stems ἰδροσ-, ῥι_γοσ-.

641 D. Hom. has διψά_ων, πεινά_ων, πεινήμεναι, μνά_ομαι, χρήων (Mss. χρείων) uttering oracles, γελώω, ἱδρώω. The verbs in 394, except διψῶ and πεινῶ, have stems in η and α^ (36 e); thus, in Hdt., χρᾶται from χράεται, but χρέω imper., χρεώμενος from χρῆο, χρηόμενος by 34. Hom. and Ion. ζώω has the stem ζω (ζω-[ιγλιδε]ω). Hdt. has ζῆν, διψῆν, but κνᾶν, σμᾶν.

CONTRACT VERBS IN THE DIALECTS

642. -αω Verbs in Homer.—Hom. leaves -αω verbs open 64 times, as ναιετάω, -άουσι, ὑλάει, ἀοιδιάουσα, γοάοιμεν, τηλεθάοντας. When contracted, -αω verbs have the Attic forms, as ὁρῶ, ὁρᾷς, ὁρᾷ; as πειρᾷ makest trial from πειράε-ςαι from πειράομαι; ἠρῶ didst pray from ἠράε-ςο from ἀράομαι.

643. When uncontracted, verbs in -αω often show in the Mss. of Hom., not the original open forms, but “assimilated” forms of the concurrent vowels, αε, αει, αη giving a double a sound by α prevailing over the e sound; αο, αω, αοι, αου giving a double o sound by the o sound prevailing over the α. One of the vowels is commonly lengthened, rarely both.

αε = (1)αα: ὁράεσθαι ὁράασθαι, ἀγά-
εσθε ἀγάασθε.
= (2)α_α: μνάεσθαι μνά_ασθαι, ἠγά-
εσθε ἠγά_ασθε.
αει = (1)αᾳ: ὁράεις ὁράᾳς, ἐάει ἐάᾳ.
= (2)α_ᾳ: μενοινάει μενοινά_ᾳ.
αῃ = (1)αᾳ: ἐάῃς ἐάᾳς.
= (2)α_ᾳ: μνάῃ wooest 2 sing. mid.
= μνά_ᾳ.
αο = (1)οω: ὁράοντες ὁρόωντες.
= (2)ωο: ἡβάοντες ἡβώοντες, μνά-
οντο μνώοντο.
αω = (1)οω: ὁράω ὁρόω, βοάων
βοόων.
= (2)ωω: μενοινάω μενοινώω.
αοι = (1)οῳ: ὁράοιτε ὁρόῳτε.
= (2)ωοι:ἡβάοιμι ἡβώοιμι.
αου = (1)οω: ὁράουσα ὁρόωσα, ὁρά-
ουσι ὁρόωσι, ἀλάου (from
ἀλάεο imper. of ἀλάομαι) =
ἀλόω.
= (2)ωω: ἡβάουσα ἡβώωσα, δρά-
ουσι δρώωσι. ου here is
a spurious diphthong (6)
derived from -οντ-: ὁρα-
οντ-[ιγλιδε]α, ἡβαοντ-[ιγλιδε]α, δρά_οντι;
or by contraction in ἀλάου
from ἀλάεο.

N.—ἀλόω from ἀλάεο wander is unique. γελώοντες is from γελώω (641).

644. The assimilated forms are used only when the second vowel (in the unchanged form) stood in a syllable long by nature or position. Hence ὁροωμεν, ὁραατε, ὁραατο, do not occur for ὁράομεν, etc. (μνωόμενος for μνα_όμενος is an exception.) The first vowel is lengthened only when the metre requires it, as in ἡβώοντες for ἡβάοντες ¯ ˘ ¯ ˘. Thus two long vowels do not occur in succession except to fit the form to the verse, as μενοινώω for μενοινάω; but ἡβώοιμι, not ἡβώῳμι. When the first vowel is metrically lengthened, the second vowel is not lengthened, though it may be long either in a final syllable (as in μενοινά_ᾳ) or when it represents the spurious diphthong ου from -οντ- (as in ἡβώωσα, δρώωσι for ἡβάουσα, δρά_ουσι from -οντ[ιγλιδε]α, -οντι).

645. The assimilated forms include the “Attic” future in -αω from -ασω (539); as ἐλόωσι ( = ἐλάουσι), κρεμόω, δαμάᾳ, δαμόωσι.

646. The assimilated forms are found only in the artificial language of Homer, Hesiod, and their imitators, and nowhere in the living speech. They are commonly explained as derived from the contracted forms by a process of ‘distraction,’ and as inserted in the text for the sake of the metre. Thus ὁρᾷς, βοῶντες, the spoken forms which had taken the place of original ὁράεις, βοάοντες, in the text, were expanded into ὁράᾳς, βοόωντες, by repetition of the α and ο. While the restoration of the original uncontracted forms is generally possible, and is adopted in several modern editions, a phonetic origin of many of the forms in question is still sought by some scholars who regard ὁρόω as an intermediate stage between ὁράω and ὁρῶ. It will be observed, however, that the forms in 648 can be derived only from the unassimilated forms.

647. In the imperfect contraction generally occurs, and assimilation is rare.

648. Some verbs show εο for αο, as ἤντεον, τρόπεον, μενοίνεον, ποτέονται. Cp. 649, 653.

649. -αω verbs in Herodotus.—Hdt. contracts -αω verbs as they are contracted in Attic. In many cases before an ο sound the Mss. substitute ε for α (τολμέω, ὁρέων, ἐφοίτεον). This ε is never found in all the forms of the same verb, and the Mss. generally disagree on each occurrence of any form.—Hdt. always has -ῴην, -ῴμην, in the optative.

650. -εω verbs in Homer.—a. Hom. rarely contracts εω and εο (except in the participle). In a few cases ευ appears for εο, as ποιεύμην; rarely for εου, as τελεῦσι. When the metre allows either -εε and -εει, or -ει, the open forms are slightly more common. ει is often necessary to admit a word into the verse (as ἡγεῖσθαι, ἐφίλει), and is often found at the verse-end. -έ-ε-αι, -έ-ε-ο, in the 2 sing. mid. may become -εῖαι, -εῖο, or -έαι, -έο, by the expulsion of one ε; as μυ_θεῖαι or μυ_θέαι sayest, αἰδεῖο show regard.

b. νεικείω, τελείω, from -εσ-[ιγλιδε]ω (νεικεσ-, τελεσ-) are older forms than νεικέω, τελέω. See 488 d, 624. θείω, πλείω, πνείω show metrical lengthening (28 D.).

c. On -ημεναι in Hom. see 657.

651. -εω verbs in Herodotus.—a. Hdt. generally leaves εο, εω, εου, open, except when a vowel precedes the ε, in which case we find ευ for εο (ἀγνοεῦντες). In the 3 plur. -έουσι is kept except in ποιεῦσι. For -έ-εο in the 2 sing. mid. we find έ-ο in αἰτέο. εε, εει, in stems of more than one syllable, are usually uncontracted in the Mss., but this is probably an error. δεῖ it is necessary and δεῖν are never written otherwise.—The Ion. ευ for εο, εου, occurs rarely in tragedy.

b. In the optative Hdt. has -έοι after a consonant, as καλέοι, but -οῖ after a vowel, as ποιοῖμι, ποιοῖ.

652. Verbs in -οω.—a. Hom. always uses the contracted forms except in the case of such as show assimilation like that in -αω verbs.

οο = (1) οω : δηϊόοντο δηϊόωντο.οοι οῳ : δηιόοιεν δηιόῳεν.
(2) ωο : ὑπνόοντας ὑπνώοντας.οου οω : ἀρόουσι ἀρόωσι.

b. Hdt. contracts -οω verbs as in Attic. Forms with ευ for ου, as δικαιεῦσι, ἐδικαίευν, are incorrect.

653. Doric.—Doric (59 D.) contracts αε and αη to η; αει and αῃ to ; αο, αω, to α_ except in final syllables: τι_μῶ, τι_μῇς, τι_μῇ, τι_μᾶμες, τι_μῆτε, τι_μᾶντι, τί_μη, τι_μῆν. Monosyllabic stems have ω from α ¨ ο or α ¨ ω. Some verbs in -αω have alternative forms in -εω (648), as ὁρέω, τι_μέω.

654. The contractions of -εω verbs in Doric may be illustrated thus:

Severer DoricMilder Doric
φιλέω, φιλῶ, φιλίωφιλέω, φιλῶ
φιλεῖς, φιλές(?)φιλεῖς, φιλές(?)
φιλεῖφιλεῖ
φιλέομες, φιλίομες, φιλίωμες, φιλῶμεςφιλέομες, φιλοῦμες, φιλεῦμες
φιλῆτεφιλεῖτε
φιλέοντι, φιλίοντι, φιλόντιφιλέοντι, φιλοῦντι, φιλεῦντι

a. ιω for εο is a diphthong. ευ for εο is common in Theocritus. In Cretan ι ( = y) for ε is often expelled (κοσμόντες κοσμέοντες).

655. Verbs in -οω contract οο and οε to ω in Severer Doric and to ου in Milder Doric.

656. Aeolic.—In Aeolic contract verbs commonly pass into the μι-conjugation: τί_μαιμι, -αις, -αι, τί_μα_μεν, τί_μα_τε, τί_μαισι, imperfect, ἐτί_μα_ν, ἐτί_μα_ς, ἐτί_μα_, etc. inf. τί_μα_ν, part. τί_μαις, -αντος, mid. τί_μα_μαι, inf. τι_μά_μεναι. So φίλημι, φίλημεν, φίλητε, φίλεισι, ἐφίλην, inf. φίλην, part. φίλεις, -εντος. Thus ὄρημι from ὀρέω = Att. ὁράω, κάλημι, αἴνημι. So also δήλωμι, 3 pl. δήλοισι, inf. δήλων. Besides these forms we find a few examples of the earlier inflection in -αω, -εω, -οω, but these forms usually contract except in a few cases where ε is followed by an ο sound (ποτέονται). From other tenses, e.g. the fut. in -ησω, η has been transferred to the present in ἀδικήω, ποθήω.

657. Hom. has several cases of contract verbs inflected according to the μι- conjugation in the 3 dual: συ_λή-την (συ_λάω spoil), προσαυδή-την (προσαυδάω speak to), ἀπειλή-την (ἀπειλέω threaten), ὁμαρτή-την (ὁμαρτέω meet); also σάω 3 sing. imperf. (σαόω keep safe). In the infinitive -ημεναι, as γοήμεναι (γοάω), πεινήμεναι (πεινά_ω, 641), φιλήμεναι (φιλέω), φορήμεναι and φορῆναι (φορέω). But ἀγι_νέω has ἀγι_νέμεναι.


FUTURE ACTIVE AND MIDDLE (532 ff.). FUTURE PERFECT (580 ff.)

658. All vowel and consonant verbs in -ω inflect the future alike.

659. Indicative.—The future active and middle add the primary endings, and are inflected like the present; as λύ_σω, λύ_σομαι. On the two endings of the second singular middle, see 628. Liquid verbs, Attic futures (538), Doric futures (540) are inflected like contract verbs in -εω; thus φανῶ φανοῦμαι, καλῶ καλοῦμαι, and πεσοῦμαι, follow ποιῶ ποιοῦμαι (385).

a. The only future perfect active from an ω-verb is τεθνήξω shall be dead (584), which is inflected like a future active. Ordinarily the periphrastic formation is used: λελευκὼς ἔσομαι shall have loosed. The future perfect passive (λελύ_σομαι shall have been loosed) is inflected like the future middle. The periphrastic forms and the future perfect passive rarely occur outside of the indicative.

660. Optative.—The inflection is like the present: λύ_σο-ι_-μι, λυ_σο-ί_-μην. In the optative singular of liquid verbs, -ιη-ν, -ιη-ς, -ιη, in the dual and plural -ι_-τον, -ι_-την, -ι_-μεν, -ι_-τε, -ιε-ν, are added to the stem ending in the thematic vowel ο; thus φανεο-ίην φανοίην, φανέο-ι_-μεν φανοῖμεν. So in Attic futures in -άζω, as βιβάζω (539 d) cause to go: βιβῴην, -ῴης, -ῴη, pl. βιβῷμεν.

661. Infinitive.—The future infinitive active adds -εν, as λύ_σειν from λύ_σε-εν, φανεῖν from φανέςε-εν. The infinitive middle adds -σθαι, as λύ_σε-σθαι, φανεῖσθαι, from φανέςε-σθαι.

661 D. Hom. has ἀξέμεναι, ἀξέμεν, ἄξειν. Doric has -ην, -ειν; Aeolic has -ην.

662. Participle.—The future participle has the same endings as the present: λύ_σων λύ_σουσα λῦσον, φανῶν φανοῦσα φανοῦν; middle, λυ_σόμενος, φανούμενος.


FIRST AND SECOND FUTURE PASSIVE (589, 597

663. All verbs inflect the first and second future passive alike, that is, like the future middle.

664. The indicative adds -μαι to the stem ending in -θησο- or -ησο-, as λυθήσο-μαι, φανή-σο-μαι. For the two forms of the second person singular see 628. The optative adds -ι_-μην, as λυθησο-ί_-μην, φανησο-ί_-μην. The infinitive adds -σθαι, as λυθή-σε-σθαι, φανή-σε-σθαι. The participle adds -μενος, as λυθησό-μενος, φανησό-μενος.


FIRST AORIST ACTIVE AND MIDDLE (542

665. All vowel and consonant ω-verbs inflect the first aorist alike.

666. Indicative.—The secondary endings of the first aorist active were originally added to the stem ending in -σ-; thus, ἐλυ_ςṃ, ἐλυ_σ-ς, ἐλυ_σ-τ, ἐλυ_σ-μεν, ἐλυ_σ-τε, ἐλυ_σ-ντ. From ἐλυ_ς came ἔλυ_σα (by 35 c), the α of which spread to the other forms except in the 3 sing., where ε was borrowed from the perfect.

a. In the middle the secondary endings are added to the stem ending in -σα-. For the loss of ς in -σο, see 465 b.

667. Subjunctive.—In the subjunctive the long thematic vowel -ώη- is substituted for the α of the indicative, and these forms are inflected like the present subjunctive: λύ_σω λύ_σωμαι, φήνω φήνωμαι. For the loss of ς in -σαι see 465 a.

667 D. Hom. has forms with the short thematic vowel, as ἐρύσσομεν, ἀλγήσετε, νεμεσήσετε; μυ_θήσομαι, ἐφάψεαι, ἱ_λασόμεσθα, δηλήσεται. In such forms aorist subjunctive and future indicative are alike (532). Pindar has βά_σομεν, αὐδά_σομεν (457 D.).

668. Optative.—To the stem ending in α the mood-suffix ι_ is added, making αι, to which the same endings are affixed as in the present: λύ_σα-ι_-μι λύ_σαιμι, λυ_σα-ί_-μην λυ_σαίμην, φήνα-ι_-μι φήναιμι. The inflection in the middle is like that of the present. For the loss of ς in -σο see 465 b.—In the active -ειας, -ειε, -ειαν are more common than -αις, -αι, -αιεν.

668 D. Hom. has both sets of endings, but that in αι is rarer. In the drama -ειας is very much commoner than -αις. -αις is most frequent in Plato and Xenophon, less common in poetry, and very rare in the orators. Neither Thuc. nor Hdt. has -αις. -αι is rare in prose, most examples being in Plato and Demosthenes. Hdt. has no case. In Aristotle -αι is as common as -ειε. -αῖεν is very rare in poetry, in Thuc. and Hdt., but slightly better represented in Xenophon and the orators. -ειαν is probably the regular form in the drama.—The forms in -ειας, -ειε, -ειαν are called “Aeolic,” but do not occur in the remains of that dialect.

669. Imperative.—The regular endings (462) are added to the stem in -σα (or -α in liquid verbs) except in the active and middle 2 sing., in which -ον and -αι take the place of -α: λῦσον λυ_σάτω, λῦσαι λυ_σάσθω, φῆνον φηνάτω, φῆναι φηνάσθω.

670. Infinitive.—The aorist active infinitive ends in -αι, which is an old dative: the middle ends in -σθαι: λῦσαι λύ_σα-σθαι, φῆναι φήνα-σθαι, πλέξαι πλέξα-σθαι.

671. Participle.—The active participle adds -ντ like the present: masc. λύ_σα_ς from λυ_σαντ-ς, fem. λύσα_σα from λυσα_ντ-[ιγλιδε]α, neut. λῦσαν from λυ_σαντ). See 301. The middle ends in -μενος: λυ_σά-μενος, φηνά-μενος.

671 D. Aeolic has -αις, -αισα, -αν (37 D. 3).


FIRST AND SECOND AORIST PASSIVE (585, 590

672. All vowel and consonant verbs in -ω inflect the aorists passive alike, that is, according to the μι-conjugation, except in the subjunctive.

a. Vowel verbs rarely form second aorists that are passive in form, as ῥέω flow, ἐρρύην (803). But ῥέω is properly not a vowel verb (see 503).

673. Indicative.—The indicative adds the active secondary endings directly to the tense stem ending in -θη- (first aorist) or -η- (second aorist). The inflection is thus like that of the imperfect of a verb in -μι.

ἐλύθη-νἐτίθη-νἐλύθη-μενἐτίθε-μεν
ἐλύθη-ςἐτίθη-ςἐλύθη-τονἐτίθε-τονἐλύθη-τεἐτίθε-τε
ἐλύθηἐτίθηἐλυθή-τηνἐτιθέ-τηνἐλύθη-σανἐτίθε-σαν

a. For -σαν we find -ν from -ντ) in poetical and dialectic forms before which η has been shortened to ε (40), thus ὥρμηθεν for ὡρμήθησαν from ὁρμάω urge.

674. Subjunctive.—The subjunctive adds -ώη- to the tense stem ending in -θε- or -ε- and contracts: λυθῶ, -ῇς, -, etc., from λυθέω, -έῃς, -έῃ, etc.; φανῶ, -ῇς, - from φανέω, -έῃς, -έῃ, etc.

674 D. Hdt. leaves εω open (αἱρεθέω, φανέωσι) but contracts εη, εῃ (φανῇ). Hom. has some forms like the 2 aor. subj. of μι-verbs. Thus, from δαμνάω (δάμνημι) subdue: δαμήω, -ήῃς, -ήῃ, -ήετε. So also δαήω (δα- learn), σαπήῃ (σήπω cause to rot), φανήῃ (φαίνω show), τραπήομεν (τέρπω amuse). The spellings with ει (e.g. δαμείω, δαείω) are probably incorrect.

675. Optative.—The optative adds -ι_- or -ιη- to the tense-stem ending in -θε- or -ε-, and contracts. In the singular -ιη- is regular; in the dual and plural -ι_- is generally preferred. Thus λυθείην from λυθε-ίη-ν, φανείην from φανε-ίη-ν, λυθεῖτον from λυθέ-ι_-τον, φανεῖτον from φανέ-ι_-τον, λυθεῖμεν from λυθέ-ι_-μεν, φανεῖεν from φανέ-ιε-ν. The inflection is like that of the present optative of a μι-verb.

λυθε-ίη-ντιθε-ίη-νλυθε-ῖ-μεντιθε-ῖ-μεν
λυθε-ίη-ςτιθε-ίη-ςλυθε-ῖ-τοντιθε-ῖ-τονλυθε-ῖ-τετιθε-ῖ-τε
λυθέ-ίητιθε-ίηλυθε-ί-τηντιθε-ί-τηνλυθε-ῖε-ντιθε-ῖε-ν

a. -είημεν is used only in prose (but Plato and Isocrates have also -εῖμεν). -είητε is almost always found in the Mss. of prose writers; -εῖτε occurs only in poetry (except from μι-verbs). -εῖεν is more common in prose than -είησαν.

676. Imperative.—The endings of the imperative are added to the tense-stem ending in -θη- or -η-. Before -ντων, -θη- and -η- become -θε- and -ε- (λυθέντων, φανέντων). For -τι instead of -θι in the first aorist (λύθητι) see 125 b.

677. Infinitive.—-ναι is added to the tense-stem in -θη- or -η-: λυθῆ-ναι, φανῆ-ναι.

677 D. Hom. has -μεναι, as ὁμοιωθήμεναι, δαήμεναι (and δαῆναι). Doric has -μεν, Aeolic -ν (μεθύσθην μεθυσθῆναι).

678. Participle.—The participle adds -ντ, as masc. λυθείς from λυθεντ-ς, fem. λυθεῖσα from λυθεντ-[ιγλιδε]α, neut. λυθέν from λυθεντ). See 301. So φανείς, etc.


SECOND AORIST ACTIVE AND MIDDLE (546

679. Most verbs in -ω inflect the second aorist according to the ω-conjugation; some inflect it according to the μι-conjugation.

680. The inflection of most second aorists of ω-verbs is like that of an imperfect of ω-verbs in the indicative, and like that of a present in the other moods.

ἔ-λιπο-νἔ-λυ_ο-νλίπελῦε
ἐ-λιπό-μηνἐ-λυ_ό-μηνλιποῦ (424 b. 2)λύ_ου
λίπωλύ_ωλιπεῖν (λιπέ-εν, 424 c)λύ_ειν (λύ_ε-εν
λίπω-μαιλύ_ω-μαιλιπέ-σθαιλύ_ε-σθαι
λιπο-ί-μηνλυ_ο-ί-μηνλιπώνλύ_ων
λιπό-μενοςλυ_ό-μενος

For the loss of ς in -σο in the second person singular see 465 b.

680 D. Hom. has the infinitives εἰπέμεναι, εἰπέμεν, εἰπεῖν. For θανέειν (Attic θανεῖν) etc., θανέεν should be read. -έειν in Hdt. is erroneous. Doric has -ῆν, as μολῆν (βλώσκω go). Aeolic has -ην, as λάβην.

681. A number of ω-verbs form their second aorists without a thematic vowel, herein agreeing with the second aorists of μι-verbs. Cp. ἔδυ_ν p. 140. The second aorist of γι-γνώ-σκω know is inflected as follows.

682. The indicative is inflected like ἔστην (p. 138); the subjunctive, like δῶ (p. 138).

ἔ-γνω-νἔ-γνω-μενγνῶγνῶ-μεν
ἔ-γνω-ςἔ-γνω-τονἔ-γνω-τεγνῶ-ςγνῶ-τονγνῶ-τε
ἔ-γνωἐ-γνώ-τηνἔ-γνω-σανγνῶγνῶ-τονγνῶ-σι

a. We expect ἔγνοτον, ἔγνομεν, etc. (551), but the strong stem γνω- has been transferred to the dual and plural. So also in ἔβην, ἔφθην, ἑά_λων.—Subjunctive βῶ, βῇς, βῇ, βῆτον, βῶμεν, βῆτε, βῶσι. On the formation of the subjunctive see 757 D.

682 D. ἔγνον, from ἐγνωντ) by 40, is found in Pind. Hom. has ἔδυν, ἔτλαν, ἔκταν; Pind. ἔφυν.—Hom. has βα?́την and βήτην.—Hom. has βλήεται, ἅλεται. -Subj.: Hom. has γνώω ἁλώω, γνώῃς γνῷς, γνώῃ γνῷ, ἐμβήῃ ἀναβῇ, γνῶτον, γνώομεν γνῶμεν, -βήομεν φθέωμεν, γνώωσι γνῶσιν βῶσιν φθέωσιν.

683. The optative is inflected like δοίην (p. 138).

γνοίηνγνοῖμεν or γνοίημεν
γνοίηςγνοῖτον or γνοίητονγνοῖτε or γνοίητε
γνοίηγνοίτην or γνοιήτηνγνοῖεν or γνοίησαν

a. So βαίην, βαῖτον or βαίητον, βαῖμεν or βαίημεν. In the 2 plur. the Mss. of prose writers have only -ιητε (γνοίητε, -βαίητε); but -ιητε is not attested by the evidence of verse.

684. The imperative is inflected like στῆθι (p. 139).

γνῶθι, γνώτωγνῶτον, γνώτωνγνῶτε, γνόντων

a. In composition διάγνωθι, ἀνάβηθι (423). For βῆθι (from βαίνω) -βα_ in composition occurs in poetry, as ἀνάβα_.

685. The infinitive adds -εναι, as γνῶναι from γνώ-εναι (like στῆναι from στή-εναι). In composition διαγνῶναι (426 d).

685 D. Hom. has γνώμεναι, δύ_μεναι, κτάμεναι, and -κτάμεν.

686. The participle adds -ντ-, as masc. γνούς from γνοντ-ς, fem. γνοῦσα from γνοντ-[ιγλιδε]α, neut. γνόν from γνοντ). See 301. In composition διαγνούς (426 d).

a. Before ντ the long vowel ω is regularly shortened to ο by 40.

687. The following ω-verbs have second aorists of the μι form.

ἁλίσκομαι (ἁλ-ο-) am captured, ἑά_λων or ἥλων (ἁλῶ, ἁλοίην, ἁλῶναι, ἁλούς).

βαίνω (βα-<*> go, ἔβην (βῶ, βαίην, βῆθι and also -βα_ in composition, βῆναι, βά_ς).

βιόω (βιο-) live, ἐβίων (βιῶ, βιῴην, βιῶναι, βιούς). Hom. βιώτω imper.

γηράσκω (γηρα-) grow old, γηρᾶναι poet., γηρά_ς Hom.

γιγνώσκω (γνο-, γνω-) know, ἔγνων (γνῶ, γνοίην, γνῶθι, γνῶναι, γνούς).

-διδρά_σκω (δρα_-) run, only in composition, -έδρα_ν (-δρῶ, -δραίην, -δρᾶναι, -δρά_ς). Hdt. has ἔδρην, δρῆναι, δρά_ς in composition.

δύ_ω (δυ_-) enter ἔδυ_ν entered inflected p. 140 (δύ_ω, opt. Hom. δύ_η and ἔκδυ_μεν for δυ-ίη, ἐκδύ-ι_-μεν; δῦθι, δῦναι, δύ_ς).

ἔχω (σχε-) have, σχές imper.

κτείνω (κτεν-, κτα-) kill, ἔκτα^ν, ἔκτα^ς, ἔκτα^, ἔκτα^μεν, 3 pl. ἔκτα^ν 551 D, subj. κτέωμεν, inf. κτάμεναι κτάμεν, part κτά_ς; ἐκτάμην was killed (κτάσθαι, κτάμενος); all poetic forms.

πέτομαι (πετ-, πτε-, πτα-) fly, poet. ἔπτην (πταίην, πτά_ς), middle ἐπτάμην (πτάσθαι, πτάμενος). πτῶ, πτῆθι, πτῆναι are late.

πί_νω (πι-) drink, πῖθι imper.

σκέλλω in ἀποσκέλλω (σκελ-, σκλε-) dry up, ἀποσκλῆναι.

τλα- endure, fut. τλήσομαι, poetic ἔτλην (τλῶ, τλαίην, τλῆθι, τλῆναι, τλά_ς).

φθάνω (φθα-) anticipate, ἔφθην (φθῶ, φθαίην, φθῆναι, φθά_ς).

φύ_ω (φυ_^-) produce, ἔφυ_ν was produced, am (φύω subj., φῦναι, φύ_ς 308).

688. The following ω-verbs have in poetry (especially in Homer) second aorists of the μι form: ἅλλομαι (ἆλσο, ἆλτο), ἀπαυράω (ἀπούρα_ς), ἀραρίσκω (ἄρμενος), ἄω (ἄ_μεναι), βάλλω (ξυμβλήτην, ἔβλητο), βιβρώσκω (ἔβρων), root γεν- (γέντο grasped), δέχομαι (δέκτο), Epic κιχά_νω (ἐκίχην, κιχήω, κιχείη, κιχῆναι and κιχήμεναι, κιχείς and κιχήμενος; properly from κίχημι), κλάω (ἀπόκλα_ς), κλύω (κλῦθι, κέκλυθι), κτίζω (κτίμενος), root λεχ- (ἔλεκτο laid himself to rest), λύ_ω (λύτο), οὐτάω (οὖτα, οὐτάμενος), πάλλω (πάλτο), πελάζω (ἐπλήμην), πέρθω (πέρθαι περθ-σθαι), πλώω (ἔπλων), πνυ_- (ἄμπνυ_το revived), πτήσσω (καταπτήτην), σεύω (ἐσσύμην, ἔσυτο, σύμενος), φθίνω (ἐφθίμην), χέω (ἐχύμην, χύμενος).

ἔλεκτο, πάλτο are properly first aorists (for ἐλεκ-σ-το, παλ-σ-το), ς being lost between two consonants (103).


FIRST AND SECOND PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT ACTIVE (555, 561

689. All vowel and consonant verbs in -ω inflect the first perfect alike. Some verbs in -ω inflect the second perfect according to the ω-conjugation, others inflect it according to the μι-conjugation.

690. Indicative.—Originally the endings were added to the stem without any thematic vowel. Of this unthematic formation a few traces survive (573). In the 2 p. sing. the ending is -ς, but originally -θα; in the 3 pl. -κα_σι stands for κα-νσι out of κα-ντι (100). Thus λέλυκα, -ας, -ε, πέπομφα, -ας, -ε, etc. The periphrastic combination occurs in the indicative (599 a).

691. Subjunctive.—The perfect subjunctive is commonly formed periphrastically by the perfect active participle and , ᾖς, , etc. Thus λελυκὼς (γεγραφὼς) , etc., λελυκότες (γεγραφότες) ὦμεν, etc. Of the periphrastic forms only the 1 and 3 sing., 2 and 3 plur. are attested.

692. Instances of the simple perfect subjunctive (λελύκω, γεγράφω) are very rare. The simple form is made by substituting the thematic vowel ώη for α in the tense-stem. Only the sing. and the 3 plur. are attested from ω-verbs.

693. Besides εἰδῶ (οἶδα) and ἑστήκῃ, etc., Attic prose has only about 16 occurrences of the simple perf. subj., and from the following verbs only: βαίνω, δέδια, ἐγείρω, ἔοικα, θνῄσκω, λαμβάνω, λανθάνω, πάσχω, ποιῶ, φύ_ω. Hippocr. has forms from βιβρώσκω, πονῶ, τεύχω. There are about 30 occurrences in the poetry. Attic prose writers show about 25 cases of the periphrasis from all ω-verbs.

694. Optative.—The perfect optative is commonly formed periphrastically by the perfect active participle and εἴην, εἴης, εἴη, etc. Thus λελυκὼς (γεγραφὼς) εἴην, etc., λελυκότες (γεγραφότες) εἶμεν, etc. The dual is exceedingly rare.

695. Occasionally the simple forms are used (λελύκοιμι, γεγράφοιμι). These are formed by adding the mood-sign ι_, and the endings, to the tense-stem with the thematic vowel (ο). All the -ιη-forms are attested; of the -ι_-forms only the 3 sing. and 1 and 3 plur.

696. Of the simple optative there are about 25 occurrences in Attic prose, and from the following verbs only: ἀποχωρῶ, ἐξαπατῶ, εἰσβάλλω, παραδίδωμι, ἔοικα, -ἑστήκοι, ὑπηρετῶ, θνῄσκω, λανθάνω, καταλείπω, ποιῶ, πάσχω, προέρχομαι, ἐμπί_πτω, φύ_ω. In the poets there are about 16 occurrences. Prose writers show about 106 occurrences of the periphrastic forms.

697. Imperative.—The usual form of the first perfect imperative is periphrastic: λελυκὼς ἴσθι, ἔστω, etc. No classical Attic writer uses the simple forms.

698. The second perfect is rare, and occurs only in the case of verbs which have a present meaning. From active verbs inflected according to the ω- conjugation there occur κεχήνετε gape, Ar. Ach. 133 (χάσκω, χαν-), and κεκρά_γετε screech, Vesp. 415 (κρά_ζω). Most second perfects show the μι form and have present meaning, as τέθναθι (Hom.) τεθνάτω from θνῄσκω die, δέδιθι from δέδια fear, and κέκρα_χθι from κρά_ζω in Aristophanes. Most such second perfects are poetical.

699. Infinitive.—The perfect infinitive adds -έ-ναι, as λελυκέναι, λελοιπέναι.

699 D. Doric has -ην and -ειν, as δεδύκην δεδυκέναι, γεγά_κειν γεγονέναι. Aeolic has -ην, as τεθνάκην.

700. Participle.—The suffixes of the perfect participle in the nominative are -(ϝώς, -υῖα, -(ϝός, as λελυκώς, λελοιπώς. See 301 c, d, 309.

700 D. In the 2 perf. Hom. sometimes has -ῶτ-ος for -ότ-ος, as κεκμηώς, -ῶτος (κάμνω am weary). In the 2 perf. Hom. sometimes has α for Attic η in the feminine, as ἀρηρώς ἀραρυῖα from ἄρηρα (ἀραρίσκω fit). See 573. Aeolic inflects the perfect participle as a present in -ων, -οντος. Thus Hom. κεκλήγοντας for κεκληγότας (κλάζω scream), Pind. πεφρί_κοντας (φρί_ττω shudder).

701. Pluperfect Active.—The pluperfect is formed by adding -εα, -εας, -εε, -ετον, -ετην, -εμεν, -ετε, -εσαν to the reduplicated stem. By contraction from ἐλελυκεα, -εας, -εε come the forms ἐλελύκη, -ης -ει (ν). In the later language ει spread from the 3 sing. and was used throughout, as ἐλελύκειν, -εις, -ει, -ειτον, -είτην, -ειμεν, -ειτε, and very late -εισαν. The best Mss. of Demosthenes have -ειν in 1 sing. Instead of the simple pluperfect we find periphrastic forms, 599 a.

SECOND PERFECTS OF THE μι-FORM

702. A few ω-verbs form their second perfects in the dual and plural without α by adding the endings directly to the stem. Herein these forms agree with the second perfect of μι-verbs (417). In the singular α is used.

703. The second perfect δέδια I fear usually has the forms of the first perfect δέδοικα in the singular, less frequently in the plural.

PerfectPluperfectSubjunctive
δέδοικα or δέδιαἐδεδοικη or ἐδεδίηδεδίω (rare)
δέδοικας or δέδιαςἐδεδοίκης or ἐδεδίηςOptative
δέδοικε or δέδιεἐδεδοίκει or ἐδεδίειδεδιείην (rare)
δέδιτονἐδέδιτονImperative
δέδιτονἐδεδίτηνδέδιθι (poet.)
Infinitive
δέδιμεν or δεδοίκαμενἐδέδιμενδεδιέναι or δεδοικέναι
δέδιτε or δεδοίκατεἐδέδιτε
δεδία_σι or δεδοίκα_σιἐδέδισαν or ἐδεδοίκεσανParticiple
δεδιώς, -υῖα, -ός or
δεδοικώς, -υῖα, -ός.

703 D. The root of δέδια is δϝι-, strong forms δϝει-, δϝοι-. Hom. has δίε, δίον feared, fled; for δέδοικα, δέδια he has δείδοικα, δείδια, etc. (once δεδία_σι). Here ει is due to metrical lengthening. δείδω, a present in form, is really a perfect for δε-δϝο[ιγλιδε]-α.

704. Other second perfects inflected like δέδια are the following:

a. βαίνω (βα-) go, 1 perf. βέβηκα have gone, stand fast regular; 2 perf. 3 pl. βεβᾶσι (poet.), subj. 3 pl. βεβῶσι, inf. βεβάναι (poet. and Ion.), part. βεβώς (contracted from βεβαώς) βεβῶσα, gen. βεβῶτος.

704 a. D. Hom. has 3 pl. βεβάα_σι, inf. βεβάμεν, part. βεβαώς, βεβαυῖα, gen. βεβαῶτος; 2 plup. βέβασαν.

b. γίγνομαι (γεν-, γα-) become, 2 perf. γέγονα am regular; 2 perf. part. poet. γεγώς (contracted from γεγαώς), γεγῶσα, gen. γεγῶτος.

b. Hom. has γεγάα_τε and γεγάα_σι, inf. γεγάμεν, part. γεγαώς, γεγαυῖα; 2 plup. ἐκγεγάτην.

c. θνῄσκω (θαν-, θνα-) die, 1 perf. τέθνηκα am dead regular; 2 perf. du. τέθνατον, pl. τέθναμεν, τέθνατε, τεθνᾶσι, 2 plup. 3 pl. ἐτέθνασαν, 2 perf. opt. τεθναίην, imper. τεθνάτω, inf. τεθνάναι, part. τεθνεώς, -εῶσα, -εός, gen. -εῶτος.

c. Hom. τέθναθι, τεθνάμεναι and τεθνάμεν, τεθνηώς -ηῶτος and -ηότος, fem. τεθνηυίης.

d. ἔοικα (ϝε-ϝοικ-α) am like, appear (ἰκ-, εἰκ-) has the μι forms ἔοιγμεν (poet.), εἴξα_σι for ἐοικ-σ-α_σι (poet. and in Plato). ἔοικα (ἐῴκη plup.) has also the foll. forms: ἐοίκω, ἐοίκοιμι, ἐοικέναι (εἰκέναι poet.), ἐοικώς (εἰκώς also in Plato).

d. Hom. imperf. εἶκε, 2 perf. 3 du. ἔϊκτον, 2 plup. ἐῴκει ἐΐκτην, ἐοίκεσαν, part. ἐοικώς (εἰκώς Φ 254), εἰκυῖα and ἐϊκυῖα (εἰοικυῖαι Σ 418); mid. ἤϊκτο, ἔϊκτο. Hdt. has οἶκα, οἰκώς.

e. κρά_ζω (κραγ-) cry out, 2 perf. κέκρα_γα as present, imper. κέκρα_χθι and κεκρά_γετε, a thematic form (both in Aristoph.).

705. Other verbs with second perfects of the μι-form (chiefly Homeric) are: ἄνωγα (ἄνωχθι), βιβρώσκω (βεβρῶτες), ἐγείρω (ἐγρήγορα), ἔρχομαι (είλήλυθμεν), μέμονα (μεμαώς), πάσχω (πέποσθε), πείθω (ἐπέπιθμεν), πἱ_πτω (πεπτώς), root δα- learn (δεδαώς), root τλα- (τέτλαμεν, τετλαίην, τέτλαθι, τετλάμεναι and τετλάμεν, τετληώς).


PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT MIDDLE AND PASSIVE (574

706. All vowel and consonant verbs in -ω inflect the perfect middle according to the μι-conjugation.

707. Indicative.—The perfect middle is inflected by adding the primary middle endings directly to the tense-stem, herein agreeing with the μι-conjugation. The pluperfect adds the secondary middle endings. In vowel verbs the formation is simple, as in λέλυ-μαι, ἐλελύ-μην. But in consonant verbs, the consonant at the end of the stem comes into collision with the consonant at the beginning of the ending; hence certain euphonic changes described in 409. The periphrastic form occurs in the 3 pl. and sometimes in the 3 sing. (599 d, e).

a. Stems in ν avoid the forms -ν-σαι, -ν-σο; thus, from φαίνω, instead of πέφανσαι, ἐπέφανσο the periphrastic πεφασμένος εἶ, ἦσθα were probably used.

708. Subjunctive.—The perfect middle subjunctive is commonly formed by periphrasis of the perfect middle participle and , ᾖς, , etc. Thus λελυμένος .

708 D. Hdt. has μεμνεώμεθα, and this form may be read in ξ 168.

709. From two verbs, whose perfect stem ends in η-α), the simple forms are constructed. κτάομαι (κτα-) acquire, perf. κέκτημαι possess (1946), forms its subjunctive by adding the thematic vowel -ώη- to κε-κτα; thus κε-κτά-ω-μαι κεκτῶμαι, κε-κτά-η-σαι κεκτῇ, κε-κτά-η-ται κεκτῆται, etc.—μιμνῄσκω (μνα- remind, perf. μέμνημαι remember (1946): με-μνά-ω-μαι μεμνῶμαι, μεμνη-ώ-μεθα μεμνώμεθα. With κεκτῶμαι, μεμνῶμαι, cp. ἱστῶμαι, p. 137. The periphrastic κεκτημένος , μεμνημένος occur.

710. Optative.—The perfect middle optative is commonly formed by the periphrasis of the perfect middle participle and εἴην, εἴης, εἴη, etc. Thus λελυμένος εἴην, etc.

711. Some verbs add -ί_-μην, -ο-ί_-μην to the tense-stem (709).—a. κτάομαι (κτα-) acquire, perf. κέκτημαι possess (1946): opt. κεκτη-ί_-μην κεκτῄμην, κεκτήι_-σο κεκτῇο, κεκτή-ι_-το κεκτῇτο. Less frequent and doubtful are κεκτῴμην, -ῷο, -ῷτο, -ῴμεθα from κεκτη-ο-ί_-μην, etc.

b. μιμνῄσκω (μνα-) remind, perf. μέμνημαι remember; opt. μεμνη-ί_-μην μεμνῄμην, μεμνή-ι_-σο μεμνῇο, μεμνή-ι_-το μεμνῇτο, etc. The forms μεμνῴμην, -ῷο, -ῷτο, etc., from μεμνη-ο-ί_-μην, etc., are uncommon and suspected.

c. καλέω (καλε-, κλη-) call, perf. κέκλημαι am called (1946); opt. κεκλη-ί_-μην, etc. = κεκλῄμην, κεκλῇο, κεκλῇτο, κεκλῄμεθα.

d. βάλλω (βαλ-, βλη-) throw, perf. διαβέβλημαι, opt. διαβεβλῇσθε.

N.—The forms in -ῄμην, etc., have the μι-form; the doubtful -ῴμην, etc., belong to the ω-conjugation.

711 D. Hom. has λελῦτο ς 238 = λελύ-ι_το (cp. δαίνηυ_το). Pind. has μεμναίατο. μέμνοιο in Xen. is from μέμνομαι.

712. Imperative.—In the third person singular the perfect meaning is regularly retained, as εἰρήσθω let it have been said. The 2 sing. and pl. are generally found only in the case of perfects with a present meaning, as μέμνησθε remember! μὴ πεφόβησθε do not be afraid! πέπαυσο stop! See 698.

a. The dual and 3 pl. are apparently wanting. The 2 sing. in -νσο from stems in -ν does not occur. For πέφανσο, πεφασμένος ἴσθι was probably used.

713. Attic prose writers have ἀναβεβλήσθω, ἀποκεκρίσθω, εἰρήσθω, ἐκτήσθω, ἐψεύσθω, κεῖσο, -κείσθω, κέκτησο, μέμνησθε, πεπαίσθω, πεπεράνθω, πεποίησο, πεπρά_σθω, πεφάσθω, πεφόβησθε, τετάχθω, τετολμήσθω.

714. Instead of the simple forms of the imperative we find the periphrastic use of the perfect participle and ἴσθι, ἔστω, etc. (599 g). Thus εἰρημένον ἔστω εἰρήσθω.

715. Infinitive.—The perfect infinitive adds -σθαι, as λελύ-σθαι. Consonant stems lose the ς by 103, as λελεῖφθαι, πεπρᾶχθαι (406), ἐληλέγχθαι, πεφάνθαι (407).

716. Participle.—The perfect participle adds -μένος, as λελυμένος, λελειμμένος, πεπρα_γμένος (406, 407). On the ς of πεφασμένος see 409 d.

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