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2383. Temporal clauses are introduced by conjunctions or relative expressions having the force of conjunctions

A. Denoting time usually the same as that of the principal verb:

ὅτε, ὁπότε, ἡνίκα, ὁπηνίκα when; ὁσάκις as often as; ἕως, μέχρι (rarely ἄχρι), ὅσον χρόνον so long as; ἕως, ἐν (rarely ἐν ὅσῳ and ἔστε) while.

N. 1.—ἕως means so long as in reference to actions that are coëxtensive; while, in reference to actions not coëxtensive.

N. 2.—ἡνίκα, ὁπηνίκα have the force of what time, at the moment when, when, (rarely while), and are more precise than ὅτε.

N. 3.—Poetic or Ionic are εὖτε (= ὅτε) when, ἦμος (only with the indicative) when, ὅπως when (ὅκως in Hdt. of antecedent action), ὄφρα so long as. Hom. has εἷος (i.e. ἧος) or εἵως for ἕως.

N. 4.—ἔστε is used (rarely) in lyric, Sophocles, Euripides, Herodotus, Xenophon.

B. Denoting time usually prior to that of the principal verb:

ἐπεί, ἐπειδή after, after that (less exactly when); ἐπεὶ πρῶτον, ὡς (or ἐπεὶ) τάχιστα, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα (rarely ὅπως τάχιστα) as soon as; ἐξ οὗ (rarely ἐξ ὧν), ἐξ ὅτου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ since, ever since; ὡς when, as soon as, since.

N.—ἐπείτε after is very common in Herodotus.

C. Denoting time subsequent to that of the principal verb:

ἕως, ἔστε, μέχρι, μέχρι οὗ (rarely ἄχρι), ἄχρι οὗ until: followed by a finite verb.

πρίν, πρότερον before, until: followed by a finite verb or by an infinitive.

N.—Homer has also ὄφρα (also final), εἰς ὅτε (κε), εἰς (κε). Herodotus has ἐς , ἕως οὗ, ἐς οὗ until. ὁππότε with the optative in Homer after a past tense of a verb of waiting or expecting means for the time when (H 414). ἔστε (first in Hesiod) is rare in lyric, tragedy, Herodotus, and Plato, very common in Xenophon.—μέχρι is avoided by the orators.—μέχρι and ἄχρι take the articular infinitive in Demosthenes.—τέως for ἕως is rare (2171).

2384. Demonstrative adverbs in the principal clause often correspond to the relative conjunctions, as ὅτε . . . τότε, ἐν . . . ἐντούτῳ, ἕως . . . τέως (μέχρι τούτου). So also ἐπεὶ . . . τότε, ὡς (ὅτε) . . . ἐνταῦθα, etc.

2385. Some temporal conjunctions also denote cause:

ὅτε, ὁπότε, ἐπεί, εὖτε (poet.), ἐπειδή since, whereas, ὡς because. ὡς means also as, as to, rarely, in prose, in order that. ἕως in Homer has in part become a final conjunction (2419); for the Attic use, see 2420.

2386. A temporal sentence and a conditional sentence may occur in close conjunction without marked difference of signification.

ὅταν δὲ νοσήσωσιν, ὑγιεῖς γενόμενοι σῴζονται: ἐά_ν τέ τις ἄλλη συμφορὰ_ καταλαμβάνῃ αὐτούς, τὰ ἐναντία ἐπιγιγνόμενα ὀνίνησιν whenever they fall ill, they are saved by regaining their health; and if ever any other calamity overtakes them, the reversal to prosperity that follows is to their benefit Ant. 2. β. 1.

2387. A temporal conjunction is often used in Greek where English employs a conditional or a concessive conjunction.

οὐκ ἂν ἔγωγε Κρονί_ονος ἆσσον ἱκοίμην, . . . ὅτε μὴ αὐτός γε κελεύοι I would not draw nearer to Cronus' son unless (lit. when not) he should himself bid me Ξ 248.

2388. The time denoted by a temporal clause is not always solely contemporaneous, antecedent, or subsequent to that of the principal clause, but may overlap with the time of the principal clause (before and at the same time, at the same time and after, until and after).

““ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠσθένει Δα_ρεῖος καὶ ὑπώπτευε τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου, ἐβούλετο τὼ παῖδε παρεῖναιwhen Darius was ill and suspected that his life was coming to an end, he wished his two sons to be with himX. A. 1.1.1 (here the situation set forth by ἠσθένει and ὑπώπτευε occurred both before and after the time indicated in ἐβούλετο), τοιαῦτα ἐποίει ἕως διεδίδου πάντα ἔλαβε κρέα_ he kept doing thus until he saw that (and so long as) he was distributing all the meat he had received X. C. 1.3.7 (the imperfect is rare with ἕως or πρίν until), ““ δ᾽ ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι πρὸς τὰ μηνύ_ματα ἀπελογεῖτο καὶ ἑτοῖμος ἦν πρὶν ἐκπλεῖν κρί_νεσθαιhe both defended himself then and there against the charges and offered to be tried before he sailedT. 6.29.

a. Conjunctions of antecedent action usually take the aorist, rarely the imperfect except when that tense represents overlapping action, as in T. 5.72. 3. Cp. T. 1.13. 5 with 1. 5. 1.

b. A verb of aoristic action is used: in the temporal clause when complete priority, in the main clause when complete subsequence, is to be clearly marked.

2389. Clauses introduced by relative adverbs (or conjunctions) of time, have, in general, the same constructions as clauses introduced by relative pronouns (340, 2493 ff.) and by relative adverbs of place and manner. Temporal clauses are treated separately for the sake of clearness.

a. Temporal clauses introduced by a word meaning until differ from ordinary conditional relatives in some respects, as in the use of the optative in implied indirect discourse (2408, 2420); and in the frequency of the absence of ἄν (2402).

b. Strictly ὅτε, ἔνθα, ὡς, etc., are subordinating conjunctions when the clause introduced by them fixes the time, place, or manner of the main clause; but are relative adverbs when they serve only to define the antecedent and introduce a clause merely supplementary to the main clause.

2390. Temporal clauses are either definite or indefinite.

2391. A temporal clause is definite when the action occurs at a definite point of time (negative οὐ, except when the special construction requires μή). Definite temporal clauses usually refer to the present or to the past.

2392. A temporal clause is indefinite when the action (1) occurs in the indefinite future, (2) recurs an indefinite number of times, (3) continues for an indefinite period. The same clause may have more than one of these meanings. (3) is rare. The negative is μή. Indefinite temporal clauses refer either to the future or to general present or past time.

2393. The same temporal conjunction may refer either to definite or to indefinite time; sometimes with a difference of meaning.

2394. When the time is definite, the indicative is used; when indefinite, the subjunctive with ἄν, the optative, or (rarely) the indicative.

Temporal conjunctions with the subjunctive take ἄν. (For exceptions, see 2402, 2412, 2444 b.) ἄν is not used with the optative except when the optative is potential, 2406, 2421 (cp. 2452).


2395. Present or past temporal clauses take the indicative when the action is marked as a fact and refers to a definite occasion (negative οὐ). The principal clause commonly has the indicative, but may take any form of the simple sentence.

A. Temporal clauses denoting the same time as that of the principal verb (2383 A).

““ὅτε ταῦτα ἦν, σχεδὸν μέσαι ἦσαν νύκτεςit was about midnight when this was taking placeX. A. 3.1.33, cp. 1. 1. 1, cited in 2388, ἡνίκα δὲ δείλη ἐγίγνετο, ἐφάνη κονιορτός but when it was getting to be afternoon, a cloud of dust appeared 1. 8. 8, ““μέχρι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ἡγοῦντο, προθύ_μως εἱπόμεθαas long as they led on equal terms we followed willinglyT. 3.10, ““ὅσον χρόνον ἐκαθέζετο . . . ἀμφὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ φρούριον οἰκονομία_ν, . . . ἀπῆγον ἵππουςas long as he was employed with regulations about the fortress, they kept bringing horsesX. C. 5.3.25, ““ἐν ὡπλίζοντο, ἧκον . . . οἱ σκοποίwhile they were arming, the scouts cameX. A. 2.2.15, ἕως ἐστὶ καιρός, ἀντιλάβεσθε τῶν πρα_γμάτωνwhile there is opportunity, take our public policy in handD. 1.20.

N. μέμνημαι, οἶδα, ἀκούω often take ὅτε when instead of ὅτι that. Thus, μέμνημαι ὅτε ἐγὼ πρὸς σὲ ἦλθον I remember when (that) I came to you X. C. 1.6.12. ἡνίκα (and ἦμος in poetry) has a similar use. οἶδα ὅτε, ἀκούω ὅτε are probably due to the analogy of μέμνημαι ὅτε, originally I remember (the moment) when.

B. Temporal clauses denoting time prior to that of the principal verb (2383 B).

““ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐξῆλθεν, ἐξήγγειλε τοῖς φίλοις τὴν κρίσιν τοῦ Ὀρόντα_ ὡς ἐγένετοbut after he came out, he announced to his friends how the trial of Orontas had resultedX. A. 1.6.5 (observe that the aorist, and not the pluperfect, is commonly used to denote time previous to that of the main verb; cp. 1943), ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐτελεύτησε Δα_ρεῖος . . ., Τισσαφέρνης διαβάλλει τὸν Κῦρον after Darius died Tissaphernes calumniated Cyrus 1. 1. 3, ὡς τάχιστα ἕως ὑπέφαινεν, ἐθύ_οντο as soon as daylight indistinctly appeared, they sacrificed 4. 3. 9, ἐξ οὗ φίλος εἶναι προσποιεῖται, ἐκ τούτου ὑ_μᾶς ἐξηπάτηκεν ever since Philip pretended to be friendly, from that time on he had deceived you D. 23.193. (On ever since expressed by the dative of the participle, see 1498.)

C. Temporal clauses denoting time subsequent to that of the principal verb (2383 C).

““ἔμειναν ἕως ἀφί_κοντο οἱ στρατηγοίthey waited until the generals arrivedX. H. 1.1.29, ““λοιδοροῦσι τὸν Σωτηρίδα_ν ἔστε ἠνάγκασαν . . . πορεύεσθαιthey kept reviling Soteridas until they forced him to march onX. A. 3.4.49, καὶ ταῦτα ἐποίουν μέχρι σκότος ἐγένετο and they kept doing this until darkness came on 4. 2. 4, ““τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀπελύ_σατο δουλεία_ς ὥστ᾽ ἐλευθέρους εἶναι μέχρι οὗ πάλιν αὐτοὶ αὑτοὺς κατεδουλώσαντοshe released the Greeks from slavery so as to be free until they enslaved themselvesP. Menex. 245a.

2396. When the principal verb is a past indicative with ἄν and denotes non-fulfilment, a temporal clause has, by assimilation of mood, a past tense of the indicative denoting non-fulfilment.

““ὁπηνίκ᾽ ἐφαίνετο ταῦτα πεποιηκὼς . . ., ὡμολογεῖτ᾽ ἂν κατηγορία_ τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῦif it appeared that he had ever done this, his form of accusation would tally with his actsD. 18.14 (here whenever would make the condition ambiguous), ἐβασάνιζον ἂν μέχρι οὗ αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει they would have kept questioning them under <*>orture as long as they pleased 53. 25, ““οὐκ ἂν ἐπαυόμην . . . ἕως ἀπεπειρά_θην τῆς σοφία_ς ταυτησί_I would not cease until I had made trial of this wisdomP. Crat. 396c. See 2185 b.

2397. The negative is μή only when the temporal relation is regarded as conditional.

ὁπότε τὸ δίκαιον μὴ οἶδα, ἐστι, σχολῇ εἴσομαι εἴτε ἀρετή τις οὖσα τυγχάνει εἴτε καὶ οὔ when (if) I do not know what justice is, I am scarcely likely to know whether it is or is not a virtue P. R. 354c.


2398. The future indicative is rarely used in temporal clauses; and when used refers to definite time.

““τηνικαῦτα . . . ὅτε οὐδ᾽ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν ἕξετεat that time, when you will not be able to do even what is necessaryD. 19.262.

a. The future is rare because that tense does not usually make clear the difference between action continuing and action simply occurring in the future. ὅτε with the future indicative has thus been almost entirely displaced by ὅταν with the subjunctive.

b. For the future with κέ in θ 318 the subjunctive is probably correct.

2399. Temporal clauses referring indefinitely to the future take either the subjunctive with ἄν or the optative without ἄν.

a. The addition of ἄν produces the forms ὅταν, ὁπόταν; ἐπά_ν, ἐπήν (both rare in Attic), ἐπειδα?́ν. ἕως ἄν, μέχρι ἄν, ἔστ᾽ ἄν mean as long as or until. ὡς when scarcely ever takes ἄν (for ὡς ἄν while ἕως ἄν is read in S. Aj. 1117, Ph. 1330).

b. The temporal conjunctions have here, in general, the same constructions as conditional ἐά_ν or εἰ. Thus ὁπόταν ἐά_ν ποτε, ὁπότε εἴ ποτε.

2400. The present marks the action as continuing (not completed), the aorist marks the action as simply occurring (completed). The present usually sets forth an action contemporaneous with that of the leading verb; the aorist, an action antecedent to that of the leading verb.

a. The present may denote time antecedent when the verb has no aorist, and in the case of some other verbs: Thus, ( πόλεμος) δ̀ς λυ_πήσει ἕκαστον, ἐπειδὰν παρῇ the war which will afflict every one when it comes D. 6.35, ἐπειδὰν ἀκούῃ . . . ἑτέρους κρί_νοντας, τί καὶ ποιήσῃ; when he hears that they are prosecuting other men, what should he then do? 19. 138.


2401. Temporal clauses referring to the future take the subjunctive with ἄν in sentences corresponding to more vivid future conditions. The principal clause has the future indicative or any form of the verb referring to the future except the simple optative. The negative is μή.

ἡνίκα δ᾽ ἄν τις ὑ_μᾶς ἀδικῇ, ἡμεῖς ὑπὲρ ὑ_μῶν μαχούμεθα but when any one wrongs you, we will fight in your defence X. C. 4.4.11, ὅταν μὴ σθένω, πεπαύσομαι when my strength fails, I shall cease S. Ant. 91, ““ἐπειδὰν ἅπαντ᾽ ἀκούσητε, κρί_νατεwhen you have heard everything, decideD. 4.14, ἐμοὶ . . . δοκεῖ, ἐπὰ_ν τάχιστα ἀ_ριστήσωμεν, ἰέναι in my judgment we must go as soon as we have breakfasted X. A. 4. 6. 9, μέχρι δ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἥκω, αἱ σπονδαὶ μενόντων but until I return, let the armistice continue 2. 3. 24, ““λέξω . . . ἕως ἂν ἀκούειν βούλησθεI will speak so long as you wish to listenD. 21.130, ““περιμένετε ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἔλθωwait until I comeX. A. 5.1.4, μὴ ἀναμείνωμεν ἕως ἂν πλείους ἡμῶν γένωνται let us not wait until the enemy outnumbers us X. C. 3.3.46, οὐκ ἀναμένομεν (present as emphatic future) ἕως ἂν ἡμετέρα_ χώρα_ κακῶται we do not wait until our land shall be ravaged 3. 3. 18. The present subjunctive is rare with ἕως until, and marks overlapping action (here = ἕως ἂν ἴδωμεν κακουμένην).

2402. The subjunctive without ἄν (κέ) is sometimes found in poetry and in Herodotus; in Attic prose only with μέχρι, μέχρι οὗ until (and πρίν, 2444 b). Thus, ““ἐβούλευσαν δεσμοῖς αὐτοὺς φυλάσσειν μέχρι οὗ τι ξυμβῶσινthey decided to guard them in fetters until they should reach some agreementT. 4.41. The omission of ἄν is more common after temporal conjunctions than after εἰ (2327 a) and in writers later than Homer lends an archaic colouring to the style.

2403. The principal clause may be a potential optative, which is at times nearly equivalent to the future: ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτην μὲν τὴν εἰρήνην, ἕως ἂν εἷς Ἀθηναίων λείπηται, οὐδέποτ᾽ ἂν συμβουλεύσαιμι ποιήσασθαι τῇ πόλει so long as a single Athenian is left, I never would recommend the city to make peace D. 19.14.


2404. Temporal clauses referring to the future in sentences corresponding to less vivid future conditions usually take the optative without ἄν. An optative referring to the future stands in the principal clause (2186 b). The negative is μή.

τεθναίην, ὅτε μοι μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι may I die, when I shall no longer care for these delights Mimnermus 1. 2, ““πεινῶν φάγοι ἂν ὁπότε βούλοιτοwhen hungry he would eat whenever he wishedX. M. 2.1.18, εἰ δὲ βούλοιο τῶν φίλων τινὰ προτρέψασθαι, ὁπότε ἀποδημοίης, ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν σῶν, τί ἂν ποιοίης; should you desire to induce one of your friends to care for your interests when you were away from home, what would you do? 2. 3. 12, ““δέοιτό γ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῦ μένειν, ἕως ἀπέλθοιςhe would beg him to remain until you should departX. C. 5.3.13 (here the temporal clause depends on μένειν, itself dependent on δέοιτο ἄν).

2405. The optative with ἄν (κέ) in Homer, where Attic would have the simple optative, is potential or virtually equivalent to a future. Thus, αὐτίκα γάρ με κατακτείνειεν Ἀχιλλεὺς . . ., ἐπὴν γόου ἐξ ἔρον εἵην for let Achilles slay me forthwith, when I have satisfied my desire for lamentation Ω 227. Cp. I 304, δ 222, ἕως κε β 78 (potential), εἰς κε Ο 70 (elsewhere this expression always takes the subjunctive in Homer).

2406. The potential optative or indicative (with ἄν) having its proper force may appear in temporal clauses (cp. 2353).

φυλάξα_ς . . . τὸν χειμῶν᾽ ἐπιχειρεῖ, ἡνίκ᾽ ἂν ἡμεῖς μὴ δυναίμεθ᾽ ἐκεῖσ᾽ ἀφικέσθαι by watching for winter to set in he begins his operations when we are unable (he thinks) to reach the spot D. 4.31. Cp. 2405.

2407. The principal clause rarely has the present or future indica tive, when the temporal clause has the optative without ἄν (cp. 2360, 2361, 2573 b, c).

φρονήσεως δεῖ πολλῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολὺ πλείους . . ., ὁπότε καιρὸς παραπέσοι when the critical moment arrives, he must have great judgment to cope with forces much more numerous than his own X. Hipp. 7.4, αἰπύ οἱ ἐσσεῖται . . . νῆας ἐνιπρῆσαι, ὅτε μὴ αὐτός γε Κρονί_ων ἐμβάλοι αἰθόμενον δα_λὸν νήεσσι hard will it be for him to fire the ships unless (when . . . not) Kronion himself hurl upon the ships a blazing brand N 317.

a. Homer has ἄν (κέ) with the subjunctive; as ““οὐκ ἄν τοι χραίσμῃ κίθαρις . . ., ὅτ᾽ ἐν κονίῃσι μιγείηςthy cithern will not avail thee when thou grovellest in the dustΓ 55.

2408. After a secondary tense introducing indirect discourse (real or implied) the optative may represent the subjunctive with ἄν as the form in which the thought was conceived.

παρήγγειλαν, ἐπειδὴ δειπνήσαιεν . . . πάντας ἀναπαύεσθαι καὶ ἕπεσθαι ἡνίκ᾽ ἄν τις παραγγέλλῃ they issued orders that, when they had supped, all should rest and follow when any one should give the command ( = ἐπειδὰν δειπνήσητε . . . ἀναπαύεσθε) X. A. 3.5.18, ἐπιμεῖναι κελεύσαντες ἔστε βουλεύσαιντο, ἐθύ_οντο ordering them to wait until they had taken counsel, they proceeded to sacrifice ( = ἐπιμείνατε ἔστ᾽ ἂν βουλευσώμεθα) 5. 5. 2, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς . . . προϊέναι . . ., ἕως Κύ_ρῳ συμμείξειαν they resolved to keep advancing until they should join Cyrus ( = προΐωμεν ἕως ἂν συμμείξωμεν) 2. 1. 2.


2409. If the leading verb denotes a repeated or customary action or a general truth, a temporal clause takes the subjunctive with ἄν after primary tenses, the optative after secondary tenses. The negative is μή. Cp. 2336.

a. A present tense denotes action continuing (not completed) and is of the same time as that of the leading verb; an aorist tense denotes action simply occurring (completed) and time usually antecedent to that of the leading verb when the action of the dependent clause takes place before the action of the main clause. In clauses of contemporaneous action the aorist denotes the same time as that of the main verb; in clauses of subsequent action, time later than that of the main verb.

b. ὡς is rare in these temporal clauses (Hdt. 1.17, 4. 172; ὅκως with the optative occurs in 1. 17, 1. 68).

c. On Homeric similes with ὡς ὅτε, ὡς ὁπότε, see 2486.

2410. In temporal sentences of indefinite frequency the temporal clause has the subjunctive with ἄν when the principal clause has the present indicative, or any other tense denoting a present customary or repeated action or a general truth. Cp. 2337.

μαινόμεθα πάντες ὁπόταν ὀργιζώμεθα we are all mad whenever we are angry Philemon 184, φωνή τις, , ὅταν γένηται, ἀεὶ ἀποτρέπει με a kind of voice which, whenever it comes, always deters me P. A. 31d, ὅταν σπεύδῃ τις αὐτός, χὡ θεὸς συνάπτεται whenever a man is eager himself, God too works with him A. Pers. 742, ““ἕως ἂν σῴζηται τὸ σκάφος . . ., χρὴ καὶ ναύτην καὶ κυβερνήτην . . . προθύ_μους εἶναι . . ., ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ θάλαττα ὑπέρσχῃ, μάταιος σπουδήas long as the vessel remains in safety, both sailor and pilot should exert themselves; but when the sea has overwhelmed it, their efforts are fruitlessD. 9.69, ““ποιοῦμεν ταῦθ᾽ ἑκάστοθ᾽ . . . ἕως ἂν αὐτὸν ἐμβάλωμεν ἐς κακόνwe do this on each occasion until we plunge him into misfortuneAr. Nub. 1458.

2411. The verb of the main clause may stand in the participle, or in other tenses than the present indicative: καίπερ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἐν μὲν ἂν πολεμῶσι, τὸν παρόντα (πόλεμον) ““ἀεὶ μέγιστον κρι_νόντωνalthough men always consider the present war the greatest so long as they are engaged in itT. 1.21, ὅταν δ᾽ ἑτέρῳ ταῦτα παραδῷ, καταλέλυκε τὴν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ δυναστεία_ν but whenever he surrenders these rights to another, he destroys once and for all his own sovereignty Aes. 3.233, ““πολέμιοι . . . ἤδη ὅταν . . . καταδουλώσωνταί τινας, πολλοὺς δὴ βελτί_ους ἠνάγκασαν εἶναιenemies ere now have forced improvement upon those whom they have enslavedX. O. 1.23 (cp. 2338), πολλάκις ἐθαύμασα τῆς τόλμης τῶν λεγόντων ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, πλὴν ὅταν ἐνθυ_μηθῶ κτλ. I have often marvelled at the effrontery of the speakers in his behalf, except when (ever) I consider, etc. L. 12.41.

2412. ἄν (κέ) is frequently omitted in Homer, and occasionally in lyric and dramatic poetry and in Herodotus, e.g. ““ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἁμάρτῃ, κεῖνος οὐκέτ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἀνὴρ ἄβουλοςbut whenever a man commits an error, that man is no longer heedlessS. Ant. 1025.

2413. The present indicative is very rarely used instead of the subjunctive with ἄν in temporal clauses of indefinite frequency. Thus, περὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἀδικούντων, ὅτε (ὅτου conj.) δικάζονται, δεῖ παρὰ τῶν κατηγόρων πυθέσθαι with regard to other malefactors, one has to learn during their trial (lit. when they are tried) from the accusers L. 22.22. Cp. 2342.

2414. In temporal sentences of indefinite frequency the temporal clause has the optative when the principal clause has the imperfect or any other tense denoting a past customary or repeated action.

ἐθήρευεν ἀπὸ ἵππου ὁπότε γυμνάσαι βούλοιτο ἑαυτόν he was wont to hunt on horseback, whenever he wanted to exercise himself X. A. 1.2.7, ““ὁπότε ὥρα_ εἴη ἀ_ρίστου, ἀνέμενεν αὐτοὺς ἔστε ἐμφάγοιέν τιwhenever it was breakfast time, he used to wait until they had eaten somethingX. C. 8.1.44, περιεμένομεν ἑκάστοτε ἕως ἀνοιχθείη τὸ δεσμωτήριον: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνοιχθείη, εἰσῇμεν we used to wait about on each occasion until the prison was opened; but when (ever) it was opened, we used to go in P. Ph. 59d. Observe that ἀνοιχθείη marks a repeated past action (until it was regularly opened) and represents the thought of the subject (until it should be opened, cf. 2420; i.e. direct = ἕως ἂν ἀνοιχθῇ).

2415. The optative is rare after a primary tense, and occurs only when that tense includes a reference to the past (ω 254; cp. 2573).—ὅτε κεν with the optative occurs once (I 525).

2416. Other tenses than the imperfect in the principal clause: ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ . . . ἀνα_ΐξειεν Ὀδυσσεύς, στάσκεν, ὑπαὶ δὲ ἴδεσκε κτλ. (cp. 495) but whenever Odysseus arose, he always kept his position and looked down T 215, ὁπότε προσβλέψειέ τινας τῶν ἐν ταῖς τάξεσιν, εἶπεν ἄν κτλ. whenever he looked toward any of the men in the ranks, he would say, etc. X. C. 7.1.10. Cp. 2341.

2417. The indicative (cp. 2342) is rare in temporal clauses of past indefinite frequency, as ““καὶ ᾖδον καὶ ἐχόρευον ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι αὐτοὺς ὄψεσθαι ἔμελλονthey both sang and danced whenever the enemy were likely to look at themX. A. 4.7.16. So with ὁσάκις referring to particular events of repeated occurrence, as ὁσάκις κεχορήγηκε . . . νενί_κηκε as often as he has been choregus, he has gained a victory X. M. 3.4.3.


2418. Temporal conjunctions denoting limit as to duration (so long as, while) or limit as to termination (until, till) may imply purpose.

a. So ἕως till, against the time when, in order that, πρίν before, in order that not. ὄφρα (poet.) is usually final (in order that) rather than temporal (so long as, while, till, up to the time that). Sometimes in post-Homeric Greek ἕως and the subjunctive (with or without ἄν) has a touch of purpose.

2419. In the Odyssey ἕως, usually with the aorist optative after a secondary tense, is almost a final conjunction. Thus, δῶκεν . . . ἔλαιον εἵως χυτλώσαιτο she gave olive oil that (against the time when) she might anoint herself ζ 79. So δ 799, ε 385, τ 367. In ι 375 the present optative expresses durative action (θερμαίνοιτο gradually get hot).

2420. After a secondary tense ἕως with the aorist optative sometimes in Attic prose implies an expectation, hope, or purpose on the part of the subject of the main verb that the action of the temporal clause may be attained. Since such optatives are due to the principle of indirect discourse, the subjunctive with ἄν, denoting mere futurity, might have been used instead.

σπονδὰ_ς ἐποιήσαντο ἕως ἀπαγγελθείη τὰ λεχθέντα they made a truce (which they hoped would last) until the terms should be announced X. H. 3.2.20 (here we might have had ἕως ἂν ἀπαγγελθῇ), τὰ ἄλλα χωρία εἶχον μένοντες ἕως σφίσι κἀ_κεῖνοι ποιήσειαν ( = ἂν ποιήσωσι) τὰ εἰρημένα they retained the other places, waiting until they (the Lacedaemonians) on their part should have performed for them (the Athenians) what had been agreed on T. 5.35. Compare ἕως ἂν ταῦτα διαπρά_ξωνται φυλακὴν . . . κατέλιπε he left a garrison (to remain there) until they should settle these matters X. H. 5.3.25 (here ἕως διαπρά_ξαιντο might have been used). Other examples are L. 13.25, Is. 1.10, 7. 8 (ἕως οὗ?), X. H. 4.4.9, D. 27.5, 29. 43 (τέως), 33. 8; cp. also Ar. Eq. 133. Present optative in T. 3.102, X. H. 5.4.37.

2421. ἕως ἄν with the optative occurs rarely where it might be thought that the simple optative or ἄν with the subjunctive should be used. Many editors emend, but ἄν may generally be defended as potential, expressing the conviction of the agent. Thus, εἵλεσθε ἄνδρας εἴκοσι: τούτους δὲ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῆς πόλεως, ἕως ἂν οἱ νόμοι τεθεῖεν you elected twenty men whose duty it should be to care for the State until such a time as in all probability the laws would be made And. 1.81. Cp. S. Tr. 687, I.17, 15, P. Ph. 101d. So ὅταν A. Pers. 450, πρὶν ἄν X. H. 2.3.48,2.4.18.


e(/ws so long as, while: Temporal Limit as to Duration (during the time when)

2422. Indicative, when the action of the temporal clause denotes definite duration in the present or past. The present often connotes cause (while, now that, because). The imperfect is used of past action: the main clause has the imperfect usually, but the aorist occurs (T. 5.60).

2423. Subjunctive (present) with ἄν, when the action lies in the

a. Future, and the verb of the main clause is future indicative or an equivalent form.

b. Present, and the verb of the main clause states a present customary or repeated action or a general truth.

2424. The present optative (of future time) is very rare: in dependence on a past tense (X. H. 5.4.37, Aristotle, Athen. Pol. 28 end); by regular assimilation (2186 b) in a less vivid condition (P. Th. 155a).

e(/ws until, till: Temporal Limit as to Termination (up to the time when)

2425. Indicative, of a definite present or past action. The present connotes cause. The aorist is normally used of past action: the main verb is usually imperfect, but the aorist occurs (I. 17.12).

a. Of a future action the future is very rare: X. C. 7.5.39 (ἐς Hdt. 9.58).

2426. Subjunctive with ἄν, when the action lies in the

a. Future, and the main clause contains a verb referring to the future (except the optative without ἄν). The tense is usually the aorist: the present marks overlapping.

b. Present, and the verb of the main clause states a present customary or repeated action or a general truth.

2427. Optative (usually aorist), when the action lies in the

a. Future, and depends on an optative with ἄν.

b. Past, and depends on a secondary tense expressing or implying indirect discourse. Here the optative represents ἄν with the subjunctive after a primary tense.

c. Past, and the verb of the main clause states a past customary or repeated action.

N.—The present optative in b is rare; the future optative occurs only in X. H. 4.4.9, where some read the aorist.

2428. Conjunctions meaning until may have, as an implied or expressed antecedent, μέχρι τούτου up to the time. Thus, μέχρι τούτου Λα_σθένης φίλος ὠνομάζετο, ἕως προὔδωκεν Ολυνθον Lasthenes was called a friend (up to the time when) until he betrayed Olynthus D. 18.48.

2429. With conjunctions meaning until, when the principal clause is affirmative, it is implied that the action of the verb of the principal clause continues only up to the time when the action of the verb of the until clause takes place. Thus, in the passage cited in 2428, it is implied that Lasthenes ceased to be called a friend after he had betrayed Olynthus.

a. When the principal clause is negative, it is implied that the action of the verb of the principal clause does not take place until the action of the until clause takes place; as in ““οὐ πρότερον ἐπαύσαντο ἕως τὴν πόλιν εἰς στάσεις κατέστησανthey did not stop until they divided the city into factionsL. 25.26. In sentences like δεῖ μὴ περιμένειν ἕως ἂν ἐπιστῶσιν we must not wait until they are upon us (I. 4.165), by reason of the meaning of περιμένειν the action of the principal clause ceases before the action of the until clause takes place.


2430. πρίν is construed like other conjunctions meaning until except that it takes the infinitive as well as the indicative, subjunctive, and optative.

2431. After an affirmative clause πρίν usually takes the infinitive and means before.

2432. After a negative clause πρίν means until, and usually takes the indicative (of definite time), the subjunctive or optative (of indefinite time).

a. The subjunctive or optative is never used with πρίν unless the principal clause is negative.

b. When the principal clause is negative, πρίν is construed like ἕως and other words for until (οὐ πρίν ἕως).

2433. When the principal clause is affirmative, the clause with πρίν simply adds a closer definition of the time. When the principal clause is negative, πρίν defines the time as before, but the closer definition serves also as a condition that must be realized before the action of the principal clause can be realized. Thus, ““μὴ ἀπέλθητε πρὶν ἂν ἀκούσητεdo not go away until you hearX. A. 5.7.12 (i.e. without hearing = ἐὰ_ν μὴ ἀκούσητε). Cp. οὔτε γὰρ εἰρήνην οἷόν τε βεβαία_ν ἀγαγεῖν, ἢν μὴ κοινῇ τοῖς βαρβάροις πολεμήσωμεν, οὔθ᾽ ὁμονοῆσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, π ρ ν ἂν . . . τοὺς κινδύ_νους πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς ποιησώμεθα neither is it possible to make a lasting peace unless we war in common against the barbarians, nor can the Greeks attain unanimity of sentiment until we encounter our perils in the front of the same enemies I. 4.173.

2434. πρίν is used with the aorist or (less often) with the imperfect indicative only when πρίν is equivalent to ἕως until; but, when the verb of the main clause is negatived, πρίν may be translated by before or until. When πρίν must be rendered by before, it takes the infinitive.

ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτης ἀφί_κετο I was doing this until Socrates arrived (rare even in poetry; cp. 2441 c).

οὐ ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτης ἀφί_κετο I was not doing this until (or before) Socrates arrived.

ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτην ἀφικέσθαι (not Σωκράτης ἀφί_κετο) I was doing this before Socrates arrived.

2435. It is correct to say οὐ ποιήσω τοῦτο πρὶν ἂν κελεύσῃς, ποιήσω (or οὐ ποιήσω) τοῦτο πρὶν κελεῦσαι, but incorrect to say ποιήσω τοῦτο πρὶν ἂν κελεύσῃς.

2436. The action of an infinitive introduced by πρίν before may or may not (according to the sense) actually take place at some time later than the action of the leading verb. The clause with πρίν signifies merely that the action of the infinitive had not taken place at the time of the leading verb.

2437. The clause with πρίν may precede or follow the correlated clause. Cp. 2455.

2438. πρίν is originally a comparative adverb meaning before, i.e. sooner or formerly; and seems to be connected with πρό, πρότερον before. The adverbial force survives in Attic only after the article, as ““ἐν τοῖς πρὶν λόγοιςin the foregoing statementsT. 2.62. The adverbial and original use appears also in Homer wherever πρίν occurs with the indicative, the anticipatory (futural) subjunctive (1810), or the optative with κέ. Thus, τὴν δ᾽ ἐγὼ οὐ λύ_σω: πρίν μιν καὶ γῆρας ἕπεισιν but her I will not release; sooner shall old age come upon her A 29, οὐδέ μιν ἀνστήσεις: πρὶν καὶ κακὸν ἄλλο πάθῃσθα nor shalt thou recall him to life; sooner (before this) thou wilt suffer yet another affliction Ω 551.—From this early coördination was developed the construction of the conjunction πρίν with the finite moods; but in general only after Homer, who never uses the indicative, and the optative only once (Φ 580), with πρίν. The required sense was given by ἕως or πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε δή. A finite mood was first used of the future, and after negative clauses (οὐ πρότερον πρίν like οὐ πρότερον ἕως).—Homer commonly uses the infinitive with πρίν meaning before and until. Here the infinitive (as with ὥστε) simply states the abstract verbal notion, and thus has no reference to differences of time or mood; πρίν being used almost like πρό before as πρὶν ἰδεῖν πρὸ τοῦ ἰδεῖν before seeing (first in Xenophon). This early use with the infinitive was, with some restrictions, retained in Attic, where the infinitive may sometimes be used instead of the finite verb. πρίν came more and more to take the subjunctive with ἄν and to assume conditional relations (cp. 2433); while the use with the infinitive was more and more confined to cases where the leading verb was affirmative.

2439. The comparative idea in πρίν explains its negative force: an event A happened before another event B, i.e. A occurred when B had not yet (οὔπω) occurred. Because of its negative force πρίν commonly takes the aorist in all the moods. The aorist has an affinity for the negative because it marks simple and total negation of an action regarded in its mere occurrence; whereas the imperfect with a negative denotes resistance or refusal (1896) in respect of an action regarded as continuing. When πρίν takes the present in any mood the actions of the correlated clauses usually overlap. The present occurs chiefly in the prose writers of the fourth century.

2440. πρότερον or πρόσθεν may be used in the principal clause as a forerunner of πρίν. Examples in 2441, 2444, 2445.

a. Homer has πρὶν . . . πρίν B 348. Attic has also φθάνω . . . πρίν, as ““φθήσονται πλεύσαντες πρὶν τὴν ξυμφορὰ_ν Χίους αἰσθέσθαιthey will succeed in making their voyage before the Chians hear of the disasterT. 8.12.


2441. πρίν in Attic prose takes the indicative of a definite past action when the verb of the principal clause is negative or implies a negative, rarely when it is affirmative.

““οὔτε τότε Κύ_ρῳ ἰέναι ἤθελε πρὶν γυνὴ αὐτὸν ἔπεισεnor was he willing then to enter into relations with Cyrus until his wife persuaded himX. A. 1.2.26, ““οὐ πρότερον ἐπαύσαντο πρὶν τόν τε πατέρ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μετεπέμψαντο καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξέβαλονthey did not stop until they sent for his father from the camp, put some of his friends to death and expelled others from the cityI. 16.8, ““οὐ πρόσθεν ἐπαύσαντο πρὶν ἐξεπολιόρκησαν τὸν Ὄλουρονthey did not cease from hostilities until they had captured Olurus by siegeX. H. 7.4.18, οὐδ᾽ ὣς . . . ἠξίωσαν νεώτερόν τι ποιεῖν ἐς αὐτόν . . . πρίν γε δὴ . . . ἀνὴρ Ἀργίλιος μηνυ_τὴς γίγνεται (historical present = aorist) not even under these circumstances did they think it right to take any severe measures against him, until finally a man of Argilus turned informer T. 1.132.

a. The tense in the πρίν clause is usually the aorist (the tense of negation, 2439, and of prior action); rarely the imperfect (of contemporaneous, overlapping action), as D. 9.61. The historical present is also used as an equivalent of the aorist. The principal clause usually has a secondary tense of the indicative. πρίν with the indicative is not common until Herodotus and the Attic writers.

b. The verb of the principal clause may be virtually negative, as τοὺς . . . Ἀθηναίους λανθάνουσι πρὶν δὴ τῇ Δήλῳ ἔσχον they escaped the notice of the Athenians (i.e. οὐχ ὁρῶνται) until they reached Delos T. 3.29. Cp. T. 3.104, X. A. 2.5.33. Observe that οὐ παύομαι (2441) is not regarded as virtually affirmative.

c. The verb of the principal clause is affirmative in prose only in T. 7.39, 7. 71, Aes. 1.64. In all of these cases the leading verb is an imperfect, which emphasizes the continuation of the action up to the point of time expressed by the πρίν clause.

d. The use in Herodotus is the same as in Attic prose. Homer has the indicative (after affirmative or negative clauses) only with πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε until. In the drama πρίν with the indicative is rare. Euripides uses it only after affirmative clauses. When πρίν is = ἕως it often takes δή.

2442. A πρίν clause, depending on a past tense denoting non-fulfilment, itself denotes non-fulfilment and takes a past indicative by assimilation (2185 b).

χρῆν τοίνυν Λεπτίνην μὴ πρότερον τιθέναι τὸν ἑαυτοῦ νόμον πρὶν τοῦτον ἔλυ_σε Leptines ought not then to have proposed his own law until (before) he had repealed this D. 20.96. Cp. 2455 b.


2443. πρίν with the subjunctive and ἄν refers to the future or to general present time.

2444. (I) πρίν takes the subjunctive with ἄν to denote a future action anticipated by the subject of the leading verb. The principal clause is negative, and contains any verb referring to the future except the simple optative.

““οὐ πρότερον κακῶν παύσονται αἱ πόλεις πρὶν ἂν ἐν αὐταῖς οἱ φιλόσοφοι ἄρξωσινStates will not cease from evil until philosophers become rulers in themP. R. 487e, μὴ ἀπέλθητε πρὶν ἂν ἀκούσητε do not go away until you hear (shall have heard) X. A. 5.7.12, οὐ χρή μ᾽ ἐνθένδε ἀπελθεῖν πρὶν ἂν δῶ δίκην I must not depart hence until I have suffered punishment 5. 7. 5, ““μηδένα φίλον ποιοῦ πρὶν ἂν ἐξετάσῃς πῶς κέχρηται τοῖς πρότερον φίλοιςmake no one your friend until you have inquired how he has treated his former friendsI. 1.24, μή ποτ᾽ ἐπαινήσῃς πρὶν ἂν εἰδῇς ἄνδρα σαφηνέως never praise a man until you have come to know him well Theognis 963. Observe that the last two examples contain a general truth.

a. The aorist subjunctive is usual (the tense of negation, 2439, and of action prior to that of the principal clause); much less common is the present subjunctive (usually of contemporaneous, overlapping action) as X. C. 2.2.8 (2446).

b. Homer does not use κέ or ἄν in this construction since πρίν is here adverbial and its clause is simply coördinated. But Hom. has πρίν γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἄν. The subjunctive without ἄν occurs occasionally as an archaism in Hdt. and the dramatic poets. In Attic prose especially in Thuc. (e.g. 6. 10, 29, 38); but ἄν is often inserted by editors.

c. The leading verb is rarely the optative with ἄν (as a form of future expression): οὐκ ἂν ἀπέλθοιμι πρὶν παντάπα_σιν ἀγορὰ_ λυθῇ (cp. b) I will not go away until the market is entirely over X. O. 12.1.

2445. (II) After a negative clause of present time that expresses a customary or repeated action or a general truth, πρίν takes the subjunctive with ἄν.

οὐ πρότερον παύονται πρὶν ἂν πείσωσιν οὓς ἠδίκησαν they do not cease to endure until they have won over those whom they have wronged P. Ph. 114b.

a. The leading verb may stand in another tense than the present indicative, as οὐδεὶς πώποτε ἐπέθετο (empiric aorist, 1930) ““πρότερον δήμου καταλύσει πρὶν ἂν μεῖζον τῶν δικαστηρίων ἰσχύ_σῃno one has ever attempted the subversion of the people until he became superior to the courts of justiceAes. 3.235.

2446. After a secondary tense in actual or implied indirect discourse, πρίν with the subjunctive and ἄν is common instead of the optative without ἄν (2449).

““εἶπον μηδένα τῶν ὄπισθεν κι_νεῖσθαι πρὶν ἂν πρόσθεν ἡγῆταιI ordered that none in the rear should move until the one before him led the wayX. C. 2.2.8 (here πρὶν ἡγοῖτο is possible).

2447. The principal clause may be affirmative in form, but virtually negative.

αἰσχρὸν ( = οὐ καλὸν or οὐ δεῖν) δ᾽ ἡγοῦμαι πρότερον παύσασθαι πρὶν ἂν ὑ_μεῖς περὶ αὐτῶν τι ἂν βούλησθε ψηφίσησθε I consider it base (i.e. I do not consider it to be honourable) to stop until you have voted what you wish L. 22.4. Cf. Thuc. 6. 38, D. 38.24, E. Heracl. 179.


2448. πρίν with the optative is used only in indirect discourse or by assimilation to another optative.

2449. (I) The optative without ἄν follows πρίν to denote an action anticipated in the past when the principal clause is negative and its verb is in a secondary tense. The optative is here in indirect discourse (actual or implied) and represents ἄν with the subjunctive, which is often retained (2446). Cp. 2420.

““ἀπηγόρευε μηδένα βάλλειν πρὶν Κῦρος ἐμπλησθείη θηρῶνhe forbade any one to shoot until Cyrus should have had his fill of huntingX. C. 1.4.14 ( = μηδεὶς βαλλέτω πρὶν ἂν Κῦρος ἐμπλησθῇ), οἱ Ἠλεῖοι . . . ἔπειθον (αὐτοὺς) ““μὴ ποιεῖσθαι μάχην πρὶν οἱ Θηβαῖοι παραγένοιντοthe Eleans persuaded them not to engage in battle until the Thebans should have come upX. H. 6.5.19 ( = μὴ ποιεῖτε μάχην πρὶν ἂν παραγένωνται).

a. In indirect discourse the infinitive is preferred (2455 d).

2450. (II) By assimilation of mood, πρίν may take the optative when the negative principal clause has the optative. Cp. 2186 b.

εἰ ἕλκοι τις αὐτόν . . . καὶ μὴ ἀνείη πρὶν ἐξελκύ_σειεν ἐς τὸ τοῦ ἡλίου φῶς κτλ. if one should drag him and not let him go until he had dragged him out into the sunlight, etc. P. R. 515e.

2451. The optative with πρίν in clauses of customary or repeated action seems not to be used.

2452. πρὶν ἄν with the optative is rare and suspected (cp. 2421).


2453. πρίν takes the infinitive in Attic especially when the principal clause is affirmative. The infinitive must be used, even with negative clauses, when πρίν must mean only before (and not until).

a. The infinitive is obligatory in Attic when the action of the πρίν clause does not take place or is not to take place (cp. ὥστε μή with the infinitive).

b. The infinitive takes the accusative when its subject is different from that of the principal clause.

c. The usual tense is the aorist, the tense of negation (2439) and of the simple occurrence of the action. Less frequent is the present (chiefly in Xenophon), of action continuing, repeated, or attempted (before undertaking to, before proceeding to). The perfect, of action completed with permanent result, is rare.

““οἱ καὶ πρὶν ἐμὲ εἰπεῖν ὁτιοῦν εἰδότεςwho know even before I say anything at allD. 18.50, ““σύνιστε μὲν καὶ πρὶν ἐμὲ λέγεινyou know as well as I do even before I proceed to set forth in detail the matter of my speechAes. 1.116, ἀπετράποντο ἐς τὴν πόλιν πρὶν ὑπερβαίνειν they turned back to the city before they attempted to scale the wall T. 3.24.

2454. When the principal clause is affirmative, πρίν before regularly takes the infinitive.

““ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον ἀναβαίνει Χειρίσοφος πρίν τινας αἰσθέσθαι τῶν πολεμίωνChirisophus ascended the height before any of the enemy perceived himX. A. 4.1.7, πρὶν καταλῦσαι τὸ στράτευμα πρὸς ἄ_ριστον βασιλεὺς ἐφάνη before the army halted for breakfast, the king appeared 1. 10. 19, πέμψα_ς, πρὶν ἐν Τεγέᾳ αὐτὸς εἶναι, πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ξένων, ἐκέλευε κτλ. lit. before he himself arrived at Tegea, sending to the commander of the mercenaries, he gave orders, etc. X. H. 5.4.37 (αὐτός, by attraction to the subject of πέμψα_ς).

2455. When the main clause is negative, πρίν sometimes takes the infinitive in Attic, and generally means before, rarely until. When before and after are contrasted, until is out of place, and the πρίν clause often precedes.

a. In reference to present or past time: ““πρὶν ὡς αφοβον ἐλθεῖν μίαν ἡμέρα_ν οὐκ ἐχήρευσενbefore she came to Aphobus she was not a widow a single dayD. 30.33, πρὶν μὲν τοῦτο πρᾶξαι Λεωκράτην ἄδηλον ἦν ὁποῖοί τινες ἐτύγχανον, νῦν δέ κτλ. before Leocrates did this, it was uncertain what sort of men they were; but now, etc. Lyc. 135, ““πρὶν ἀνάγεσθαί με εἰς τὴν Αἶνον . . . οὐδεὶς ᾐτιά_σατό μεbefore I proceeded to set sail for Aenus no one accused meAnt. 5.25.

b. In reference to action unfulfilled: οὓς (λόγους) ““εἴ τις ἐπέδειξεν αὐτοῖς πρὶν ἐμὲ διαλεχθῆναι περὶ αὐτῶν, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως οὐκ ἂν . . . δυσκόλως πρὸς σὲ διετέθησανand if any one had shown these words to them before I discussed them, it is inevitable that they would have been discontented with youI. 12.250.

c. In reference to future time: ““οὐχ οἷόν τ᾽ ἐστὶν αἰσθέσθαι πρὶν κακῶς τινας παθεῖν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶνit is not possible to perceive this before some suffer injury at their handsI. 20.14, ““καί μοι μὴ θορυβήσῃ μηδεὶς πρὶν ἀκοῦσαιand let no one raise a disturbance before he hearsD. 5.15 (cp. ὅπως μὴ θορυβήσει μηδεὶς πρὶν ἂν ἅπαντα εἴπω D. 13, 14).

N.—With verbs of fearing, the positive being the thing dreaded; as δέδοικα μὴ πρὶν πόνοις ὑπερβάλῃ με γῆρας πρὶν σὰ_ν χαρίεσσαν προσιδεῖν ὥρα_ν I fear lest old age overcome me with its troubles before I live to behold thy gracious beauty E. fr. 453.

d. Infinitive instead of the optative after a leading verb in a secondary tense: ““ἱ_κέτευον μηδαμῶς ἀποτρέπεσθαι πρὶν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων χώρα_νthey entreated them by no means to turn aside until they should invade the territory of the LacedaemoniansX. H. 6.5.23 (here the optative might stand in indirect discourse to represent the subjunctive with ἄν), οὔτ᾽ αὐτός ποτε πρὶν ἱδρῶσαι δεῖπνον ᾑρεῖτο neither was he ever accustomed to take his supper until he got into a sweat by exercise X. C. 8.1.38 (for ἱδρώσειε, see 2451).

e. Infinitive after an optative with ἄν in a principal clause: εἴ τίς τινα μηχανὴν ἔχοι πρὸς τοῦτο . . ., οὐκ ἄν ποτε λέγων ἀπείποι τὸ τοιοῦτον πρὶν ἐπὶ τέλος ἐλθεῖν; if ever any lawgiver should have any plan for this, would he ever be weary of discussing such a scheme until he reached the end? P. L. 769e. Here the subjunctive with ἄν is permitted.

2456. The lyric poets and Herodotus use πρίν with the infinitive as it is used in Attic prose and poetry. Homer has the infinitive after affirmative or negative clauses alike (before and until), and often where a finite verb would be used in Attic; as ναῖε δὲ Πήδαιον πρὶν ἐλθεῖν υἷας Ἀχαιῶν he dwelt in Pedaeon before the sons of the Achaeans came N 172, οὔ μ᾽ ἀποτρέψεις πρὶν χαλκῷ μαχέσασθαι ( = Attic ἂν μαχέσῃ) thou shalt not dissuade me until thou hast fought with the spear Υ 257; often in correspondence with the adverbial πρίν, as οὐδέ τις ἔτλη πρὶν πιέειν, πρὶν λεῖψαι nor durst any man (sooner) drink before he had offered a libation H 480.

2457. πρίν than before, with a past tense suppressed after , occurs first in Xenophon (C. 5. 2. 36, 7. 5. 77).

πρότερον , πρόσθεν , πρὶν , πάρος

2458. πρότερον sooner than, before is used especially in Herodotus and Thucydides. (a) With the indicative: ““οὐ πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν αὐτοὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς . . . ἐσφάλησανthey did not succumb before they were overthrown by themselvesT. 2.65. (b) With the infinitive: τὰ_ς δ᾽ ἄλλα_ς πόλεις ἔφη ἀδικεῖν, αἳ ἐς Ἀθηναίους πρότερον ἀποστῆναι ἀνήλουν he said the other States were wrong, which, before they revolted, used to pay money into the treasury of the Athenians T. 8.45. (c) With the subjunctive (without ἄν) rarely (T. 7.63). Chiefly in Hdt.

2459. So πρόσθεν sooner than, before: ἀπεκρί_νατο . . . ὅτι πρόσθεν ἂν ἀποθάνοιεν τὰ ὅπλα παραδοίησαν he answered that they would die before (sooner than that) they would surrender their arms X. A. 2.1.10. ὕστερον later than takes, by analogy, the infinitive once in Thuc. (6. 4).

2460. πρὶν sooner than, before with the infinitive occurs in Homer (only E 288, X 266) and Hdt. (2. 2); and in Hdt. also with the indicative (6. 45) and subjunctive (7. 10 η, without ἄν). πρὶν is rare and suspected in Attic (X. C. 1.4.23); but is common in late Greek.

2461. πάρος before in Homer takes the infinitive (Z 348).

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