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οὐ AFTER εἰ (ἐά_ν

2698. οὐ is sometimes found in clauses introduced by εἰ (ἐά_ν).

a. When οὐ is adherescent (2696).

b. When there is an emphatic assertion of fact or probability, as where a direct statement is quoted. Thus, εἰ δὲ οὐδὲν ἡμάρτηταί μοι if (as I have shown) no error has been committed by me And. 1.33, εἰ, ὡς νῦν φήσει, οὐ παρεσκεύαστο if, as he will presently assert, he had not made preparations D. 54.29. Cp. X. A. 1.7.18, quoted in 2790.

c. When εἰ (ἐά_ν) is used instead of ὅτι that (because) after verbs of emotion (2247). Thus, ““μὴ θαυμάσῃς εἰ πολλὰ τῶν εἰρημένων οὐ πρέπει σοιdo not be surprised if much of what has been said does not apply to youI. 1.44. Here μή is possible.

d. When εἰ (ἐά_ν) approaches the idea of ἐπεί since (cp. 2246, 2298 b). So εἰ τούσδε . . . οὐ στέργει πατήρ if (since) their father has ceased to love these children E. Med. 88 (often explained as οὐ adherescent). Here μή is possible.

e. When a single εἰ introduces a bimembered protasis as a whole, the μέν clause and the δέ clause of that protasis may have οὐ. Such bimembered protases often depend on a preceding apodosis introduced by αἰσχρόν, ἄτοπον, δεινόν, θαυμαστόν ἐστι (ἂν εἴη) and like expressions of emotion (c). Thus, εἶτ᾽ οὐκ αἰσχρόν . . . εἰ τὸ μὲν Ἀργείων πλῆθος οὐκ ἐφοβήθη τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀρχὴν . . ., ὑ_μεῖς δὲ ὄντες Ἀθηναῖοι βάρβαρον ἄνθρωπον φοβήσεσθε; is it not then disgraceful, if it is true that whereas the Argive commons did not fear the empire of the Lacedaemonians, you, who are Athenians, are going to be afraid of a barbarian? D. 15.23, αἰσχρὸν γάρ, εἰ πατὴρ μὲν ἐξεῖλεν Φρύγας, δ᾽ ἄνδρ᾽ ἕν᾽ ου᾽ δυνήσεται κτανεῖν for it is disgraceful that, whereas the father destroyed the Phrygians, the other (the son) is not going to be able to destroy one foe E. El. 336, δεινὸν ἂν εἴη, εἰ οἱ μὲν ἐκείνων ξύμμαχοι ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ τῇ αὑτῶν (χρήματα) ““φέροντες οὐκ ἀπεροῦσιν, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ . . . αὐτοὶ σῴζεσθαι οὐκ ἄρα δαπανήσομενit would be strange if, whereas their allies will not fail to pay tribute for their own enslavement, we on the other hand will not expend it for the purpose of saving ourselvesT. 1.121.

N. 1.—The second member of such protases has οὐ if the verb stands in the indicative, but μή (in classical Greek) i<*> the verb is in the optative. In Aes. 2.157 οὐ κατάσχοιμι is due to indirect discourse.

N. 2.—In such sentences εἰ may (1) have a conditional force in both clauses, as L. 30.16, 31. 24; (2) have a conditional force in the second member, but the force of ἐπεί in the first member, as L. 20.36, Is. 14.52; (3) have the force of ἐπεί in the first member, and that of ὅτι in the second member, as D. 8.55, Aes. 3.242; (4) have the force of ὅτι in both members, as T. 1.35, 1. 121, X. C. 7.5.84.

f. A bimembered clause introduced by εἰ may contain a negative clause with οὐ directly opposed to a positive clause; as εἰ δὲ τῷ μέν, τοῖς δ᾽ οὔ D. 23.123.

g. εἰ whether in simple and alternative indirect questions takes either οὐ or μή (2676 c, e).

2699. Homer has εἰ and the indicative with οὐ (12 times) when the subordinate clause precedes the main clause; but usually εἰ μή, when the subordinate clause follows. Thus, εἰ δέ μοι οὐ τείσουσι βοῶν ἐπιεικἔ ἀμοιβήν, δύ_σομαι εἰς Ἀίδα_ο but if they will not pay a fitting compensation for the cattle, I will go down to Hades μ 382, ἔνθα κεν Ἀργείοισιν ὑπέρμορα νόστος ἐτύχθη, εἰ μὴ Ἀθηναίην Ἥρη πρὸς μῦθον ἔειπεν then in that case the return of the Argives had been accomplished against fate, if Hera had not spoken a word to Athena B 155.

a. The Homeric εἰ οὐ with the indicative has been explained either as a retention of the original use, μή with that mood being an extension through the analogy of the subjunctive and optative; or because οὐ went with the predicate, whereas μή was closely attached to εἰ.

2700. Homer has εἰ οὐ (adherescent) with the subjunctive in εἰ δ᾽ ἂν . . . οὐκ ἐθέλωσιν Γ 289, εἰ δέ κ᾽ . . . οὐκ εἰῶσιν Υ 139.

2701. Herodotus has a few cases of εἰ οὐ with the indicative, as 6. 9; ἢν οὐ with the subjunctive is doubtful (6. 133).

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