Hide browse bar Your current position in the text is marked in blue. Click anywhere in the line to jump to another position:
chapter:
chapter 1-16chapter 1chapter 2chapter 3chapter 4chapter 5chapter 6chapter 7chapter 8chapter 9chapter 10chapter 11chapter 12chapter 13chapter 15chapter 16chapter 17-22chapter 17chapter 18chapter 20chapter 21chapter 22chapter 23-27chapter 23chapter 24chapter 25chapter 26chapter 27chapter 28-38chapter 28chapter 29chapter 30chapter 31chapter 32chapter 33chapter 34chapter 35chapter 36chapter 37chapter 38chapter 39-48chapter 39chapter 40chapter 41chapter 42chapter 43chapter 44chapter 45chapter 46chapter 47chapter 48chapter 49-54chapter 49chapter 50chapter 51chapter 52chapter 53chapter 54chapter 55-96chapter 55chapter 56chapter 57chapter 58chapter 59chapter 60chapter 61chapter 62-5chapter 62chapter 63chapter 64chapter 65chapter 66-9chapter 66chapter 67chapter 68chapter 69chapter 70-6chapter 70chapter 71chapter 72chapter 73chapter 74chapter 75chapter 76chapter 77-8chapter 77chapter 78chapter 79-89chapter 79chapter 80chapter 81chapter 82chapter 83chapter 85chapter 86chapter 87chapter 88chapter 89chapter 90-3chapter 90chapter 91chapter 92chapter 92Achapter 92Bchapter 92Cchapter 92Echapter 92Fchapter 92Gchapter 93chapter 94-6chapter 94chapter 95chapter 97-102chapter 97chapter 98chapter 99chapter 100chapter 101chapter 102chapter 103-7chapter 103chapter 104chapter 105chapter 106chapter 108-15chapter 108chapter 109chapter 110chapter 111chapter 112chapter 113chapter 114chapter 115chapter 116-23chapter 116chapter 117chapter 118-21chapter 118chapter 119chapter 121chapter 122chapter 123chapter 124-6chapter 125chapter 126
This text is part of:
Ἀγχιμόλιον ... δόκιμον. Perhaps the fact that the expedition was sent by sea may account for the absence of the king, as apparently in the expedition to Samos (iii. 54 f.), and certainly at Salamis, where Eurybiades commands (viii. 42. 2). The alleged bribery of the oracle is supported by other instances (cf. vi. 66 n.). It is, however, in this case denied by Plutarch (de Malign. Herod. ch. 23) and may be a fiction to cover a change in Spartan policy. For though the piety of the Spartans which made them slow to send troops to Marathon (vi. 106) and against Mardonius (ix. 7 f.) may have been genuine, it seems more likely that their motive in this case was political, viz. the friendship between the Pisistratids and Argos (i. 61; Ath. Pol. 19). Policy dictated the expulsion of the tyrants just as policy later counselled their restoration (ch. 91).
συμμαχίη. This alliance, along with many others (cf. Appendix XVI. 8), was made by Pisistratus. To compliment his allies he named one of his sons Thessalus (Thuc. i. 20, vi. 55; Ath. Pol. 17, ch. 94 n.). Thessaly, however, proved a broken reed both to the tyrants and later (Thuc. i. 107) to the democracy of Athens. κοινῇ ... βασιλέα. The Thessalians in foreign affairs often acted in common (Thuc. i. 102, iv. 78), but it seems unlikely that there were real kings in Thessaly. The title is occasionally given to the chiefs of the leading families, e. g. the Aleuadae of Larissa (Pind. Pyth. x. 3; H. vii. 6. 2, but not in ix. 1. 1, 58. 1), and Orestes of Pharsalus (Thuc. i. 111). Here it seems to mean a general appointed to command the national army, the ταγός, though that term is first explicitly used of Jason of Pherae (Xen. Hell. vi. 1. 8). In Thucydides (iv. 78) the Thessalians are said to be under a close family oligarchy (δυναστεία), but probably this refers to the home government of the various cities. In 431 B. C. the troops sent to the aid of Athens are under seven commanders appointed by the seven cities which sent them (Thuc. ii. 22). (See note, p. 415.) Κονιαῖον. The only known Conium being in Phrygia (Plin. N. H. v. 32), and Cineas being certainly a Thessalian, Γονναῖον (cf. vii. 128. 1, 173. 4) should be read.
Ἀλωπεκῆσι. The modern Ampelokipi (‘vineyards’), some eleven stadia from the gate along the Cephisian road, is held to be a perversion of this name. In that case the Cynosarges, a walled τέμενος, which contained a shrine of Heracles (vi. 116) and a gymnasium for the νόθοι of citizens, must be north-east of Athens at the foot of Mount Lycabettus. The position assigned suits the narrative in vi. 115 f., since the Persians in the bay could see the victors of Marathon encamped on the hill, and so would naturally put about and sail away (Frazer, Paus. ii, p. 193 f.). Recently, however, Dr. Dörpfeld has argued that Alopece and Cynosarges must have lain south of the Ilissus towards Phalerum, near the church of S. Marina, and Sir C. Smith has excavated a building south of the Olympieum on the bank of the river, which, on rather slight grounds, he holds to be Cynosarges (Frazer, Paus. v. 493 f.). This would suit the present passage, as its natural meaning is that the Spartans were ridden down in the plain between Phalerum and Athens and driven back to their ships. Their fallen leader would probably be buried near the spot at which he fell; hence, if Alopece be Ampelokipi, we have to suppose that the Spartans had marched past Athens, which is unlikely.
The National Endowment for the Humanities provided support for entering this text.
Purchase a copy of this text (not necessarily the same edition) from Amazon.com
This work is licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 United States License.
An XML version of this text is available for download, with the additional restriction that you offer Perseus any modifications you make. Perseus provides credit for all accepted changes, storing new additions in a versioning system.
show
Browse Bar
hide
References (10 total)
- Commentary references from this page
(10):
- Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 17
- Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 19
- Pindar, Pythian, 10
- Thucydides, Histories, 1.102
- Thucydides, Histories, 1.107
- Thucydides, Histories, 1.111
- Thucydides, Histories, 1.20
- Thucydides, Histories, 2.22
- Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.1.8
- Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia, 5.32
hide
Search
hide
Display Preferences