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In Final Clauses.

I. (Ὡς, and ὡς ἄν.) 1. It is well known that Xenophon is almost the only writer of Attic prose who uses ὡς freely in the final constructions. Weber's statistics (p. 398) show that while ὡς is the favourite final particle in tragedy, it is hardly found in Aristophanes, Thucydides, Plato, and the Orators. Xenophon forms a strange exception to the prose usage, having ὡς or ὡς ἄν in 91 of his pure final clauses. There is nothing peculiar in his use of final ὡς with either subjunctive or optative, as it merely takes the place of another final particle.

2. In his use of ὡς ἄν in final clauses, however, several peculiarities appear, which show that Xenophon felt the original force of ὡς as a relative adverb of manner (§ 312). The following examples occur.1

a) Of eight cases of ὡς ἄν with the subjunctive, six are normal, while two show the relative force of ὡς:—

Ὡς ἂν δύνηταί σοι στρατὸς ἕπεσθαι, τῷ μέσῳ τῆς σπουδῆς ἡγοῦ,” “lead on at a medium rate of speed, that the army may be able to follow you.” Cyr. ii. 4. 28 . (The analogy of the following cases of the optative may justify the translation, lead at a rate at which the army may be able to follow you.) “Αἱ μὲν κνῆμαι εἰς μέγεθος οὐ μάλα αὔξονται, πρὸς δὲ ταύτας ὡς ἂν συμμέτρως ἔχῃ συναύξεται καὶ τὸ ἄλλο σῶμα,” “i.e. the rest of the (horse's) body grows so as to be in the right proportion to the legs.” Eques. i. 16 . These two cases are (as Weber says of those of the optative) on the line between final and consecutive sentences. The original relative and conditional force of ὡς (§ 312, 2) can here be plainly seen.

b) The original relative force of ὡς, as, is much more apparent when ὡς ἄν takes the optative in Xenophon with a potential force, especially after primary tenses. These examples occur:—

II. (Ὅπως.) Xenophon's favourite final particle is ὅπως, but there is nothing peculiar in his use of it in pure final clauses with either subjunctive or optative. He further uses ὅπως ἄν with the subjunctive like other Attic writers (see examples in § 328).

With the optative he uses ὅπως ἄν in four cases with a distinct final and an equally distinct potential force. These examples are quoted in § 330. The only other case is THUC. vii. 65.

1 See Weber, p. 224, where the examples of the optative with ὡς ἄν are also given. Weber cites Cyr. viii. 3. 2 as an example of the subjunctive; but this section has ὡς ἂν ἐξαγγείλῃ as a relative clause, but no final clause. I have added Cyr. vii. 5. 81 and Eques. ix. 3 to the examples of the optative given by Weber.

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