his, neuter, ‘with these deeds.’ The use of the dative with compound verbs is not to be distinguished from its general use as expressing the indirect object of action, R. 474 (b). Cf. 67 n. Rhesum . . . captum. Cf. 64 n. In IliadX. 218-579 is related the visit of Ulysses and Diomede to the Trojan camp by night, in the course of which they caught Dolon, who had been sent by Hector (cf. 253 n.) on a similar errand among the Greeks. From him, before killing him, they learned the disposition of the Trojan forces, and were so enabled to kill in his sleep king Rhesus, who had just joined the Trojans, and to capture his white horses. Cf. Virg. Aen.I. 469-73, where is introduced the later story that the capture of Troy was impossible if these horses once tasted the herbage of Troy or drank of its waters. Cf. 54 n. inbellem, because he asked for quarter and offered a ransom, Il.X. 378-81.
Helenum. According to the Ἰλιὰς μικρά Calchas announced to the Greek chiefs, that Helenus son of Priam knew the prophecies concerning the fate of Troy (cf. 45 n.), and he was accordingly taken prisoner by Ulysses by stratagem. Another story makes him join the Greeks voluntarily in horror at the sacrilege committed in killing Achilles at the temple of the Thymbraean Apollo, whither he had gone to negotiate with Priam for the hand of Polyxena. Subsequently he predicted to the Greek princes the sufferings which awaited them in their return home by sea, and himself joining Pyrrhus, who returned by land, settled in Epirus. There Aeneas finds him ( Virg. Aen.III. 294-336) reigning over part of the country and married to Andromache. At Aeneas' request, Helenus foretells the future course of his voyage and warns him of the dangers to be avoided (720-4, XV. 450, Virg. Aen.III. 374-462) rapta cum Pallade, ‘and the rape of Pallas,’ that is of the Palladium or image of Pallas upon which the capture of Troy depended. Cf. 339-49, Virg. Aen.II. 163-70. The difficulty that it was afterwards in possession of the Romans was got over in various ways, as by the story that Diomede voluntarily restored it to Aeneas. It was believed to be among the sacred objects preserved in the temple of Vesta, Cic. Phil.XI. x., § 24, “illud signum, quod de caelo delapsum Vestae custodiis tenetur: quo salvo salvi sumus futuri”. Cf. Fasti VI, 421-36, where is related the story of its rescue from the flames in B.c. 241 by L. Caecilius Metellus, who lost his sight on the occasion. Notice that the goddess is not distinguished from her statue: cf. Liv.v. XXII. 4, “quibus deportanda Romam regina Juno adsignata erat”, and see Grote, H. G. I. p. 378 (ed. 1862), Part I. ch. XVI. ad fin. The words are in the construction noticed on 64, and not to be taken with captum only.
luce, ‘by day.’ Cf. 15 n. It is strangely explained by Lewis and Short of Diomede. The contrast between open warfare and a policy of stratagems and night attacks is often dwelt on. See Hor. C. IV. vi. 9-20, and especially Virg. Aen.IX. 150-5, where Turnus, after express reference to Ulysses, boasts of himself, “luce palam certum est igni circumdare muros”.
si semel datis, ‘if you would give at all,’ i.e. even supposing that you offer, or are ready to give. The force of si semel is like that of si iam, for which cf. 303, and see Munro on Lucr.i. 968.For the inclination or purpose expressed by the tense of incomplete action see R. § 591 (3), Goodwin Moods and Tenses § 10 N. 2, § 11 N. 2.
quo tamen haec Ithaco, ‘yet what profit for the Ithacan in these?’ For quo see R. §§ 213, 236, and for the construction § 472, Roby § 1128, Madv. § 239 with § 236. It may be doubted whether the expression is really elliptical. semper, to be taken with both clam and inermis.
incautum, ‘unaware,’ predicative, expressing the result of furtis. For the middle force cf. Virg. Aen.III. 452, “inconsulti abeunt”, and see R. § 340.
claro radiantis ab auro. The preposition indicates the gold rather metaphorically, as the source of the effect produced, than literally, as the point from which the rays diverged. All usages of ab should be explained from its fundamental signification of departure from some fixed point. The instances in which it is found with intransitive verbs, with adjectives (Trist. IV. iii. 36, “tempus et a nostris exige triste malis”, Liv.i. I. 4, Aenean ab simili clade domo profugum) or with substantives ( Cic. Off.II. vi. 19, “ab inanimis procellas tempestates naufragia”, . . . “a bestiis ictus morsus impetus”, where see Holden) are not to be regarded as variations or extensions of its use with the passive verb. In the same way the use of it with the ablative of things, which is especially frequent in Ovid (see Mr. Hallam's Fasti, Appendix a, Roby § 1213) need not be explained as resulting from a personification (as in Roby § 1221) or from a redundancy of expression. See Palmer on Her.X. 138, and cf. 720 n.
Dulichius. Cf. XIV. 226. Dulichium was generally thought to have been an island, though the point is not settled by Homer, but its identity was disputed. By post-Homeric tradition it was regarded as subject to Ulysses.
pondera tanta, of the helmet alone. Cf. Virg. Aen.X. 496, “immania pondera baltei”. For the poetical use of the plural cf. ora in 227, XIV. 502, funera, ib. 746, nomina, ib. 396, 612, 616, 756, simulacra, ib. 112. non, to be taken with onerosa and gravis.
Pelias, “Πηλιάς”, ‘Pelian,’ i.e. of wood from Mt. Pelion, and so Thessalian, like its owner. Cf. Hom. Il. XVI. 143, “Πηλιάδα μελίην τὴν πατρὶ φιλῷ πόρε Χείρων Πηλίου ἐκ κορυφῆς”. So in Her.III. 126, Rem. Am. 48, Ex Ponto II. ii. 26, and Pelias pinus of the ship Argo, Theb.V. 335.In like manner Thessala tela are the arrows of Achilles in Prop.iii. XIII. 30, and Thessalicus axis his chariot in Trist. V. iii. 30. Cf. Hor. C. II. iv. 10. potest. The mood and tense are to be referred to the idiom noticed on 17.
vasti . . . mundi. See 291-4 n., and cf. 683-99. Notice that mundus is the universe: “nam quem κόσμος Graeci nomine ornamenti appellaverunt, eum nos a perfecta absolutaque elegantia mundum”, Plin. ii. IV. 3§ 8. Cf.
In Virg. Ecl.VI. 34, “ipse tener mundi . . . orbis” is used of this last-named element, aether.
“quatuor aeternus genitalia corpora mundus
continet. Ex illis duo sunt onerosa, suoque
pondere in inferius, tellus atque unda, feruntur:
et totidem gravitate carent, nulloque premente
alta petunt, aer atque aere purior ignis.
furta, frequently thus used of stratagems, just as we talk of ‘stealing a march’ upon any one. Cf. Virg. Aen.X. 735, “haud furto melior sed fortibus armis”. So of concealment in general, ib. VI. 568, “furto laetatus inani”. For similar usages of “κλέπτειν” see Soph. Aj. 189, 1137, El. 37. Cf. Ellis on Cat.xii. 1.
improbe means no more than ‘unreasonable,’ ‘unconscionable,’ and is frequently applied to one who hoards, wastes or, as here, asks for what he can himself make no use of, or who desires what he cannot fairly expect to have. Cf. Hor. Sat.II. ii. 104, G. I. 119, Lucr.iii. 1026, where see respectively Conington and Munro. Orelli quotes from Silius I. 58, “improba virtus” as an imitation of Virgil's labor inprobus.
quod, object of donaverit, not subject of erit. Cf. 63 n., 131.
cur spolieris erit, it will be a cause for spoiling you.’ For the pronominal use of the adverb see Roby, §§ 1153, 1171, 1263, and cf. Liv VII. xl. 5, “satis fuit eritque unde belli decus pariatur; hinc pax petenda est”.
gestamina tanta seems to be used of the shield only (cf. 108 n.), though it is quoted as meaning ‘the whole armour of Achilles, sword, spear, helmet, corslet, greaves and shield’ by Dr. Henry on Virg. Aen.VII. 246, where the reference of gestamen is likewise disputed. Cf. 778 n.
nostro. Sc.meo, R. § 904.
novus successor, ‘a new one to take its place.’
spectemur agendo, ‘let us be proved by deeds.’ Cf. Virg. Aen.VIII. 151, “rebus spectata iuventus”.
viri fortis suggests that this is the fitting method of adjudging the arms of a warrior. medios . . . hostes. This idea specially is said by Seneca to have been borrowed by Ovid from a declamation of his master Latro.
Telamone satus. Cf. 22, Roby § 1264. secutum erat, ‘had seconded’ (waited upon) his closing words. Cf. Virg. Aen.X. 636, “hoc tantum Ascanius; Teucri clamore scquuntur”, ib. XII. 912 “non lingua valct, non corpore notae sufficiunt vires, nec vox aut verba sequuntur”, Liv.v. XIX. 8, “omnia ibi summa ratione consilioque acta fortuna etiam, ut fit, secuta est”. This sense is most easily traced in secundus, for which cf. 418 and 728 with ad. Q. Fr. II. i. 3, “multis et secundis admurmurationibus cuncti senatus”. See Henry on Aeneidea, vol. I. pp. 433-6, vol. II. p. 622 (on Aen.I. 156 Aen., IV. 109).
oculos . . . moratos, a touch taken from Iliad III. 217, “στάσκεν, ὑπαὶ δὲ ἴδεσκε κατὰ χθονὸς ὄμματα πήξας”.
valuissent . . . foret . . . poteremur. The tense of the former has reference to the moment at which the prayers might have succeeded, that of the two latter to the continuous state which would have resulted.
non aequa fata. Cf. X. 634, “nec mihi coniugium fata inportuna negarunt”.
melius succedat, ‘can (could) better follow.’
quod . . . videtur. It might have helped him on the principle of contrast noticed on 10, but Ulysses, in asking that it may not tell for him, skilfully contrives that it shall tell against him.
mihi noceat, strongly contrasted with vobis profuit.
meaque . . . siquaest, ‘this poor eloquence of mine.’ A depreciatory force is often found in siquis. Cf. Cic. Brut.LXXXVII. § 298, “etsi tu melius existimare videris de ea, si quam nunc habemus, facultate”, Liv.xxi. XXXVII. 4, “nuda enim fere cacumina sunt, et, si quid （‘what little’) est pabuli, obruunt nives”. So very frequently in Greek “εἴ τις”, as in Xen. Anab. II. ii. 11, “οὐδὲ δεῦρο ἰόντες ἐκ τῆς χώρας οὐδὲν εἴχομεν λαμβάνειν: ἔνθα δ᾽ εἴ τι ἦν, ἡμεῖς διαπορευόμενοι κατεδαπανήσαμεν”, ib. V. iii. 2, “οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἀπώλοντο ὑπό τε τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τῆς χιόνος καὶ εἴ τις （‘σομε φεω’） νόσῳ”, Isocr. Paneg. 93, p. 59 E, “τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων πόλεων ὑπὸ τοῖς βαρβάροις γεγενημένων καὶ συστρατευομένων ἐκείνοις, πλὴν εἴ τις διὰ μικρότητα παρημελήθη”. See also Reid on pro Arch. I. § 1.
nunc from its contrast with saepe gets the force of ‘only now,’ ‘never till now.’ pro domino, ‘for its possessor.’
bona . . . recuset, ‘nor let us forswear each his proper claims.’ Quisque in connection with suus is more commonly in apposition to the undistributed subject, but even then not infrequently determines the form of the predicate. See R. § 582, Madv. § 217, obs. 1, Roby § 1440.
quae . . . ipsi, ‘deeds wrought by others.’ Genus and proavos are under the government of voco, not of fecimus.
sed enim quia, ‘but since.’ The construction of sed enim (at enim) is not usefully illustrated from “ἀλλὰ γάρ”, unless it be perceived that in neither is there an ellipsis, ‘such as is involved in the supposition that, whereas the “γὰρ” refers to the clause immediately subjoined to it, the “ἀλλὰ” belongs either to a clause understood or to a clause following at a greater distance. The sense forbids such a supposition: for the “ἀλλὰ” sits much closer to the clause immediately subjoined than the “γὰρ” does’ (Riddell's Digest of Platonic Idioms, § 147). This supposition frequently involves a straining of the sense. In Plat. Apol. 19 c. “ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐμοὶ τούτων οὐδὲν μέτεστι” clearly belongs not to “μή πως ἐγὼ ὑπὸ Μελήτου τοσαύτην δίκας φύγοιμι”, as Jelf takes it (§ 786 obs. 7) but to “οὐχ ὡς ἀτιμάζων λέγω τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιστήμην”. Cf. ib. 19 D, 20 C, 25 C. So in Virg. Aen.I. 19, it is much simpler to regard progeniem...arces as a principal sentence, introducing directly what conflicted with the intention of the goddess just expressed, than to suppose, as Mr. Papillon does in his note, an ellipsis such as sed non sinere sciebat, audierat enim. Cf. ib. II. 163-70, V. 395. The construction of sed enim quia may be exactly paralleled from Liv. XLV. xix. 14, “sed enim vero cum detestabilis altera res et proxima parricidio sit, quid ad deliberationem dubii superesse? Enim”, like “γάρ”, has originally a corroborative force (whence, like our ‘surely,’ it is very frequently used in objections, even when expressed interrogatively, as in ad Att. VII. vii. 6, “annorum enim decem imperium et ita latum placet?”), for which see Lewis and Short, and cf. G. III. 70, Aen.II. 100 Aen., VIII. 84 Aen., X. 874.In Liv.xxii. XXV. 3, and B.G. V. vii. 8 (cited by L. and S. ) Madvig alters to the commoner enimvero, but not in Liv.vii. XXXII. 13Liv., XXXIV. vii. 14.In passages where enim occurs with a perfect participle, passive or middle, the latter has been wrongly taken as finite verb in a parenthetical clause. See G. II. 509, Aen.VI. 28 Aen., 317.For the relation of quia to the principal clause cf. 159 n. rettulit . . . pronepos, has recounted that Jove is his great grandsire.’ The assimilation or attraction of pronepos to the case of Aiax is according to Greek idiom. See Roby § 1350, Madv. § 401, obs. 3, G. § 136 Note 3, and cf. Catul. IV. 1, “Phaselus ille . . . ait fuisse navium celerrimus”. Similar instances are Trist. ii. 10, “acceptum refero versibus esse nocens”, Hor. C. I. xxxvii. 30, “invidens privata deduci superbo...triumpho”. The second passage cited by Madvig ( Virg. Aen.II. 377, “sensit medios delapsus in hostes” may be referred to the Greek construction of participles with verbs of knowing (G., Moods and Tenses, § 113), which can be explained otherwise than as an instance of attraction. See Conington's note, and cf. Theb.VII. 791, “non aliter caeco nocturni turbine Cori scit peritura ratis”. It is imitated by Milton, Par. Lost IX. 792 ‘and knew not eating death.’
totidem gradus. Cf. 28.
Arcesius, “Ἀρκείσιος”, a son of Zeus and Euryodia, husband of Chalcomedusa and father of Laertes.
quisquam, ‘one,’ with emphasis. damnatus et exul. The allusion is to Peleus and Telamon, who contrived the death of their half-brother Phocus, and were in consequence expelled by Aeacus from Aegina. Cf. Hor. A. P.96.
Cyllenius, Mercury, so called from his birth on Mount Cyllene in Arcadia. Cf. Virg. Aen.VIII. 138, “quem candida Maia Cyllenae gelido conceptum vertice fudit”. Autolycus, the father of Anticleia, Ulysses' mother, was a son of Mercury and Chione. Cf. XI. 312-5.
materno . . . ortu. Both words are emphatic. By this contrast between the nobility of the mother and the blameless life of the father, the fact that Ajax was on the father's side of equally noble lineage is skilfully obscured.
non. Cf. 447 n. Where non is thus used in place of the more ordinary ne, it will be found that it brings out some force of contrast in particular words. Here the emphasis is on Aiacis, the thought being the same as in 140-1. Cf. Ars. Amat. III. 129 (in praise of simplicity), “vos quoque non caris aures onerate lapillis”, ib. 133, “munditiis capimur. non sint sine lege capilli”, Ex Ponto I. ii. 105-108. “non petito ut bene sit, sed uti male tutius, utque exilium saevo distet ab hoste meum: quamque dedere mihi praesentia numina vitam, non adimat stricto squalidus ense Getes.” Cf. also Hor. Sat.II. v. 90, “difficilem et morosum offendit garrulus ultro. non etiam sileas”, Virg. Aen.XII. 78-9, “non Teucros agat in Rutulos; Teucrum arma quiescant, et Rutuli: nostro dirimamus sanguine bellum”. So in Greek “οὐ” is used in the protasis of a conditional sentence where a single word is to be negatived. See G., Moods and Tenses, § 47 Note, and cf. Soph. Aj. 1131, “εἰ τοὺς θανόντας οὐκ ἐᾷς ῾σξ. “κωλύεις”） θάπτειν” with ib. 1184, “κἂν μηδεὶς ἐᾷ”. nec sanguinis . . . quaeratur, ‘let your inquisition be not of lineage, but of renown.’ For quaerere in the sense of ‘to inquire into,’ cf. IV. 766, “cultusque genusque locorum quaerit Lyncides moresque animumque virorum”, Virg. Aen.VI. 868, “ingentem luctum ne quaere tuorum”.
Pyrrhus or Neoptolemus (cf. 99, 455), son of Achilles by Deidameia, was brought up at Scyros in the house of Lycomedes, his maternal grandfather, whence he was fetched to Troy by Odysseus, who, according to the story followed by Sophocles, employed him in persuading Philoctetes also to rejoin the Greeks. In Odyssey XI. 505-37 Ulysses gives to the shade of Achilles an account of his prowess especially as one of the heroes who entered the wooden horse (cf. Virg. Aen.II. 263).
quis locus. For this adjectival use of quis see R. § 207, Madv. § 88, obs. 1, and cf. X. 651, “docuique quis usus in illis”, Virg. Georg.II. 178, “quis color”, Hor. C. I. xxix, “puer quis ex aula”, ib. II. i. 29, “quis non Latino sanguine pinguior campus?” The distinction seems to be that quis simply asks for identification, qui for description and characterisation also. See Reid on Lael. VI. § 22, and cf. de Or. II. viii. § 34. Phthiam, sc. to Peleus.
nec . . . . Achilli, ‘Teucer is Achilles’ cousin as well as he.’ Cf. 31 n. Teucer was half-brother of Ajax, son of Telamon by Hesione, or Theaneira, whom he received as his prize for the help he gave to Hercules in his expedition against her father Laomedon, when he was the first to enter the walls of Troy. The expedition was undertaken to punish Laomedon for his faithlessness in refusing to Hercules the horses once given by Jove to Tros, the reward promised to Hercules when he delivered Hesione from the sea-monster sent by Neptune to ravage the land of Troy, Cf. 23 n., XI. 211-6.
ergo . . . habetur, ‘since this match is of deeds merely.’ Notice that quoniam introduces not the reason for the statement made in the principal clause, but the reason for making the statement. Cf. Liv. XXI. xviii. 8, “quoniam discerni placet, quid publico consilio, quid sua sponte imperatores faciant, nobis vobiscum foedus est a C. Lutatio consule ictum”, id. XXXIV. lviii. 8, “quando quidem honesta pensamus … utrum tandem videtur honestius” etc. and R. § 743 with § 690. In English, except sometimes in conversation, we are careful to mark the distinction by some such phrase as ‘I may say that.’ So “ἐπεί” is frequently used in Homer, as
sit. The subjunctive is consecutive, R. § 204.
The tradition is post-Homeric. Thetis, knowing that the Trojan war would be fatal to her son, sent him to the court of Lycomedes (cf. 155 n.), where he was disguised as a maiden and lived among the king's daughters. The Greeks sent messengers to fetch him, who were told by Lucomedes that he was not there, but were allowed to search the palace. Ulysses, having first placed in the vestibule presents for the maidens with a shield and spear among them, caused an alarm to be sounded, and Achilles was known by seizing the weapons (Hyginus 96). Statius in his Achilleis (ii. 166-209) makes the alarm terminate Achilles' momentary hesitation caused by seeing the reflection of himself in woman's dress in the shield, and imitates the simile of a tamed lion cub returning to its wild nature, which is employed by Aesch. Ag.717-34. Cf. Hor. C. I. viii. 13-6.
dissimulat . . . deceperat. For the historic present, and for the transition from it to past tenses, which would be harsh in English, see R. § 594, and esp. Madv. § 382 obs. 3, and cf. G. Moods and Tenses § 32, 2.
motura, ‘such as would stir.’ Arma here has a trace of the wider use proper to its etymology (ar-, to fit, join closely, as in armus, artus, “ἀραρίσκω”, etc.), corresponding to ‘implement,’ ‘instrument.’ Cf. XI. 34, “operisque relinquunt arma sui... sarculaque, rastrique graves, longique ligones”, Virg. Georg.I. 160, “quae sint duris agrestibus arma”, id. Virg. Aen.I. 777, Cerealia arma (the hand-mill), ib. V. 15 (where see Conington, who gives other passages, and thinks that Virgil's frequent use may have been suggested by the corresponding use of “ὅπλα”), Hor. A. P.379-80, “campestribus abstinet armis, indoctusque pilae discive trochive quiescit”, id. Hor. C. I. viii. 10-12.
mercibus, dat. cf. 33 n.
tenenti, ‘as he grasped.’
peritura, ‘doomed.’ For se reservant, cf. XII. 309, “ne fuge; ad Herculeos, inquit, servaberis arcus”.
iniecique manum, a legal term for which cf. Amor. I. iv. 40, “et dicam mea sunt, iniciamque manum”, ib. II. v. 30, “iniciam dominas in mea iura manus”, Virg. Aen.X. 419, “iniecere manum Parcae.” Iniectio manus was the formal act of seizure which set up the claim to property in dispute, as in the case of Virginia, Liv.iii. XLIV. 6. Where buildings or lands were in dispute, the praetor had to accompany the litigants to the spot for the observance of this form. As the Roman territory extended this became impossible, and legal fictions took its place, on which Cicero throws ridicule (pro Murena XII. §§ 26-7). fortemque . . . misi, ‘and sent the hero forth to do heroic deeds.’ Cf. Virg. Aen.VI. 812, “missus in imperium magnum”, which recurs ib. XI. 47, and on which Henry quotes its imitation by Silius (xiii. 854) “veniet . . . in longum imperium”.
ego, emphatic, like the meum etc. below, ‘'twas I who.’ Telephon. Telephus, son of Hercules, repelled the Greeks from his kingdom Mysia, but received from Achilles a wound which, as he learned from an oracle, could only be cured by what had inflicted it. Achilles applied to it the rust of his spear, and Telephus in return showed the Greeks the way to Troy. Cf. XII. 112, “opusque meae bis sensit Telephus hastae”. His story was made the subject of tragedies by Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Ennius, Attius and others. Ovid makes pathetic application of it to his own case (Trist. VII. 15-18): “Telephus aeterna consumptus tabe perisset, si non quae nocuit, dextra tulisset opem.” “et mea, si facinus nullum commisimus, opto, vulnera qui fecit, facta levare velit.” Cf. Ex Ponto, II. ii. 25-6: “puppis Achaemeniden Graium Troiana recepit: profuit et Myso Pelias hasta duci.”
Thebae, in Mysia, the town of Eetion, father of Andromache (where lived a tribe called Cilices). Cf. Il. VI. 396-7 “Ἠετίων, ὃς ἔναιεν Ὑποπλάκῳ ὑληέσσῃ Θήβῃ Ὑποπλακίῃ Κιλίκεσσ᾽ ἄνδρεσσιν ἀνάσσων.” Andromache relates to Hector (ib. 414-24) how Achilles took the city, and slew her father and her seven brothers. Cf. XII. 109-10. Lesbon. The gates of Methymna were opened to Achilles by the king's daughter Pisidice, who was by his order stoned to death for her treachery. Achilles took with him from Lesbos Diomede, daughter of Phoebus, Il.IX. 661.
Chryse and Cilla were towns in Mysia, sacked by Achilles.
Scyrum, a town in Phrygia. From the spoil of it Achilles gave to Patroclus Iphis to be his wife, Il.IX. 663.
Lyrnesia. Lyrnesus in the Troad was the home of Briseis (Cf. XII. 108, Il.II. 690), who in Trist. IV. i. 15 is called Lyrnesis.
utque alios taceam, not to mention other Trojans slain by Achilles. For this construction of purpose see R. § 690, Roby §§ 1660, 1662. posset, consecutive subjunctive, R. § 708.
illis . . . peto, ‘I claim these arms in the strength of those whereby Achilles was revealed.’ The use of the instrumental ablative here may be illustrated by IX. 25, “matris adulterio patrem petis”. Cf. II. 564, “mea poena volucres admonuisse potest, ne voce pericula quaerant”.
dederam. The tense has reference to a standard of time not expressed. So it is used in the same verb in Virg. Aen.XI. 45-6, “non haec Euandro de te promissa parenti discedens dederam, cum me conplexus euntem mitteret in magnum imperium”. fata, ‘death,’ of which the word is used by Ovid more definitely than by earlier writers, and without the association with a natural death which appears in Virg. Aen.IV. 696.Cf. V. 642, “satis illi ad fata vel unum vulnus erat”, VII. 346, “quid vos in fata parentis armat?” VIII. 412, “quod [iaculum] casus ab illo vertit in immeriti fatum latrantis”, Ibis 289-90, “vel tua maturet, sicut Minoia fata, per caput infusae fervidus umor aquae”. So of the destruction of a city, 54.
unius, of Menelaus. pervenit, ‘came home.’
Euboicam, as being on the mainland opposite the island.
sortes. The word passed from its literal meaning (88 n.) to signify oracular responses written on tablets, and, by an extension of use, any oracle, or, as here, the utterance of a soothsayer. Cf. Liv. I. lvi. 6, where it is used of the oracle itself (responsa sortium), and where it is mentioned that the response was given orally: ex infimo specu vocem redditam ferunt. See Lewis and Short, and for the less common use of the singular cf. IV. 643, Themis hanc dederat Parnasia sortem, Virg. Aen.VII. 254, “et veteris Fauni volvit sub pectore sortem”, Liv.xxvi. XIX. 4, “ut imperia consiliaque velut sorte oraculi missa sine cunctatione exsequerentur”. Ovid relates this first part of the story of Iphigenia, with the substitution for her at the altar of a hind, in XII. 24-38, her residence in the Tauric Chersonese and escape from it in Trist. iv. IV. 63-82, Ex Ponto III. ii. 45-96.
saevae Dianae, ‘to Diana's anger.’ Cf. XII. 28, “sanguine virgineo placandam virginis iram esse deae”.
in rege tamen pater est, ‘king though he be, is father too.’ In rege shows the same use of the concrete substantive which is found in Fasti V. 570, “a tantis princeps incipiendus erat”, and which is not infrequent in Ovid with fateor, simulo and their compounds. Cf. XII. 601, “fassusque deum”, VI. 26, “Pallas anum simulat” (‘puts on,’ ‘assumes’), XIV. 656, “assimulavit anum, Fasti” V. 504, “dissimulant deos”. So Virg. Aen.II. 591, “confessa deam”, Luc. i. 131, “dedidicit iam pace ducem”, Ars Amat. i. 181, Prop.iv. XXII. 36. mite . . . verti. Cf. XII. 29, “pietatem publica causa” rexque patrem vicit.
publica commoda, ‘the welfare of his people.’ Cf. Hor. Ep.II. i. 3.
fateor. This parenthetic use is very frequent. Cf. VIII. 127, “nam fateor merui”, IX. 362, “et fateor volui sub eodem cortice condi”. So Am.III. ix. 35, “cum rapiant mala fata bonos, ignoscite fasso, sollicitor nullos esse putare deos”.
difficilem . . . iniquo. Notice the predicative force of these words: ‘my cause was difficult and the judge unkind.’ tenui causam. Cf. Hor. Epp.I. xvi. 43, “quo causae teste tenentur”, pro Caecin. XXIV. § 67. The usual expression is obtinere causam.
hunc tamen. Ajax might object that Agamemnon had already strong motives to induce him to disregard his paternal love. Ulysses proceeds therefore to give stronger instances of his power. frater, either ‘the thought of his brother,’ for which cf. Hor. C. I. xxxv. 33, “eheu cicatricum et sceleris pudet fratrumque”, Virg. Aen.III. 343, or more probably ‘his feelings as a brother,’ ‘brotherly love.’ See XII. 29 (in 187 n.). VIII. 463, “pugnant materque sororque” (‘the mother and the sister are at strife,’ i.e. the feelings of Althaea as a mother and as a sister), and cf. Tennyson Enoch Arden, ‘Then the new mother came about her heart.’
summa sceptri, ‘full empire,’ ‘sway supreme,’ much the same as summa imperii. So in consequence of the supremacy conferred upon him (dati) Agamemnon is himself called in Am.I. ix. 37, “summa ducum”. Cf. 673, XIV. 622, 815, Her. vii. 13, “sceptro tradita summa tuo”, Fasti V. 72, “ad hos urbis summa relata novae”. For the Pelopid sceptre cf.
movet ‘urges,’ not ‘persuades,’ as Ulysses<*>is not narrating the event of Agamemnon's yielding, but describing the mental condition which was favourable to his own advocacy. laudem . . . penset, ‘to balance the claims of fame and kindred,’ or possibly ‘to weigh his fame against his daughter,’ for which sense of the word cf. V. 515, “proque meo veni supplex tibi, Juppiter, inquit, sanguine, proque tuo...nata patrem moveat”, Ibis 511, “sanguis Aleuae” (Scopas), Virg. Aen.VI. 835, “sanguis meus” (Anchises, of Julius Caesar). So viscera is used V. 18, VI. 651, 664, VIII. 478, X. 465, Her.XI. 118.
“ἀνὰ δὲ κρείων Ἀγαμέμνων
ἔστη, σκῆπτρον ἔχων: τὸ μὲν ῾Ήφαιστος κάμε τεύχων:
῾Ήφαιστος μὲν δῶκε Διῒ Κρονίωνι ἄνακτι:
αὐτὰρ ἄρα Ζεὺς δῶκε διακτόρῳ Ἀργειφόντη:ι
Ἑρμείας δὲ ἄναξ δῶκεν Πέλοπι πληξίππω:ι
αὐτὰρ ὁ αὖτε Πέλοψ δῶκ᾽ Ἀτρέϊ, ποιμένι λαῶν:
Ἀτρεὺς δὲ θνήσκων ἔλιπε πολύαρνι Θυέστη:ι
αὐτὰρ ὁ αὖτε Θυέστ᾽ Ἀγαμέμνονι λεῖπε φορῆναι,
πολλῇσι νήσοισι καὶ ᾿Άργεϊ παντὶ ἀνάσσειν.
mittor . . . fuit, in strong contrast to what precedes. Clytemnestra had not merely to be emboldened to do something which it was already her interest to do. In this enterprise, as in others, Ulysses was associated with Diomede. He persuaded Clytemnestra to let Iphigenia go by representing that the latter was to be married to Achilles, who would not otherwise join the expedition. According to another story the deception was accomplished by a letter from Agamemnon.
suis ventis, ‘favouring winds,’ a sense rendered more definite by the emphatic position of suis. For this use see R. § 906, Roby § 2302, and cf. Liv. XLII. xliii. 3, “suo maxime tempore et alieno hostibus incipere bellum”, id. XXIII. xli. 11, “aestuque suo Locros traiecit”, Epod. ix. 30, “ventis iturus non suis”. So are used the other possessive adjectives: Liv.ix. XIX. 15, “nunquam nostris locis laboravimus”, Mart.x. XIX. 12, “tempore non tuo”. 196. Ulysses was sent with Menelaus at an early stage of the war (198) to demand the surrender of Helen and of the treasure stolen with her. They were entertained by Antenor ( Hom. IliadIII. 205), who was in favour of granting their demand. At a later period (Il. VII. 350) he renews the proposal himself: “δεῦτ᾽ ἄγετ᾽ Ἀργείην Ἑλένην καὶ κτήμαθ᾽ ἅμ᾽ αὐτῇ
δώομεν Ἀτρείδῃσιν ἄγειν: νῦν δ᾽ ὅρκια πιστὰ
ψευσάμενοι μαχόμεσθα: τῷ οὔ νύ τι κέρδιον ἡμῖν
ἔλπομαι ἐκ τελέεσθαι, ἵνα μὴ ῥέξομεν ὧδε.
” To which Paris replies “ἀντικρὺς δ᾽ ἀπόφημι, γυναῖκα μὲν οὐκ ἀποδώσω:
κτήματα δ᾽ ὅσσ᾽ ἀγόμην ἐξ ᾿Άργεος ἡμέτερον δῶ,
πάντ᾽ ἐθέλω δόμεναι καὶ ἔτ᾽ οἴκοθεν ἄλλ᾽ ἐπιθεῖναι.
” This is the debate alluded to in Hor. Epp.I. ii. 9-11. Cf. Liv. I. i. 1.
altae Troiae, the Homeric “Ἰλίου αἰπεινῆς”. So Hor. C. IV. vi. 3. For mihi cf. 67 n.
moveo Priamum. Cf. A. A. III. 439, “vix mihi credetis, sed credite: Troia maneret praeceptis Priami si foret usa sui”.
sub illo. Cf. 23 n. In Iliad XI. 122-47 Agamemnon takes vengeance in the persons of his two sons upon Antimachus, “ὅς ποτ᾽ ἐνὶ Τρώων ἀγορῆ Μενέλαον ἄνωγεν,
ἀγγελίην ἐλθόντα σὺν ἀντιθέω Ὀδυσῆϊ,
αὖθι κατακτεῖναι, μηδ᾽ ἐξέμεν ἄψ ἐς Ἀχαιούς.
nefandas, the persons of ambassadors being held sacred, even in cases where they abused their privilege. Cf. Liv. II. iv. 7, “de legatis paululum addubitatum est; et quanquam visi sunt commisisse, ut hostium loco essent, ius tamen gentium valuit”.
nostri sc. mei. This was the first day on which they shared perils.