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tumulo, R. § 480.carmen, ‘a legend,’ such as is inscribed over Phaethon II. 326-8.
notae pietatis, R. § 524, a reference to the quality which in Virgil regularly describes Aeneas.
ereptam . . . cremavit, ‘snatched me from Greek fire and burned me with that fire with which he ought.’
ab aggere, with religatus. Cf. Virg. Aen.VII. 106, gramineo ripae religavit ab aggere classem.
procul, with reference to the same word used twice in 244.infamatae, a word used also in Ex Pont. III. vi. 43. Notice that que is joined not to tecta which it connects with insidias, but to the epithet of deae which belongs to both clauses. Dillenburger has pointed out that this collocation of que as well as of ne and ve is a feature of the style of Horace. See a list of passages in Wickham's note on Hor. C. I. xxx. 6, where he says: ‘In all these cases the word to which it is joined is emphatic, and is usually a common element in the two clauses, the verb or adverb which gives their meaning to both, and which is placed in this way between them in order to make us feel their unity.’ It seems doubtful whether the effect is not rather to emphasise the second member of the coordination, for which the ear is thus kept waiting. Cf. 19 n., xiii.913 n.
nubilus umbra, ‘overcast with umbrage.’ Umbra seems to be used of ‘shady foliage,’ as in G. I. 157, ruris opaci falce premes umbram. Cf. Virg. Aen.VII. 29-32.
Faunigenae. Cf. xiii.750 n., Virg. Aen.VII. 47.domo is taken by Gierig to refer to the hospitality extended to Aeneas by Latinus, but seems rather to refer to the position gained by Aeneas of heir to Latinus in default of male issue Cf. 569, Virg. Aen.VII. 50-3 Virg. Aen., 255-8 and 421-4.
Turnus, king of the Rutulians, to whom Lavinia had previously been betrothed.
Tyrrhenia tota. Korn refers this to the Rutulians as allied with Mezentius, king of Caere, Latio to the united forces of Latins and Trojans. There are several objections to this. Ovid is following the narrative of Virgil, in which the Latins, against the wishes and better judgment of their king, join the Rutulians. And though Mezentius brings to the Rutulians the aid of 1,000 men, he is at the time in exile, and his subjects, or, as Virgil expresses it, omnis Etruria ( Aen.VIII. 494), with the exception of a contingent under Messapus (ib. VII. 691-705), join Aeneas. Moreover, while the Trojans, who were in small numbers, and had no other allies save the few men sent by Evander, might well be included under the ingentis populos opulentaque regnis castra of Etruria (ib. VIII. 475), the force of Mezentius is introduced as a single foreign element in the composite host of Italian races led by Turnus (ib. VII. 647). Ehwald adopts this view.
Euandri. According to the tradition as given byP 2Dionysius and Livy (i. V. 2) Evander, son of Hermes, led a colony from Pallantium in Arcadia about sixty years before the Trojan war into Italy, where he built a new Pallantium on what was afterwards known as the Palatine. Virgil represents Evander as living at the time of Aeneas' arrival in Italy, seven years after the fall of Troy, and giving Aeneas the help of his son Pallas with four hundred knights ( Aen.VIII. 514-9). The mother city Pallantium, where Pausanias saw the statues of Evander and Pallas, had great benefits conferred upon it by Antoninus Pius on account of its mythical connection with Rome. It is thought that the name and story of Evander arose from an interpretation of the name Faunus (connected with faveo, faustus: quidam Faunum appellatum volunt quem nos propitium dicimus, Servius on Virg. Aen.VIII. 314), and from the identification of the Italian deity with the Greek Pan.
Venulus, ambassador from Latinus and Turnus to Diomede, Virg. Aen.VIII. 9-17.frustra. Zingerle, like Riese, prefers magnam, the reading of M, for which he compares Virg. Aen.VIII. 9, ib. XI. 226.profugi Diomedis. After the fall of Troy Diomede returned to his capital Argos, but finding, like Agamemnon, that his wife had proved faithless to him (Ibis 350), either retired voluntarily or was expelled (476). According to one tradition he went to Aetolia to the assistance of his grandfather Oeneus, who was king of Pleuron (494) and Calydon (512), and either settled there or returned with Oeneus to Argos. According to another in attempting to return to Argos he was cast by a storm on the coast of Daunia, the northern part of Apulia. There he helped the king Daunus against the Messapians, and so gained the hand of the king's daughter Euippe (459). A number of cities traced their origin to him, but especially the city here referred to, Arpi, originally called Argyripa, which was supposed to be a corruption of “᾿Άργος ἵππιον”. Cf. Virg. Aen.XI. 246 Aen., 250.
Iapyge, Iapygian. Cf. 510.
dotalia. Cf. 298 n. 511.
peregit, perfect followed by petit present, has made the request and remains a petitioner. Cf. Virg. Aen.III. 3.Verbs of asking naturally use thus tenses of imperfect action, as in V. 223 Aen., VI. 329.
Aetolius, as grandson of Oeneus. Virg. Aen.X. 28.
excusat, ‘pleads’ his power (i.e. his want of power), as an excuse for not joining Turnus. In Virgil the return of the ambassador is contrived with great effect just when the Latins and Rutulians are depressed and divided, and in accordance with the purpose of the poem the reply of Diomede traces all the disasters which have fallen on the Greeks to their war against Troy, and warns them of the hopelessness of contending with Aeneas.se velle, Roby, § 1351, R. § 535. Excusare is found with accusative and infinitive, but the abrupt introduction of the construction is a feature of Latin. Cf. Liv. V. xiv. 2, non homines modo sed deos etiam exciebant, in religionem vertentes comitia biennio habita: priore anno intolerandam hiemem prodigiisque divinis similem coortam &c.
neve putetis. Cf. 32 n.haec, sc. the alleged want of men.commenta. Cf. xiii.38 n.
renovetur, Roby, § 1697 ad fin.467. Diras (for which flammas should have been printed) is a conjecture of Merkel (for dextras of M), for which he refers to Aesch. Ag.125 and 721, the similes of the eagles devouring the hare and of the tame lion cub which deals slaughter in the house.
Narycius heros, Ajax son of Oileus, so called from his birthplace Naryx or Narycus, a town of the Locrians. Cf. xiii.356 n., and 410 n.a virgine, from the virgin goddess, Pallas. For the expression cf. II. 579, mota est pro virgine virgo.469. Cf. Virg. Aen.II. 39-45, where the emphatic unius corresponds to the emphatic solus here. The penalty is the storm there described.
spargimur, ‘we are scattered.’inimica. The emphasis indicates the change in the sea's temper.
noctem ‘darkness,’ just as dies is used for ‘light.’ Cf. 122 n.iram . . . marisque. Cf. Virg. Aen.X. 695, minas perfert caelique marisque.
cumulum . . . cladis, ‘for crown of sorrow, Caphareus.’ The corresponding Greek metaphor is from the copingstone of a wall, Eur. Tro.489, “θριγκὸς ἀθλίων κακῶν”. The Greek fleet was wrecked on the promontory of Caphareus, S. E. of Euboea. Cf. Virg. Aen.XI. 260, Euboicae cautes ultorque Caphareus. For the Greek acc. see R. § 160.
Graecia, as a power or nationality. Cf. Hor. C. I. xv. 6, quam multo repetet Graecia milite. This kind of personification is rare in prose.potuit, R. § 643. Cf. Virg. Aen.XI. 259, vel Priamo miseranda manus, where Servius quotes from Pacuvius: si Priamus adesset, et ipse eius commiseresceret.
agris. Merkel is inclined to read Argis, as he reads Argos in I. 601. It is noticeable however that Virgil, either through inadvertence or following a different tradition, speaks of Calydon as his destination ( Aen.XI. 270). [Argis is the actual reading of Bod. and Can.1 R.E. ].
memores. Cf. IV. 190, exigit indicii memorem Cythereïa poenam. Diomede wounded Venus in the hand in battle before Troy, as he was carrying off Aeneas who was wounded and in danger ( Il.V. 329, sqq.): “γιγνώσκων ὅτ᾽ ἄναλκις ἔην θεὸς, οὐδὲ θεάων τάων, αἵτ᾽ ἀνδρῶν πόλεμον κατακοιρανέουσιν, οὔτ᾽ ἄρ᾽ Ἀθηναίη, οὔτε πτολίπορθος Ἐνυώ.”
sint vocati, R. § 712. For the thought cf. xiii.521 n.
hiems. Cf. xiii.709 n.importunus, of what does not forward one's plans, ‘untoward.’482. [Fuisse Can. Bod. Fuissem other MSS. I prefer fuisse (1) as simpler, (2) as more pleasing in sound, (3) as not exaggerating the impossibility of the wish. R. E.].
ultima, as we use ‘extremities.’ In Virg. Aen.I. 219, extrema pati is used of actual death.
deficiunt, ‘faint,’ as in Milt. P. l. XI. 108 ‘yet lest they faint at the sad sentence rigorously urged.’[erroris Can.7 as well as Can.1 A clearly right reading handed down unaltered from the first, but only in few MSS. Most give terroris. R. E.].
patientia, in a sense which the English word once had: Bacon, Advancement of Learning, II. x. 12, ‘patience hath two parts, hardness against wants and extremities and endurance of pain or torment,’ Milton, P.l. IX. 31, ‘the better fortitude of patience and heroic martyrdom.’
velle puta, ‘suppose she would,’ Roby, § 1346. Cf. Milton, Par. Reg. IV. 286, ‘or, think I know them not, not therefore am I short of knowing what I ought.’
est locus in vulnus, ‘there is room to do us hurt.’ This is Merkel's conjecture for in vultus of M. From the other MS. reading in voto Heinsius conjectured est in vota locus (‘then praier may advantage men’ Golding). [Est locus in voto Can.7 Can.1 Bod. I suggest est locus ulterius (faciendi), ‘she has an opportunity of doing us yet new harm.’ R. E.].pessima rerum. Cf. xiii.508 n.
secura . . . malorum, ‘the height of misery has no care.’ Cf. Milton, P.l. IV. 108 ‘so farewell hope, and, with hope, farewell fear.’
audiat ipsa licet. Cf. xiii.18 n.quod facit, ‘as she does,’ facere like “ποιεῖν” being used to avoid the repetition of another verb.
magno . . . nobis. Heinsius read parvo from inferior MSS., but the same sense, which is obviously necessary, may be ironically expressed by magno, ‘her great power counts for much with us.’ Merkel conjectures magniloquentia, referring to the use of magniloquus in VIII. 396. [Dampno (with precio written above) stet Can.7 Two readings suggest themselves; (1) ut magno (or damno) stet, ‘though her over-great power cost us dear,’ (2) haut magno stat, ‘great as her power is, it costs us but little.’ The second of these is the most plausible. I can't think Merkel's magniloquentia right. R. E.].
inritans, Bentley's conjecture for iratum of M, iritam of other MSS.Pleuronius. Cf. 457 n.
vox. Cf. xiii.569 n. Tenuata is used in both its senses, literal and metaphorical, a zeugma for which cf. xiii.632 n.
in plumas abeunt. Cf. xiii.674 n., and for the details of the metamorphosis II. 373-6; “cum vox est tenuata viro, canaeque capillos dissimulant plumae, collumque a pectore longe porrigitur, digitosque ligat iunctura rubentes, penna latus velat, tenet os sine acumine rostrum.”
maiores, larger and stronger, for flying.
magna . . . occupat. Siebelis merely repeats the explanation of the Delphin editor, magna pars pedum a digitis fuit occupata, and King accordingly translates, ‘his feet were claws.’ The meaning seems to be the reverse of this, the toes being invaded by the foot. Ovid is describing the metamorphosis of the human foot to the webbed foot of a bird; as in II. 375 (quoted on 499), digitos ligat iunctura rubentis. [Almost all my MSS. read pedis. I think this is right: ‘a large amount of what is foot takes possession of the toes,’ i.e. instead of divided toes a solid web-foot is formed. The singular has its place and special meaning. R.E. ] This use of the singular is illustrated by the meaning of arbor etc. noticed on 523. The reading pedis and this explanation are accepted by Ehwald.
finem ponunt, ‘end.’
remos, sc. the ship of Diomede.plausis, ‘flapping.’ Cf. 577.
subitarum. Cf. xiii.617 n. This generally accepted reading was first adopted by Heinsius in place of the more common dubiarum. [I am not sure of this correction. Ovid himself calls them swan-like, but not swans, and so Lycophron 597, “κύκνοισιν ἰνδαλθέντες εὐγλήνοις δορήν”. But Pliny, H.N. X. 126, describes them as fulicarum similes; Servius on Aen.XI. 271 as identical with the Greek “ἐρωδιοί”, and so Schol. Ven. on Il.V. 412, and Antigonus, Hist. Mirab. 172. Their form was therefore, in the truest sense of the term, doubtful. R. E.]. Ehwald retains dubiarum.
ut non . . . sic, ‘though not . . . yet,’ Roby, § 1707 (c).proxima cygnis. An instance of comparatio compendiaria, for which cf. xiii.367 n.
arida. Apulia was famed for a degree of heat and drought ( Hor. Epod.III. 16), which has always necessitated the removal of the flocks during the summer months to Samnium. One cause of this was the prevalence of the parching east wind called Atabulus ( Hor. Sat.I. v. 78), the modern Altino, but the want of water is mainly due to the calcareous nature of the soil. Except in a narrow belt along the coast, the population was in ancient times, as it is now, very scanty, and land was proverbially cheap. See Mayor on Juv.iv. 27.
gener, sc. by marrying the king's daughter. Cf. 457 n.
Hactenus, sc. locutus est. Cf. 198 n.Oenides, Calydonia. Cf. 457 n.Peucetios. The Peucetii or Poediculi were one of the three chief tribes which made up the population of Apulia, the others being the Messapians, or Iapygians, and the Daunians. They were said to be the descendants of three sons of Lycaon, Iapyx, Peucetius and Daunius, a tradition corresponding to the real affinity which facilitated the Hellenisation of this province. See Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, T. I. pp. 10, 495.
antra, ‘a cave.’ Cf. 104.nubila silva. Cf. 447.
latitantia (cf. xiii.786 n.), Korn's conjecture for manantia of MSS. [Bod. Can.1 Can.7 R. E.], is accepted by Zingerle. Merkel reads nutantia, remarking that guttis, the variant for cannis, evidently arose from manantia, and comparing for the scene VI. 326, tremulis circumdata cannis. “Merkel's nutantia, Korn's latitantia can neither of them be thought very plausible. In Cul. 78 the cod. Vossianus (Bährens, Poet. Lat. Min. II. p. 51) gives mariantia for manantia: it would be only a further step in the development of error to find mariantia corrupted into uariantia, and conversely I believe uariantia to be the original word which the MSS. of the Metamm. now give as manantia. The caves shimmer with the agitation of the reeds, i.e. a variable light plays through the caves produced by their agitation' (Dr. Ellis in Journal of Philology, vol. XII. 1883, p. 75).semicaper, sc. capripes, ‘goat-foot,’ an epithet proper to the goat-hoofed Pan, but transferred, like his other epithet bicornis, to the Italian Faunus, who was identified with him.
Apulus pastor, ‘an Apulian shepherd.’ There seems to be no reason for regarding Apulus as a proper name.fugatas terruit, ‘scared away,’ terruit fugavitque, a use of the participle for which cf. xiii.412 n. and G. I. 320. (of winds) segetem ab radicibus imis sublimem expulsam erucrent. [I should prefer ‘dispersed and scared.’ R. E.].
rediit. Cf. xiii.444 n.
ad numerum, ‘in rhythm.’pedibus. Heinsius wished to alter this to manibus, because the movement of the hands is so often specified as the chief element in dancing. Cf. Ars Amat. I. 595, si vox est, canta: si mollia brachia, salta, ib. II. 305, Rem. Am. 334, fac saltet, nescit si qua movere manum, Amor. II. iv. 29, illa placet gestu numerosaque brachia ducit. But the rhythmic movement of the feet is also spoken of, as in Hor. C. II. xii. 17, quam nec ferre pedem dedecuit choris and this reference seems to be fixed here by saltu agresti.duxere, not ‘led,’ but ‘drew out,’ with reference to the long sweeping movement of the dance. So the word is used of processions 746, XIII. 699, G. III. 22, Juv.i. 145Juv., X. 240.
improbat, in a bad sense, ‘scoffs at.’ The general sense of ‘reprove,’ ‘censure,’ passed through the French improuver to the English ‘improve.’ See Trench, Select Glossary s. v.has, sc. choreas. saltu agresti. M has saltumque imitatus agrestem, which may be kept with the meaning ‘performing a mimic clown's dance.’ This sense is regularly found in the passive of imito, as in Ars Amat. I. 439; for the deponent imitor cf. Tib.iii. VI. 33, difficile est imitari gaudia falsa. So in G. II. 204, putre solum—namque hoc imitamur arando, the word seems to mean ‘produce artificially,’ and in Hist. i. 33, imitari principem is ‘to assume the emperor.’
arbor. A concrete expression for the new nature which creeps over him. Cf. 565, 757, X. 497, venientique obvia ligno subsedit, XI. 80, IV. 585, dum non totum occupat anguis, and the somewhat similar use of a concrete expression noticed on XIII. 187.
mores, his disposition.
foliis, conjectured by Polle for the MS. bacis, which is retained by Zingerle, as by Merkel and Ehwald. Lucretius (vi. 972) notices the fondness of goats for the leaves of the wild olive, qua nihil est homini quod amariu' frondeat esca.
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