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Top. X. ἐξ ἐπαγωγῆς] The rudimentary kind of induction, of which alone Rhetoric admits: two or three similar cases being adduced to prove a general rule, from which the inference is drawn as to the present case. It is the argument from analogy, or cases in point. This and the following, says Brandis, u. s., naturally find nothing corresponding to them in the Topics. Cic. de Or. II 40. 168, ex similitudine; si ferae partus suos diligunt, qua nos in liberos nostros indulgentia esse debemus? &c. Quint. V 10. 73, est argumentorum locus ex similibus; si continentia virtus, utique et abstinentia: Si fidem debet tutor, et procurator. Hoc est ex eo genere quod ἐπαγωγήν Graeci vocant, Cicero inductionem.

ἐκ τῆς Πεπαρηθίας] δίκης; comp. § 6, ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ἁρμόδιον. An extract ‘from the well-known Peparethian case’, about the parentage of a child; the speaker adduces two analogous cases, or cases in point, to prove the rule which he wishes to establish, that it is the mother who is the best judge of the parentage of the child. Gaisford quotes Homer, Od. A 215, μήτηρ μέν τ᾽ ἐμέ φησι τοῦ ἔμμεναι, αὐτὰρ ἔγωγε οὐκ οἶδ̓: οὐ γάρ πω τις ἑὸν γόνον αὐτὸς ἀνέγνω: on which Eustathius; δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τῷ Ἀριστοτέλει τὰ εἰρημένα ὀρθῶς ἔχειν.

Πεπαρηθίας1] “Concionis (ut puto) sive alterius generis scriptionis nomen est Peparethia,” Victorius. But in that case it would be masc. (with λόγος understood), not feminine: and the analogy of § 6 is also in favour of the ellipse of δίκης. Otherwise we might understand ἐπαγωγῆς, or γυναικός.

The meaning is, ‘Another topic of inference is induction; as, for instance, it may be inferred as a general rule from the Peparethian case, that in the case of children (as to the true parentage of children) women always distinguish the truth better (than the other sex)’. And the same rule has been applied, from a similar induction, in two other recorded cases; ‘for, in the first, (on the one hand), at Athens, in a dispute in which Mantias the orator was engaged with his son (about his legitimacy), the mother declared the fact (of the birth, and so gained the cause for her child); and in the second, at Thebes, in a dispute between Ismenias and Stilbo (for the paternity of a child), Dodonis (the mother) made a declaration that it belonged to Ismenias; and in consequence Thettaliscus was always regarded as Ismenias' son’.

‘Mantias the orator’, whose name does not appear in Smith's Biogr. Dict., may be the same person who is mentioned as the father of Mantitheus and Boeotus, of the deme of Thoricus, Dem. Boeot. de nom. §§ 7, 10; comp. §§ 30 (bis), 37. [‘Mantias proposed that Plangon should declare on oath before an arbitrator, whether Boeotus and Pamphilus were her sons by Mantias or not. She had assured him privately that if the oath in the affirmative were tendered to her, she would decline to take it...She, however, unexpectedly swore that they were her sons by Mantias.’ From Mr Paley's Introd. to Dem. Or. 39, Select Private Orations, I p. 131. Comp. supplementary notes on pp. 134 and 182].

Ismenias, whose name likewise is wanting in Smith's Dict., was in all probability the one somewhat celebrated in Theban history, as leader, with Autoclides, of the anti-Lacedaemonian party at Thebes, mentioned by Xenophon, Hellen. V 2. 25 seq. He was accused by his opponent Leontiades, tried, and put to death by a court appointed for the purpose by the Lacedaemonians, who were then (383 B. C.) in occupation of the Cadmeia, Xen. Ib. §§ 35, 36, Grote, Hist. Gr. X pp. 80, 85, 86 [chap LXXVI]. His name is also associated by Mr Grote, H. G. X 380, 387, 391 [chap. LXXIX], with that of Pelopidas, as one of the ambassadors to the court of Artaxerxes at Susa in 367 B. C.; and again, as taken prisoner with him by Alexander of Pherae in the following year. The authority for these statements appears to be Plutarch, Artax. XXII for the first; and Id. Pelopid. XXIX sub fin. for the second: Xenophon does not mention him in this connexion. At all events, it was not the same Ismenias, that was put to death in 383, and accompanied Pelopidas, as ambassador and captive, in 367 and 3662. Of Stilbon, and the other persons named, I can find no further particulars.

‘And another instance from Theodectes' “law”—if to those who have mismanaged other people's horses we don't entrust horses of our own, or (our ships) to those who have upset the ships of others; then, if the rule hold universally, those who have ill guarded or maintained the safety and well-being of others, are not to be employed in (entrusted with) the preservation of our own’. Sauppe, Fragm. Theod. Νόμος (Or. Att. III 247), thinks with every appearance of probability that Theodectes' ‘law’ “(declamationem) ad rationes militum mercenariorum lege ab Atheniensibus accurate ordinandas pertinuisse.” Both the fragments quoted by Aristotle, here, and again § 17, agree perfectly with this view. The extract here stigmatizes the folly shewn by the Athenians in entrusting their interests to mercenaries—like Charidemus and his fellows—who have already shewn their incapacity and untrustworthiness whilst in the employment of others—foreign princes and states—who have used their services. The other extract, § 17, is to shew that by their gross misconduct and the mischief they have already done, most of them—with the exception perhaps of men like Strabax and Charidemus—have entirely disqualified themselves for employment. From the example in Theodectes' ‘law’, the general principle may be inferred, that it is folly to entrust with the care of our own interests and the management of our affairs such as have already shewn themselves incapable by previous failures in like cases. The argument from the analogy of trades and professions is quite in the manner of Socrates and Plato.

On Theodectes himself and his works, see note on II 23. 3, and the references there.

Ἀλκιδάμας] Of Alcidamas and his writings, see note on I 13. 2, and the reff. This fragment is referred by Sauppe, Fragm. Alcid. 5, to Alcidamas' Μουσεῖον; of which he says, on fragm. 6, that he supposes it to have been: “promptuarium quoddam rhetoricum, quod declamationes de variis rebus contineret” [“Alkidamas...sein mannigfaltige rhetorische Probestücke umfassendes Buch μουσεῖον nannte,” Vahlen, der Rhetor Alkidamas, p. 495]. Alcidamas' Μεσσηνιακὸς λόγος is quoted, I 13. 2, and II 23. 1.

Πάριοι γοῦν πόλις] translated in Camb. Journ. of Cl. and Sacred Phil. No. 9, Vol. III. p. 267.

τοὺς σοφούς] are here the great ‘wits’, men of genius; men distinguished (not here specially as artists, but) for literature, learning, or wisdom in general.

Of Archilochus, his life, character, and writings, a good account is to be found in Mure, Hist. Gr. Lit. Vol. III. p. 138 seq. (Bk. III. ch. iii), in which the βλασφημία noted by Alcidamas, as well as his great celebrity, is abundantly illustrated. See also Müller, Hist. Gr. Lit. c. XI §§ 6—10, and 14. Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo, Hor. A. P. 79 (with Orelli's note). Parios iambos, Ib. Ep. I 19. 23 seq.

οὐκ ὄντα πολίτην] This, the vulgata lectio, is retained by Bekker, and even (for once) by Spengel, though A^{c} has πολιτικόν. In favour of this, the reading of the best MS, it may be urged, that πολίτην would represent the Chians as disclaiming Homer as their fellow-citizen, quite contrary to the pertinacity with which they ordinarily urged their claim to the honour of his birthplace. This was carried so far, that Simonides in one of his fragments, Eleg. Fragm. 85 line 2 (Bergk), says of a quotation from Homer, Χῖος ἔειπεν ἀνήρ. Comp. Thucyd. III 104. On this ‘Ionic’ claim, see further in Mure, Hist. Gk. Lit. Vol. II p. 202. On the other hand οὐ πολίτην may mean—as Müller supposes, Hist. Gk. Lit. ch. V § 1—that they claimed, not Homer's birth, but merely his residence among them. The other reading πολιτικόν affords an equally good sense; that his Chian fellow-countrymen conferred honours upon Homer, though not upon the ordinary ground of public services, or active participation in the business of public life; as the Athenians—had they so pleased—might have dealt with Plato.

καί περ γυναῖκα οὖσαν] “Sappho so far surpassed all other women in intellectual and literary distinction that her fellow-countrymen, the Mytileneans, assigned to her the like honours with the men, whom she equalled in renown; admitted by her countrymen of every age to be the only female entitled to rank on the same level with the more illustrious poets of the male sex.” Mure, H. G. L. Vol. III p. 273, Sappho. He refers to this passage. Chilon, Mure, Ib. p. 392. Diog. Laert., vit. Chil. 68, substitutes the ephory for the seat in the γερουσία as the honour conferred on Chilon by the Lacedaemonians.

φιλολόγοι] ‘of a literary turn’.

Ἰταλιῶται] (Σικελιῶται) Greek settlers in Italy (and Sicily). Victorius remarks that these are properly distinguished from Ἰταλοί, the original inhabitants, who would not have understood Pythagoras' learning, or institutions, or moral precepts.

Pythagoras, according to the received account, as reported by Diogenes Laertius, vit. Pyth., was a native of Samos, to which after various travels he was returning, when, finding it oppressed by the tyranny of Polycrates, he started for Croton in Italy; κἀκεῖ νόμους θεὶς τοῖς Ἰταλιώταις ἐδοξάσθη σὺν τοῖς μαθηταῖς, οἳ πρὸς τοὺς τριακοσίους ὄντες ᾠκονόμουν ἄριστα τὰ πολιτικά, ὥστε σχεδὸν ἀριστοκρατίαν εἶναι τὴν πολιτείαν, § 3. In what way the honour of his new fellow-citizens was expressed rather by respect and admiration, than by substantial rewards, may be gathered from the famous αὐτὸς ἔφα of his pupils, and from a notice in Diogenes, § 14, οὕτω δ᾽ ἐθαυμάσθη κ.τ.λ.

Anaxagoras was a native of Clazomenae in Ionia, but, τέλος ἀποχωρήσας εἰς Λάμψαχον αὐτόθι κατέστρεψεν. Diog. Laert., Anaxagoras, § 14, a custom held in his honour, Ib. τελευτήσαντα δὴ αὐτὸν ἔθαψαν ἐντίμως οἱ Λαμψακηνοὶ καὶ ἐπέγραψαν: Ἐνθάδε, πλεῖστον ἀληθείης ἐπὶ τέρμα περήσας οὐρανίου κόσμου, κεῖται Ἀναξαγόρας, § 15.

καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι] ita vulg. et vet. transl. Lat. “ὅτι Ἀθηναῖοι, A^{c} apud Vict. et Gaisf.” Spengel. Accordingly Bekker, Ed. 3, Spengel and Vahlen now read ὅτι Ἀθ. preceded by the mark of something omitted. And in fact, as Spengel observes, what follows is not a proper continuation of the preceding quotation from Alcidamas, but a new example of the general topic of induction. The general rule which is derived from the two following instances has fallen out, or something suggesting it, to which ὅτι refers, has been omitted either by a copyist, or possibly in his haste by the author himself. Aristotle is capable of this; continuing perhaps to quote from Alcidamas, he may have neglected to supply the proper connexion. The general principle that is to be inferred from the induction may be the Platonic paradox that the true statesmen are philosophers: this appears from the three examples, ‘that the Athenians flourished and were happy under the laws of Solon, and the Lacedaemonians under those of Lycurgus; and at Thebes, the prosperity (or flourishing condition) of the city was coeval with the accession of its leaders to philosophy’. I have rendered the last words thus to express ἐγένοντο. But the meaning of the whole is doubtless as Victorius gives it, that the happiness of Thebes, that is, its virtue and glory, began and ended with the philosophy of its leaders. This is inadequately expressed by ἐγένοντο, which only conveys the beginning of the coincidence: and, if the explanation of the suppressed rule be right, would have been better represented by ἅμα οἱ φιλόσοφοι προστάται ἐγένοντο. The last word is a correction of Victorius from MS A^{c} for the vulgata lectio ἐλέγοντο. (The leaders here referred to are Epaminondas and Pelopidas.)

1 Peparethus, one of a small group of islands (Sciathus, Icus, Halonnesus, Scyrus; Strab. Thessal. IX 5) off the coast of Magnesia, πρόκεινται τῶν Μαγνήτων, Strabo u. s. (νῆσος μία τῶν Κυκλάδων, Steph. Byz. s. v., una ex Cycladibus, Buhle. οὐκ ἄποθεν Εὐβοίας, Suidas), N. E. of Euboea: famous for its wine, Soph. Phil. 548, εὔβοτρυν Πεπάρηθον, Aristoph. Thesmoph. Sec. Fr. 1 (ap. Athen. I 29, A [Aristoph. fragm. 301. Dind. ed. 5]) Meineke, Fragm. Com. II 1076. Comp. Herm. Fragm. Phorm. 2 12 (ap. eund. II 410).

2 The name Ismenias appears to have been traditional in Boeotia from the very earliest times. Ἰσμηνίης Βοιώτιος is mentioned in the biography of Homer ascribed to Herodotus, §§ 2, 3, as one of the original settlers of the new colony of Cuma in Aeolia, and carrying with him Homer's mother Critheïs.

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