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Book 18 (Σ

The allusion is to the fighting in Book XVII.

[3] ὀρθοκραιράων, ‘with upright horns,’ applicable not only to cattle, but also to Homeric ships, which seem to have had up-reaching bows and sterns, horn-like and of equal height.

[7] ἀτυζόμενοι πεδίοιο, ‘fleeing bewildered over the plain’; a similar genitive occurs 3.14, Z 507, etc.

[8] μὴ δή μοι κτλ., “may the gods not bring to pass—as I fear they may—bitter woes for my soul.” GMT. 261. Cf. B 195, 16.128.

[12] Achilles suspects the truth, as the poet said, l. 4.

[13] σχέτλιος, ‘persistent, fellow!’ or ‘my reckless comrade!’ § 170.

τ᾽ ἐκέλευον, ‘and yet I bade him,’ 16.87 ff.

[15] ἧος, Attic “ἕως”.

[19] μὴ ὤφελλε κτλ., a wish impossible of fulfilment.

[33] δ᾽ ἔστενε, the only audible mark, thus far, of Achilles's intense grief. Note the swift change of subject.

[34] δείδιε, Antilochus is again the subject; the form in this instance is commonly called a pluperfect with imperfect ending, and so translated by the past tense.—The subject of ἀπαμήσειε is Achilles.

σιδήρῳ, ‘with his iron’ (sword). The use of bronze was of course older than that of iron. Weapons and instruments of bronze were characteristic of the Mycenaean age. They belonged also to the early Homeric age—at least to that part during which the epic style was developing. So the poets sang on about weapons of bronze even after the use of iron became common. The knowledge of iron must have been widespread, however, when the Iliad was completed. The allusion in this line is a bit of evidence in the matter. —Cauer, Homerkritik, pp. 179-187. Professor Ridgeway (The Early Age of Greece, vol. i, pp. 294-296) also calls attention to the general use of iron in the Homeric age “for all kinds of cutting instruments, and for agricultural purposes.” This prevalence of iron is in fact one of the chief differences between the Homeric and the Mycenaean civilizations.

[35] ᾤμωξεν, Achilles is subject.

[36] Thetis, it seems, had returned to the home of her father. This was in the deep sea

μεσσηγὺς δὲ Σάμου τε καὶ Ἴμβρου παιπαλοέσσης” (24.78).

[39] 39-49. These “Hesiodic” lines are probably a late addition to the poem. Vergil introduces some of the names,

laeva tenent Thetis et Melite Panopeaque virgo,
Nesace Spioque Thaliaque Cymodoceque.

[50] ‘And the shining-white cave, too, was filled with them.’

[53] εἴδετ᾽ε) (“οἶδα”), Attic “εἰδῆτε.

ἔνι, § 167.

[56] δ᾽ ἀνέδραμεν κτλ., parenthetical. The conclusion to l. 55 begins with l. 57; “ἐπιπροέηκα” (l. 58) is subordinate in importance, however, to “ὑποδέξομαι” (l. 59).

[57] φυτὸν ὣς γουνῷ ἀλωῆς, ‘like a tree on the orchard-slope.’

[61] μοι, dative of interest, ‘before me,’ ‘in the world with me.’

[75] For Achilles's prayer see A 409; Thetis carries it to Zeus, A 509, 510; Achilles mentions its fulfilment. 16.236, 237.

[82] ἶσον ἐμῇ κεφαλῇ, ‘equally with my own life.’ A scholiast quotes the Pythagorean dictum: ““τί ἐστι φίλος; ἄλλος ἐγώ”.”

[83] θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι, ‘a marvel to see.’

[85] βροτοῦ ἀνέρος ἔμβαλον εὐνῇ, ‘forced you to share a mortal's couch.’ The fact is alluded to again in this book, ll. 432-434. The story is (scholium, Venetus A, on A 519): Zeus became enamored of Thetis, daughter of Nereus, and passionately pursued her. But in the region of Caucasus he was restrained by Prometheus, who warned him that the son born of Thetis would be mightier than his own father; Zeus, fearing that his rule might be overthrown, heeded the warning; and he wedded Thetis to a mortal instead, Peleus, son of Aeacus. From this union sprang Achilles, who was in fact mightier than his father Peleus, as well as all the other warriors of his time.

[86] ἁλίῃσιν, here a substantive, ‘goddesses of the sea.’

[88] There is an ellipsis after “νῦν δ᾽”(“έ”) of a thought like ‘the gods forced you to wed a mortal’; the verb of the implied thought is in a secondary tense, and so permits the optative “εἴη” after “ἵνα.

καὶ σοί, ‘you too.’

[89] παιδός, objective genitive after “πένθος”.

[93] ἕλωρα, the ‘plundering,’ i. e. ‘despoiling.’

[95] ‘Short-lived, then, you will be, my son, to judge by your words.’

οἷ᾽ ἀγορεύεις = ‘because you speak such words.’

[98] Thetis's words of remonstrance, with the warning of death, serve but to inflame Achilles the more.

ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἔμελλον, ‘since I was not destined, it seems.’

[100] ἐμεῦ δὲ δέησεν κτλ., ‘and he needed me to keep from him calamity.’

ἀρῆς ἀλκτῆρα, literally ‘a warder against calamity.’

[101] The conclusion is found in l. 114, as the punctuation indicates. Achilles's mood is seen in the passionate, disconnected utterance.

[103] Ἕκτορι, in Attic prose, “ὑφ᾽ Ἕκτορος”.

[105] οἷος, for quantity of penult see § 28.

[106] δέ, ‘although.’

[107] ὡς, in force like “εἴθε”, with “ἀπόλοιτο”, optative of wish.

[108] ἐφέηκε, § 184.

[109] καταλειβομένοιο, ‘trickling’ into the throat, or perhaps ‘dripping’ from the rocks or trees where wild bees have their hives.

[110] ἠύτε καπνός, i. e. as smoke from a little fire increases to an immense volume. Cf. “Behold, how great a matter a little fire kindleth!” St. James iii. 5.

[112] Cf. 16.60.

[113] θυμόν, ‘anger.’

[114] κεφαλῆς, ‘soul,’ ‘comrade.’

[117] οὐδὲ ... οὐδέ, ‘no, not even.’

βίη Ἡρακλῆος, cf. O 640. Zeus could not keep his own son Heracles alive, says Achilles; how then may you hope to save me?

[120] εἰ δή, ‘since in fact.’

122-124. ‘And may I bring many a deep-bosomed Trojan and Darda nian woman to wipe the tears from her tender cheeks with her two hands and to sob bitterly.’

[124] ἁδινόν, cf. note on B 87.

[125] γνοῖεν, also optative of wish; its final force is so strongly felt, however, that the scholiasts interpreted it as “ἵνα γνοῖεν.

δηρόν, the sixteen days (as reckoned by Faesi) that have elapsed since Achilles retired from active warfare seem a long time, indeed, to the warrior.

[130] μετὰ Τρώεσσιν in prose would be expressed with slightly changed point of view, “ὑπὸ Τρώων”.

[134] μή πω καταδύσεο § 153), “μή” with the aorist imperative iss a very rare and poetic construction (GMT. 260).

[135] πρίν ... ἴδηαι, note omission of “κε” or “ἄν”, as always after “πρίν” with subjunctive in Homer. This relic of the original paratactic construction is illustrated by translating, ‘sooner than this you shall see’ etc.— GMT. 639. It is not suggested that this translation be retained here, however.

ἐν, ‘before.’

[136] νεῦμαι, νέομαι § 42).

[138] πάλιν τράπεθ᾽ υἷος ἐῆος, ‘turned away from her noble son.’

[139] ἁλίῃσι, an adjective.

[147] ἐνείκαι, φέρω. It is a common story that Thetis made Achilles invulnerable except in the heel by dipping him in the Styx (cf. Servius on Verg. Aen. VI, 57, and Statius, Achilleïs, I, 269). The story is not known to Homer, however; nor is the test of the “fire-bath” (scholium on 16.37), by which Thetis sought to separate the mortal parts from the immortal, mentioned in the Homeric poems.

[150] φεύγοντες, ‘driven in flight.’

151, 152. The protasis occurs, after a repeated apodosis, in l. 166.

[153] ‘For now again the foot-soldiers and chariots of the Trojans overtook him.’

[155] μετόπισθε ποδῶν λάβε, ‘seized him by the feet, behind.’

[157] δύ᾽ Αἴαντες, the two Ajaxes were defending the corpse from behind, during the retreat. In the previous book (P 722 ff., 735) Menelaus and Meriones are said to have been carrying Patroclus on high in their arms; here, perhaps we are to imagine the body laid on the ground again.

θοῦριν ἐπιειμενοι ἀλκήν, ‘clothed in impetuous strength,’ cf. A 149.

[159] For quantity of ultima of κατά and μέγα (l. 160) see § 38.

[165] ἤρατο (preferably written “ἤρετο”), from “ἄρνυμαι”.

[167] θωρήσσεσθαι, limiting “ἄγγελος ἦλθε”, ‘had come as a messenger for his arming,’ ‘had come to bid him arm.’

[168] Note that the ultima of Διός receives the ictus (l. 32); a slight pause must be made after the word.

[174] ἠνεμόεσσαν, § 35, § 159.

[175] ἐπ-ιθύουσι: a participle corresponding with “ἀμυνόμενοι” (l. 173) might be expected; instead, the appositive form is abandoned and a finite verb introduced. The poem affords several parallels of this construction; they are interesting as showing the poet's attitude toward his work. He is drawing a picture in words, and hurried on by his imagination he neglects strictly logical construction. Cf. l. 537 and note.

[177] ἀνὰ σκολόπεσσι, ‘on the palisade’ of Troy.

[178] σέβας δέ σε κτλ., ‘and let awe come over your heart § 180] at the thought of Patroclus's becoming the sport of Trojan dogs.’ The construction is the same as after “νεμεσίζομαι”, accusative and infinitive.

[180] σοὶ λώβη, supply “ἔσται.

ᾐσχυμμένος, ‘disfigured.’

[188] ἴω, deliberative subjunctive, § 194.

[189] οὐ ... εἴαε, ‘forbade.’

[191] A remarkable line because it contains no correct caesural pause; one may not occur before “γάρ§ 14), and “Ἡφαίστοιο πάρ᾽” are inseparable.

[192] On ἄλλου ... οἶδα see § 174 (4).—“τοῦ” or “ὅτευ” (relative ‘whose’) might be expected instead of the interrogative τεῦ. But compare a similar instance in Attic prose: “ἥδιστ᾽ ἂν ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τίς” (i. e. ‘of the man who’) “οὕτως ἐστὶ δεινὸς λέγειν κτλ.” (Xen. Anab. II, 5, 15.) [The common (but unsatisfactory) explanation of “ἄλλου ... τευ” is that the expression has been attracted from the accusative to the case of the following interrogative “τεῦ”.]

[197] = “ὅτι”.

[198] αὔτως, ‘just as you are,’ i. e. without armor.

[201] Cf. note on 16.43.

Lines 202-231 have been translated by Tennyson under the title “Achilles over the Trench.”

[205] δῖα θεάων, ‘goddess of goddesses.’

[206] αὐτοῦ, the cloud.

[207] καπνός, the smoke implies the presence of flame; cf. the use of “κάπνισσαν” (B 399), ‘lighted fires’; and with the combined radiance (“αὐγή”, l. 211) of the fire itself and its reflection in the smoke the bright cloud on Achilles's head is compared.

[208] τηλόθεν, to the poet, remote from the island that he is describing, the gleam rises ‘from afar.’

[209] οἳ δέ, ‘the townspeople.’ For the meaning of the rest cf. B 385.

[210] ἄστεος ἐκ σφετέρου, i. e. from their walls and towers.

[212] περικτιόνεσσιν ἰδέσθαι § 211), ‘for their neighbors to see.’

[213] αἴ κέν πως, ‘in the hope that.’

ἀρῆς ἀλκτῆρες, cf. l. 100.

[215] ἀπὸ τείχεος, ‘at a distance from the wall.’ Cf. I 87 and p. 83.

[219] With ἀριζήλη supply “γίγνηται”. A somewhat free version (partly taken from Tennyson's lines) is: ‘and “like the clear voice when a trumpet shrills” on account of life-rending enemies that beleaguer a town.’ The trumpet is blown to warn the townspeople against the foe; so the agency expressed by “δηίων ὕπο” is indirect; later writers would here rather use “διά” with the accusative [Monro, Homeric Grammar^{2}, § 204 (3)]. The trumpet was never used in battles of Homeric heroes; apparently the poet drew upon the life of his own day for a striking illustration.

[220] Note the scansion ( § 28, § 70).

[222] How account for the long ultima of “ἄιον”? § 37.

ὄπα is feminine (cf. A 604); so χάλκεον must here be used as an adjective of two endings.

[223] πᾶσιν ὀρίνθη θυμός, “the minds of all were startled” (Chapman).

[226] δεινόν, ‘terribly,’ with “δαιόμενον” (l. 227).

[231] ἀμφί, ‘about,’ used vaguely; a more definite word would be “ὑπό”: cf. the phrase “ὑπὸ δουρὶ δαμῆναι” (3.436, 4.479, 17.303), ‘be subdued under the spear,’ and “ὑπὸ δουρὶ πέρθαι” (16.708), ‘be sacked under the spear.’ The locative sense ‘around’ is not unsuited to “ὀχέεσσι”, however. Translate, ‘beneath their own chariots and spears.’ The situation is illustrated by a quotation from 16.378, 379, where likewise there was great confusion:

ὑπὸ δ᾽ ἄξοσι φῶτες ἔπιπτον πρηνέες ἐξ ὀχέων, δίφροι δ᾽ ἀνακυμβαλίαζον”.

‘And under the axles [of their own chariots] the men fell headlong from the cars, and the chariots fell rattling over.’ Here (18.231) there is the additional idea that the men were transfixed by their own (or possibly one another's) spears in the accident of falling.

[233] λεχέεσσι, same as “φέρτρῳ” (l. 236).

[240] ἀέκοντα νέεσθαι, ‘to go unwilling,’ i. e. to set before its time. The long third day of battle that began with “Λ”—the twenty-sixth day of the poem—is ending (cf. p. 114).

[244] ὑφ᾽ ἅρμασιν κτλ., ‘the swift horses that were under the chariots.’ ‘From under,’ a tempting translation, would be “ὑφ᾽ ἁρμάτων” (cf. “ὑπὲξ ὀχέων, Θ” 504), a metrically impossible expression.

[245] This self-called assembly was in the plain (l. 256).

πάρος (Attic “πρίν”), with infinitive, like Z 348.

[246] ὀρθῶν δ᾽ ἑσταότων depends on “ἀγορή”: ‘and they stood up during the assembly.’ It was no time nor place for sitting, as the custom was in an “ἀγορή.

ἑσταότων agrees with a genitive, ‘of them,’ understood.

[248] δέ, ‘although.’

[250] ὅρα (Attic “ἑώρα”) πρόσσω καὶ ὀπίσσω, cf. A 343.

[254] ἀμφὶ ... φράζεσθε, i. e. “περισκέψασθε”.

[256] δέ=“γάρ.

τείχεος, the wall of Troy.

[258] ῥηΐτεροι πολεμιζέμεν, in construction like “ἀργαλέος ἀντιφέρεσθαι”, A 589.

[259] One night only—and that just before this twenty-sixth day—had the Trojans spent in dangerous proximity to the Achaean ships, so far as the account in our Iliad informs us (last part of “Θ”).

[260] Supply “ἡμᾶς” as subject of αἱρησέμεν.

[262] ‘Such is his furious spirit, he will not desire.’

[264] μένος Ἄρηος δατέονται, ‘divide the might of Ares,’ i. e. share the successes and rebuffs of war.

[269] τις, ‘many a man.’

[270] γνώσεται, ‘shall know him’ from sad experience.—ἀσπασίως κτλ., ‘joyfully shall he reach sacred Troy, whoever escapes.’

[272] Τρώων, with “πολλούς” (l. 271).—αἲ γὰρ δή κτλ., ‘I pray that such words [“ὧδε”, ‘thus,’ as I have said] may be far from my hearing.’ A scholiast neatly paraphrases: “εἴθε δὴ τοῦτο οὐχ ὅπως μὴ” (‘not only not’) “ἴδοιμι, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ” (‘not even’) “ἀκούσαιμι”.

[274] νύκτα μέν has as correlative “πρῶι δ᾽”(“έ”) (l. 277).

εἰν ἀγορῇ σθένος ἕξομεν, ‘in the gathering place [of Troy] we shall hold back our troops.’— σθένος=“δύναμιν, στρατιάν” (scholiast). The word is not so used elsewhere by Homer, but the use is not without parallel in Attic poetry.

[275] σανίδες τ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇς ἀραρυῖαι, ‘and the two-leaved doors that fit upon them.’

[276] ἐζευγμέναι, ‘yoked,’ fastened with bolis (“ὀχῆες”). See Schuchhardt, Schliemann's Excavations, p. 105, where the great gate of Tiryns is described.

[278] τῷ δ᾽ (έ), Achilles, unnamed as before, l. 257.

[279] περὶ τείχεος, ‘for the [city] wall,’ like l. 265.

[281] ἠλασκάζων, intensive form; to be associated with “ἠλάσκουσιν”, B 470, and “ἀλάομαι”, ‘wander.’

[282] εἴσω, within the city.

[283] πρίν μιν κτλ., in construction like A 29.

[285] ταῦτ᾽ (α) “κτλ.”, § 121.

[286] Hector disdainfully applies a shameful word, ἀλήμεναι (from “εἴλω”), to the retreat proposed by Polydamas (ll. 254, 255).

[287] ἐελμένοι, εἴλω.

[288] μέροπες: note the ictus on the short ultima in spite of the fact that no pause follows, an evident reminiscence of the familiar “μερόπων ἀνθρώπων” A 250, etc.

[289] μυθέσκοντο, ‘used to speak of [the city] as’; with double accusative.

[290] δόμων, genitive of separation after “ἐξαπόλωλε”, ‘have been lost out of the houses.’

[292] περνάμεν̓ (α), ‘sold,’ in trade; to support the besieged city and pay the allies (cf. note on I 402).

[298] τελέεσσιν = “τάξεσιν”.

[299] ἐγρήγορθε (“ἐγείρω”), perfect imperative active (probably), second person plural, ‘keep awake.’ The form is equivalent to “ἐγρηγόρατε”. Compare “πέποσθε” (3.99).

[300] To cast a slur on Polydamas, Hector suggests that his counsel betrays over-anxiety about saving his property; and as the course that Polydamas advises will lead only to the destruction of the city and the consequent loss of everything, Hector proposes with fine irony that advocates of this course at once share their goods with the mass of the Trojans, who—rather than the Achaeans—ought to be allowed to enjoy them, if the goods are bound to perish anyway.

[302] τῶν, relative; translate by conjunction (“γάρ”) and demonstrative: ‘for it is better that every man of them [“τῶν”] should enjoy them.’

[304] ἐγείρομεν, aorist subjunctive.

[305] παρὰ ναῦφιν, ‘from beside the ships.’

[306] αἴ κ᾽ ἐθέλῃσι, add “μάχεσθαι”.

[308] κε φέρῃσι, an emphatic future, here contrasted with the optative, “κε φεροίμην”, on which less stress is laid. Monro, Homeric Grammar^{2}, § 275 (b).

[309] ‘Ares “is our common lord” [Chapman] and often slays the wouldbe slayer.’ Compare Z 339, “νίκη δ᾽ ἐπαμείβεται ἄνδρας”, with note; and Od. 11.537, “ἐπιμὶξ δέ τε μαίνεται Ἄρης”, ‘Ares rages indiscriminately.’ A similar sentiment is found in Cicero, Pro Milone, 21, 56.

[314] With αὐτὰρ Ἀχαιοί the narrative continues the scene described in ll. 231-238; before, the mournful procession was pictured; now the chief figures are evidently in the lodge of Achilles.

[316] ἁδινοῦ ἐξῆρχε γόοιο, ‘led the choking cry of sorrow.’—For ἁδινοῦ see note on B 87.

[318] ὥς τε (always two words in Homer), ‘like.’—For quantity of τε see § 38.

[319] ὕπο, ‘by stealth.’

[322] εἰ, ‘in the hope that.’

[325] ἐν μεγάροισιν, ‘in the home of my father’ (Peleus). Nestor tells (11.765 ff.) how he and Odysseus went to Phthia, in the time before the Trojan war, to enlist warriors; and there they secured not only Achilles, but Patroclus as well; Menoetius, the father of the latter, was likewise in Phthia at the time. This occasion is alluded to also in I 253. Why Patroclus was brought up away from his home, Opus, is told in 23.84 ff. When a young boy, he accidentally killed a companion in a quarrel; and his father brought him, an exile from home in consequence, to Phthia, where King Peleus kindly received him and made him the companion and squire of his own son.

[326] περικλυτὸν υἱόν, ‘his son grown famous.’

[327] ἐκπέρσαντα and λαχόντα (“λαγχάνω”), with “υἱόν” (l. 326).

ληίδος αἶσαν, ‘allotment of booty.’ Evidently it was later than this that Thetis imparted to Achilles his destiny.

[329] ὁμοίην, here ‘the same.’

[333] εἶμ̓ (ι) has future meaning as in Attic Greek.

[338] αὔτως, ‘as you are,’ cf. l. 198.

[341] καμόμεσθα, ‘won with toil.’

[342] πόλι_ς, § 103.

[345] λούσειαν ἄπο, a verb of cleausing, takes two accusatives; cf. 16.667 f. and note.

βρότον, to be distinguished from “βροτόν”.

[346] κηλέῳ, two syllables; similarly, “ἐννεώροιο” (l. 351) must be read with four syllables § 43).

[352] λεχέεσσι, to be thought of as something different from the improvised “λεχέεσσι” of l. 233.

ἑα_νῷ, the “α” (long) proves this to be the adjective, ‘enveloping.’

[357] ἔπρηξας καὶ ἔπειτα, ‘really then you have worked your will.’ Zeus speaks with irony; he was not unaware of the part played by Here, after all; cf. l. 168 and ll. 181-186.

[358] ῥά νυ κτλ., ‘is it true then, as it seems, that the long-haired Achaeans are your own children?’ i. e. because you care for them as for your own flesh and blood. The idiom “ῥα ... ἐγένοντο”, ‘were all the time, it now appears,’ is familiar: cf. 3.183, 16.33.

360, 361 = A 551, 552.

[361] μῦθον, here ‘question.’

[362] ‘Surely now [“μὲν” (= “μὴν”) “δή”], even a man [“καὶ βροτός τις”], I suppose [“που”], although he is mortal and knows not so many counsels [as I]. is likely to accomplish [his purpose] with regard to a fellow man.’—That ἀνδρί is dative of disadvantage is suggested by the parallel expression. “Τρώεσσι ... κακὰ ῥάψαι” (l. 367).

[364] πῶς δὴ ἐγώ γ᾽ε) belongs to “ὄφελον” (l. 367): ‘why then ought not I.’

[365] ἀμφότερον, adverbial. ‘Both because [indicated by dative] ... and because [“οὕνεκα”].’

[369] That the poet imagines the workshop of Hephaestus on Olympus is shown by ll. 148 and 616.

[371] For some famous works of Hephaestus see note on A 608.

[372] ἑλισσόμενον, ‘bustling.’

[373] σπεύδοντα, ‘busily at work.’

πάντας, ‘in all.’

[375] ‘Placed golden wheels beneath the support [or ‘feet’] of them each.’

ὑπό belongs to “θῆκεν.

πυθμένι is dative after “ὑπό”, locative in origin.

σφ᾽ι) with its appositive “ἑκάστῳ” is dative of interest.—A spinning basket for wool, provided with wheels—given to Helen by Egyptian Alcandre—is mentioned, Od. 4.125-135. Such contrivances with wheels date back to the old Phoenicians (according to Helbig, Hom. Epos^{2}, p. 108, footnote 13, who compares among other illustrations I Kings vii, 27-38).

[376] οἱ=“αὐτῷ.

θεῖον δυσαίατ᾽ ἀγῶνα, ‘might enter the assembly of the gods.’

[377] θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι, cf. l. 83.

[378] τόσσον, adverbial, ‘so far.’

ἔχον τέλος=“τετελεσμένοι ἦσαν”. ‘And they were [so far =] almost completed, only the cunningly wrought ears were not yet fixed on.’

[379] ‘These he was preparing to fit, and was forging the rivets.’

[380] ἰδυίῃσι πραπίδεσσιν, cf. A 608.

[383] ἀμφιγυήεις, cf. A 607.

384 = Z 253, where see note.

[385] τανύπεπλε, for meaning see Introduction, 20.

[386] πάρος γε κτλ., ‘hitherto, at least, you have not at all been used to visit us often.’

[387] ξείνια [“δῶρα”], ‘entertainment’ = “ξεινήια”, l. 408.

[390] ποσίν, ‘for the feet.’

[392] ὧδε, ‘so,’ ‘as you are,’ with a gesture of hurry, nearly equivalent to ‘at once.’

[393] Hephaestus, in his workshop, very likely does not see Thetis, but shouts out the following reply to Charis.

[394] For δεινή τε καὶ αἰδοίη see 3.172.

ἔνδον, is ‘in my hall.’

395-397. A different account from that given in A 591.

[405] ἴσαν, here from “οἶδα”, not “εἶμι”.

[409] ὅπλα, ‘tools’ of a smith, here.

[410] πέλωρ, ‘monster’ because big and strange in looks.

[414] ἀμφί, adverb § 168), ‘on both sides.’

[416] θύραζε, ‘forth’ from his workshop into the hall (“μέγαρον”) where Thetis was; cf. ll. 393, 394.

[418] ζωῇσι νεήνισσιν ἐικυῖαι, ‘like living maidens.’ Yet there is no reason to believe that the poet was familiar with the sculptor's art; quite the contrary, for this had not yet been developed in Greece. (See E. A. Gardner's Handbook of Greek Sculpture, pp. 68, 69.) These golden maidens —like the gold and silver hounds, immortal, that guarded either side of the door of Alcinous's palace (Od. 7.91-94), or like the intelligent ships of the Phaeacians (Od. 8.556-563) that needed neither pilots nor rudders—are simply pictures of the poet's fancy. They belong in the same fairyland with the ‘automatic’ tripods (ll. 373 ff.) and bellows (ll. 468 ff.).

[420] ἀθανάτων δὲ θεῶν κτλ., ‘and they have knowledge of handiwork from the immortal gods.’

[421] ὕπαιθα, ‘at the side of,’ to support his tottering steps.

ἔρρων, not simply moving, but ‘limping,’ ‘moving with difficulty’ or pain. Cf. I 364, 377.

424, 425. The same words were used by Charis (ll. 385, 386).

[427] εἰ τετελεσμένον ἐστίν, ‘if it can be accomplished.’

[431] ἐκ πασέων § 70), ‘more than all goddesses beside.’

[432] ἁλιάων, cf. l. 86.

δάμασσεν, ‘made subject,’ ‘forced to wed.’ Cf. l. 85. The goddess Here assumes the responsibility in 24.59 ff.:

αὐτὰρ Ἀχιλλεύς ἐστι θεᾶς γόνος, ἣν ἐγὼ αὐτὴ θρέψα τε καὶ ἀτίτηλα” (‘nursed’) “καὶ ἀνδρὶ πόρον παράκοιτιν” (‘wife’), “Πηλεῖ”.

[434] πολλὰ μάλ᾽ οὐκ κτλ., ‘very much against my will,’ because she knew in advance, a scholiast says, the troubles that would follow her marriage.

[435] ἄλλα δέ μοι νῦν, complete with “Ζεὺς ἄλγἐ ἔδωκεν” (l. 431).

[436] δῶκε, subject, Zeus.

γενέσθαι τε τραφέμεν τε reminds one of A 251, “τράφεν ἠδ᾽ έγένοντο. τράφεν”, however, is passive in form, while “τραφέμεν” is the second aorist active infinitive, but intransitive and equivalent to the aorist passive in meaning.

437-443 = 56-62.

[444] 445. Cf. 16.56, 58.

[446] τῆς (genitive of cause) ἀχέων, ‘grieving on account of her.’— φρένας ἔφθιεν, like “φθινύθεσκε φίλον κῆρ”, A 491.

[455] πολλὰ κακὰ ῥέξαντα, ‘after he had made much havoc,’ to be translated after “Μενοιτίου ... υἱόν”.

[457] τὰ σὰ γούναθ᾽ ἱκάνομαι, ‘I have come to these knees of yours,’ i. e. ‘I beseech you.’ Cf. A 407, etc.

[460] γὰρ ἦν οἱ [“ὅπλα”], ‘for the arms that he had.’

[464] δυναίμην, Attic Greek would express the wish with the indicative rather § 202): “εἰ γὰρ ἐδυνάμην”. ‘Would that I were able to hide him far from horrid-sounding death.’—For ὧδε see “ὡς” (l. 466).

[465] ἱκάνοι, protasis of condition.

[466] ὧδε (l. 464) ... “ὡς”, ‘as surely as.’

οἷά τις, ‘so wonderful that many a man’ shall marvel.

[467] θαυμάσσεται is very likely aorist subjunctive in a relative clause of purpose (not an Attic construction), although, so far as form goes, the verb may be future indicative § 145) as well.—For πολέων (also O 680, etc.) see § 106.

[470] πᾶσαι, ‘in all,’ like “πάντας”, l. 373.

[471] παντοίην ... ἀυτμήν, ‘blasts of every degree,’ i. e. violent or gentle or any grade between.

[472] ‘To assist § 211] him now when working fast, and now again after whatever manner Hephaestus desired and the work was being finished’; i. e. and now in turn to accommodate his wish and the demands of the work.

[473] ἐθέλοι and ἄνοιτο are protases of the past general condition. “ἄνοιτο”, however, is a suspicious form because the initial vowel is short, although it ought to be long; a proposed emendation is “ἀνώγοι”, ‘demanded’ (van Herwerden).—Van Leeuwen, Enchiridium, § 257.

[474]

The shield of Achilles

In shape, the shield may have been of the Mycenaean type (for which Reichel argues), covering the person from head to foot (Introduction. 23), or it may have been smaller, and round, the well-known later form. The poet says that it was composed of five layers (“πτύχες”), but gives no further information as to the material, unless the passage in “Υ” (ll. 270-272) be cited, the genuineness of which was suspected even in antiquity: “ἐπεὶ πέντε πτύχας ἤλασε κυλλοποδίων,
τὰς δύο χαλκείας, δύο δ᾽ ἔνδοθι κασσιτέροιο,
τὴν δὲ μίαν χρυσῆν
”.

‘For five layers the lame god had forged, two of bronze, and two in side, of tin, and one of gold.’

Of whatever value the lines may be, they indicate at least a feeling that the five layers were composed of metal, rather than of the usual material, ox-hide. This has been the prevailing view from ancient times; and indeed metal layers are not out of harmony with Hephaestus's other works: the shield-strap of silver (l. 480), the helmet-plume of gold (l. 612), and the leggings or greaves of tin (l. 613). It is usual to assume that the five layers varied in diameter, the largest lying undermost and the others following in order of size. The smallest was a round boss on the outside of the shield. The edges thus formed five concentric rings, and the central boss was encircled by four zones. It is a shield of this pattern that has suggested to archaeologists the common distribution of the scenes on Achilles's shield into five fields.

Reichel, who gives a new interpretation to “ἄντυξ”, maintains that the “ἄντυγα τρίπλακα” (ll. 479, 480) is a threefold rounded surface (gewölbte Fläche). This, he thinks, means three layers of bronze of decreasing sizes, which probably covered five layers of hide (l. 481). So he has three concentric fields, instead of five, on which to distribute the scenes. Such a shield of hide covered with bronze more nearly resembles the normal Homeric form: the shield of Ajax, for example, may be compared (note on 16.106). But in many other respects Reichel's views about the shield of Achilles are decidedly antagonistic to those generally received.

It has been debated whether the pictures on the shield are altogether a creation of the poet's fancy, or whether they had a basis in fact. On the whole, the most reasonable conclusion is that actual models of the various scenes did exist and had been seen by the poet—whether Phoenician or Egyptian works of art, or Greek imitations, or, as is not improbable, original Greek works of the Mycenaean type. The technique that the poet had in mind is quite probably that seen in the Mycenaean dagger blades, a bronze plate on which are inlaid figures in gold, electrum (an alloy of gold and silver), and a black enamel. (See Tsountas and Manatt. The Mycenaean Age, pp. 201, 202; Schuchhardt, Schliemann's Excavations, pp. 229-232.)

The position of the various pictures on the shield is not clearly indi cated by the poet. The ocean, to be sure, he distinctly locates (l. 608) around the rim; and it is a natural inference that the heaven, earth, and sea (ll. 483-489) occupy the center. Beyond this, however, there is no certain clue. On the three zones between the ocean and the central disk the other pictures are to be arranged—from the center outward, as some contend, or from the ocean inward, according to others. Of chief importance to observe is the antithetical arrangement, not only of different scenes in pairs, but even of different parts of the same scene.

The poet's object is evidently to present a view of contemporary life— of the world as he knew it. Conspicuous by their absence are scenes of the sea and ships.

[Among important or recent works on the whole subject: Helbig, Das homerische Epos^{2}, pp. 395-416; Murray, History of Greek Sculpture^{2}. vol. i. chap. iii; E. A. Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture, pp. 69-72; Reichel, Homerische Waffen^{2} (Wien, 1901), pp. 146-165; A. Moret in Revue archèologique, vol. xxxviii (mars-avril, 1901), Quelques scènes du Bouclier d'Achille et les tableaux des tombes égyptiennes. The last named is interesting for its illustrations.]

[479] ἄντυγα ... τρίπλακα, ‘threefold rim.’ The reference may be to three thicknesses of metal about the rim to give strength; or to a threefold ornament of metal rings or bands about the circumference of the shield (Helbig, Hom. Epos^{2}, pp. 385, 386).

[480] ἒκ δ᾽ (έ), ‘and from it he let hang’; “βάλλε”, here rendered freely, is understood.

[486] Ὠαρίωνος, MSS. “Ὠρι?ωνος”, ‘of Orion.’

[488] τ᾽ αὐτοῦ στρέφεται, ‘which turns in the same place.’

[489] In the knowledge of the Homeric Greeks this northern constellation (Ursa Maior) alone did not set; the other northern stars seem not to have been reckoned.

[490] The city in peace, which is placed in contrast with the city in war (ll. 509-540), contains in itself two opposed scenes: the happy marriage (ll. 491-496) and the trial (ll. 497-508).

[491] γάμοι, εἰλαπίναι, etc., the plural seems to refer here, as often, to different parts of but one object; a marriage, a feast, etc.

[493] ἠγίνευν (“ἀγινέω”) for “ἠγίνεον”, § 42.

πολύς, ‘loud.’

[495] βοὴν ἔχον, cf. note on 16.105.

[496] θαύμαζον, ‘gazed in wonder.’

[497] The trial scene begins. No attempt is made in these notes to set forth all the possible interpretations of ll. 497-508. For further explanations reference may be made to Schömann's Antiquities of Greece, English translation by Hardy and Mann (London, 1880), The State, pp. 27, 28; to Walter Leaf, Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. viii, pp. 122 ff.; and to Gardner and Jevons, Manual of Greek Antiquities. pp. 407-409. The whole description of the trial scene is so vague and confused that a question has arisen whether the poet was not trying to describe some actually existing work of art of which he but imperfectly understood the meaning. A similar criticism has been applied to others of the scenes also.

εἰν ἀγορᾷ, ‘in the gathering place.’

[498] εἵνεκα ποινῆς, see notes on I 632, 633.

[499] μὲν εὔχετο κτλ., ‘the one man claimed that he had made payment in full, but the other denied that he had received anything.’

[501] ‘And both were eager to get a decision before a referee.’—The literal meaning of πεῖραρ in this instance is probably ‘end.’

[502] ἀμφὶς ἀρωγοί, literally ‘dividedly helping’ (cf. B 13 for “ἀμφίς”): ‘divided in approval.’ ‘taking sides.’

[503] γέροντες, ‘elders,’ who formed the council.

[505] There was but one scepter, which a herald put into the hand of the elder who was about to speak his judgment. Cf. A 234 ff., 3.218.— κηρύκων, ‘from the heralds.’

[506] τοῖσι, ‘with these [continuing the plural idea, “σκῆπτρα”] then they sprang up and in turn gave their decisions.’

[507] δύω χρυσοῖο τάλαντα, not a very large sum in Homer's time. Cf. note on I 122.

[508] ‘To give to him among them [the elders] who should speak the most righteous judgment.’ Probably the two talents were deposited at the beginning of the trial, one by each litigant; they seem to be intended for the elder whose decision prevails.

[509] The probable interpretation of the somewhat confused narrative of the siege scene is as follows: The enemy's army in two divisions (“δύω στρατοί”, l. 509) is besieging a city; they are considering (1) whether to continue their attacks with the hope of ultimately sacking the city, or (2) whether to propose terms of peace, the condition being, after an ancient custom, equal division of property (l. 511) in the city between besiegers and besieged. The citizens, however, who are quite unwilling to come to terms (l. 513), form an ambush near a stream (l. 521), where the enemy's cattle must come for water. The ambush is successful, they capture the cattle (l. 528) and kill the herdsmen (l. 529). The enemy, who are sitting in council, hear the commotion, and hurry (ll. 530-532) to the spot; whereupon a fierce battle is joined (ll. 533-540).

Probably the poet had in mind an actual picture of a siege, in which the city occupied the center of a group, and the enemy held either side; so he speaks of two armies. See the picture in Dr. A. S. Murray's restoration (History of Greek Sculpture, chap. iii) or Helbig's Plate I (Hom. Epos).

[510] δίχα κτλ., they were divided (“δίχα” = ‘in two ways’) in counsel.

[511] ἄνδιχα πάντα δάσασθαι. Similarly (X 117-120) Hector debates with himself whether he shall try to make terms with the Greeks by proposing to divide equally between them and the Trojans the property of Troy.

[512] ἔεργεν, cf. I 404.

[513] οἳ δ᾽ (έ), the townspeople, who were being besieged.

λόχῳ, ‘for an ambush.’

515 ῥύατ᾽ο), ‘were defending’ § 142.4, b).

ἐφεσταότες, with “ἄλοχοι” and “τέκνα”, an agreement in sense; for “τέκνα” includes ‘boys.’

[516] οἳ δ᾽ ἴσαν, ‘and the men of the city were going forth’ into ambush.

[517] ἕσθην (“ἕννυμι”), third person dual of the pluperfect; cf. “ἕσσο, Γ” 57.

[519] ἀμφίς, ‘apart,’ not associated with the fighters (Van Leeuwen).

λαοὶ δ᾽ ὕπ᾽ο), ‘and the men beneath,’ i. e. depicted below the gods, who were of towering stature.

[520] ‘And when at length they came where there was opportunity [“εἶκε”] for them to lie in ambush.’

εἶκε = Attic “ἐνεχώρει”, ‘it was possible.’

[523] τοῖσι δ᾽έ), ‘and for them’—the men in ambush.

ἀπάνευθε ... λαῶν, ‘at a distance from the men’ (in ambush).

[524] δέγμενοι, ὁππότε, ‘biding until,’ like I 191. The flocks and herds were the property of the besieging army.

[525] οἳ δέ, the sheep and cattle.

[527] οἳ μέν, the townsmen who were in ambush.

τά refers to the same cattle as “οἳ δέ”, now regarded as ‘things.’

[528] τάμνοντ᾽ ἀμφί [for “ἀμφιτάμνοντ᾽”(“ο”)], ‘cut off,’ ‘made booty of.’

[529] ἔπι, ‘in charge’ of the cattle.

[530] οἳ δ᾽έ), the besiegers, whose cattle were being captured.

πολὺν κέλαδον παρὰ βουσίν, ‘great hubbub over the cattle.’

[533] μάχην must be translated with “στησάμενοι”, ‘joining battle’; its position would suggest that it be taken with “ἐμάχοντο” as well, as cognate accusative.

[537] ἕλκε (subject, “κήρ”), in place of which “ἕλκουσα” might be expected; but the poet is busy picturing the scene in striking phrase; he does not take the trouble to heed logical construction (Cauer, Homerkritik, p. 261). Cf. l. 175 and note.

ποδοῖιν § 172), ‘by the feet.’

[539] ὡμίλευν, subject, the men.

[541] ἐτίθει = “ἔτευξ̓”(“ε”) (l. 483), “ποίησε” (l. 490). It is probable that the series of pictures beginning with this line is intended to illustrate occupations of the various seasons (ll. 541-589). Spring is represented by the plowing (ll. 541-549), summer by the reaping and harvest feast (ll. 550-560), autumn by the vintage (ll. 561-572), and winter by the herding (ll. 573589). The last scene is also marked as belonging to winter by the mention of the ‘noisy river’ (“ποταμὸν κελάδοντα”, l. 576), for in Greece the rivers are swollen only at the end of the rainy season of autumn (Reichel).

[545] δ᾽έ), § 31.

[546] τοὶ δέ, ‘and others.’

ἀν᾽ ὄγμους, ‘along the furrows.’

[548] ἀρηρομένῃ κτλ., ‘and it was like real plowed land, although it was made of gold.’

[549] πέρι, ‘exceeding great’ wonder.

[552] μετ᾽ ὄγμον, ‘after the swath,’ i. e. ‘in swaths.’

[556] πάρεχον, ‘supplied’ sheaves, to the binders.

[559] The feast is prepared with due reference to the sacrificial side (cf. “ἱερεύσαντες”), which is regularly seen in Homeric banquets.

[560] ‘[Women] were sprinkling white barley in abundance [on the meat] for the reapers' dinner.’ In the Odyssey also (Od. 14.77) we read that Eumaeus, the swineherd, roasted pork for Odysseus; then he served it, all hot; ‘and he sprinkled white barley’ thereon (“ δ᾽ ἄλφιτα λευκὰ πάλυνεν”).

[562] ἀνά, ‘throughout it.’

[563] ‘And it [the vineyard] was set [or ‘bristled’] everywhere with poles of silver.’

[564] With κυανέην κάπετον understand “ἔλασσεν”, for the meaning of which cf. A 575, I 349.—“κύανος” was evidently used like the many-hued gold and the tin and the silver, for inlaying; it has been shown to have been a blue glass paste (cf. Schuchhardt, Schliemann's Excavations, pp. 117, 118).

[565] αὐτήν, the vineyard.

[567] ἀταλὰ φρονέοντες, for meaning see foot-note on Z 400.

[568] φέρον, to the wine vat.

[570] ἱμερόεν, a ‘yearning’ melody, cognate accusative with “κιθάριζε”. The usual translation is ‘lovely’ tune.

ὕπο, ‘to its accompaniment’; the lyre accompanied his song.—The Linus song was a plaintive melody, upparently widely known in very early times. “Linos is the same as “Αἴλινος”, the refrain of the Phoenician lament (ai lênu, ‘woe to us’) which was introduced into Greece, where it was supposed to mean ‘Woe, Linos.’ Hence the mythical name, Linos. The lament was sung throughout the Semitie world by the women, ‘weeping for Tammuz’” (Sayee, Ancient Empires of the East, Herodotos, 1-111, p. 168). So much for the origin of the name. The meaning of the song to the Greeks themselves is more important. The Argive story (Pausanias, I, 43, 7; cf. II, 19, 8) ran that Linus was the son of Apollo and Psamathe, daughter of a king of Argos; the boy was exposed by his mother for fear of her father and was torn to pieces by shepherd dogs. The story symbolizes the tender bloom of nature which droops and dies before the glowing heat of Sirius, the dog-star.

571, 572. τοὶ δὲ κτλ., ‘while the others [youths and maidens] stamping the ground in unison accompanied the boy with song and plaintive cry, tripping with their feet.’

[574] χρυσοῖο, genitive of material.

[575] κόπρου, ‘cow-yard.’

[583] λαφύσσετον, irregular for “λαφυσσέτην”, imperfect, third person dual.

[584] αὔτως, cf. B 342.

[585] δακέειν, ‘as to biting,’ infinitive of specification. The dogs, refusing to bite, were keeping out of the lions' way.

[589] σταθμούς κτλ., “stables, cottages, and cotes” (Chapman). The cottages were roofed (“κατηρεφέας”), the cotes (“σηκούς”) very likely not.

[590] χορόν, ‘dancing place.’ Some render by ‘dance.’

[594] ἀλλήλων κτλ., ‘taking one another's hands by the wrist.’

[595] λεπτὰς ὀθόνας, ‘fine garments’ of linen.

[596] εἵατ᾽ο), pluperfect of “ἕννυμι”. The youths' tunics, too, were probably made of linen. It would seem that in the process of weaving, the linen threads were sometimes moistened with oil, to make them pliable and shining. So ‘slightly shining with oil’ means that these garments had not yet lost the impress of their dressing of oil, that they were brandnew.

[598] ἐξ, ‘dangling from.’

[599] ὁτὲ μέν, correlative with “ἄλλοτε δ᾽”(“έ”) (l. 602), ‘sometimes’ ... ‘and at other times.’

θρέξασκον, see “τρέχω.

ἐπισταμένοισι, ‘cunning.’— The meaning is this: the boys and girls at one time would grasp one another's hands, form a circle, and whirl around like a potter's wheel; at another time they would form parallel lines facing each other; then they would run to meet or perhaps pass through each other's line.

[602] ἐπὶ στίχας, ‘in rows,’ ‘in lines,’ like 3.113.

ἀλλήλοισιν, the connection is obscure: interpreting as “ἀντιμέτωποι ἀλλήλοις γιγνόμενοι” (scholium) one may translate: ‘forming [in rows] face to face with each other.’

[604] τερπόμενοι, with “ὅμιλος”, agreement according to sense.

[606] μολπῆς ἐξάρχοντος, supply “ἀοιδοῦ”, ‘as the minstrel struck up his song.’

[612] ἧκεν, ‘let fall,’ ‘let flow down.’

[613] κνημῖδας κτλ., ‘greaves of pliant tin.’ So greaves as well as baldric (of silver, l. 480) and helmet plume (of gold, l. 612) and shield were extraordinary and more splendid than commonly. See Introduction, 30.

[617] τεύχεα μαρμαίροντα, Vergil's “arma radiantiaAen. VIII, 616).

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