Vs. 1-86. The dream of Agamemnon (vs. 1-41) and the council of the chiefs.1 = 24.677. ῥά: refers to 1.606-611.—“θεοὶ κτλ”.: appos. with “ἄλλοι”.
 παννύχιοι: see on 1.424.—“οὐχ ἔχε κτλ”.: i.e. he did not sleep; cf. “οὐδὲ Ποσειδάωνα γέλως ἔχε θ” 344 “but Poseidon did not laugh.” For the contrast of this verse with the preceding, cf. “ἔνθα δὲ κοιμήσαντο καὶ ὕπνου δῶρον ἕλοντο Ι 713, ἄλλοι μὲν παρὰ νηυσὶν ἀριστῆες Παναχαιῶν ι εὗδον παννύχιοι, μαλακῷ δεδμημένοι ὕπνῳ: ι ἀλλ̓ οὐκ Ἀτρείδην Ἀγαμέμνονα ποιμένα λαῶν” | “ὕπνος ἔχε γλυκερός, πολλὰ φρεσὶν ὁρμαίνοντα Κ” 1 ff.ὡς: how, sc. in accordance with his promise to Thetis.
 “τιμήσῃ κτλ”.: see on 1.559. Deliberative subjv. after a secondary tense in the principal clause, as “φράζετο” (sc. Zeus) “θυμῷ . . . ἢ ἤδη καὶ κεῖνον” (Patroclus) . . . “φαίδιμος Ἕκτωρ” | “χαλκῷ δῃώσῃ ἀπό τ̓ ὤμων τεύχἐ ἕληται Π” 646 ff. The dir. question would be “πῶς τιμήσω”;5 = “Κ 17, Ξ” 161; cf. “ι 318, 424, λ” 230. ἥδε: this. The subj. is attracted to the gender of “βουλή”, the pred., cf. v. 73, 1.239. οὖλον ὄνειρον: a baneful dream; a deceptive, illusory vision, instead of a kindly dream of warning. cf. (“Ζεὺς”) “ἐξαπατᾷ τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονα ὄνειρόν τινα ψευδῆ ἐπιπέμψας, ὡς πολλοὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀποθάνοιεν” Lucian Jup. trag. 40. On the deceitful measures of Zeus, cf. 4.64 ff., where Zeus sends Athene to the Trojan army to incite an archer to wound Menelaus, and break a truce. —Homer elsewhere knows of no dream gods but only individual dreams; cf. 1.63. Not all dreams were thought to be significant. cf. “ἦ τοι μὲν ὄνειροι ἀμήχανοι ἀκριτόμυθοι” (cf. v. 246) | “γίγνοντ̓, οὐδέ τι πάντα τελείεται ἀνθρώποισιν”. | “δοιαὶ γάρ τε πύλαι ἀμενηνῶν εἰσὶν ὀνείρων, κτλ. τ” 560 ff. 7 = 1.201; see note.—For the two accs., one of the person (direct obj.) and the other of the thing (cognate acc.), cf. vs. 22, 59, 156, 1.201.
 βάσκ̓ ἴθι: up and go, a formula used by Zeus in addressing his messengers; said to Iris, “Θ 399, Λ 186, Ο 158, Ω” 144; to Hermes, 24.336; cf. vade age, nate, voca Zephyros Verg. Aen. iv. 223. For the asyndeton, cf. 1.99, 363.οὖλε: sc. for the Achaeans.
 cf. 9.369.μάλα: const. with “πάντα”. ἀγορευέμεν: as imv., cf. 1.582.
 κέλευε: note the lack of connectives.κάρη κομόωντας: a frequent epith. of the Achaeans. Among them to cut the hair was a sign of mourning, cf. 23.46, 135 f., 141, “δ 198, ω” 46. Achilles's hair which he cuts off at the funeral pile of Patroclus is called “τηλεθόωσα Ψ” 142, luxuriant, and the hair of the other heroes ‘floated in the breeze,’ 23.367. Paris is proud of his hair, 3.55. Apollo is “ἀκερσεκόμης Υ” 39 (Milton's ‘unshorn Apollo’). On archaic works of art the men are always represented with long hair. See on v. 872. The Euboean Abantes are “ὄπιθεν κομόωντες” v. 542; their back hair only was long, their front hair was ‘banged’ (see on v. 542; of course, no Chinese cue is to be thought of in their case). The Thracians are “ἀκρόκομοι Δ” 533, with their hair bound in a knot on top of the head; cf. apud Suevos, usque ad canitiem, horrentem capillum retro sequuntur, ac saepe in ipso solo vertice religant Tac. Germ. 38. Thucydides (i. 6) says it was not long since the ‘gentlemen of the old school’ had given up wearing their hair in a knot fastened by a golden cicada. The Spartans retained to a late period the custom of wearing long hair. Before the battle of Thermopylae, the Persian scouts saw the Spartans combing their hair (Hdt. vii. 208), preparing for glorious victory or honorable death. Among the Hebrews, the long hair of Absalom is familiar to us. In the later classical period, fashions changed. Only dandies wore long hair at Athens in the time of Aristophanes; and in the post-classical period St. Paul could write to the Corinthians: “οὐδὲ ἡ φύσις αὐτὴ διδάσκει ὑμᾶς ὅτι ἀνὴρ μὲν ἐᾶν κομᾷ, ἀτιμία αὐτῷ ἐστιν” 1 Cor. xi. 14. πόλιν Τρώων: not as 1.164.
 ἐφῆπται: are fastened upon; impend.17 = v. 168; cf. 1.12. κέχυτο: had poured itself out, like an enveloping cloud; cf. v. 34, “ὕπνον ι ἡδὺν ἐπὶ βλεφάροισι βάλε γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη α” 363 f., (“ὕπνος”) “νήδυμος ἀμφιχυθείς Ξ 253, ὕπνον χεύῃ Ξ” 164.
 ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς: every Homeric dream appears above the head and takes a familiar form; cf. 23.65 ff., “Ω 682, δ” 796 ff., Od. 6.21 ff., Od. 20.32, (Iris) devolat, et supra caput astitit Verg. Aen. iv. 702.Νηληίῳ υἷι: to the son of Neleus. The adj. is equiv. to a gen., cf. vs. 54, 416, 465, 528, 604, 3.180.—The Dream took this form in order not to terrify the king, and to persuade him most readily. γερόντων: the nobles without regard to age formed a “βουλή” (see v. 53); cf. the Spartan “γερουσία”, senatus, aldermen; ‘the elders of Moab’ Numbers xxii. 7 are identical with ‘the princes of Moab’ Numbers xxii. 8, 21. cf. “δημογέροντες Γ” 149.
 For the order of words, cf. 3.386.μίν: const. with “προσεφώνεε”, cf. v. 795, 3.389. δαΐφρονος: fiery-hearted. ἱπποδάμοιο: lit. master of horses, i.e. knight. Horse-tamer gives a false tone in Eng. 26 = v. 63, 24.133. ξύνες: give ear, from “ξυνίημι”. The change from the character of Nestor to that of a messenger from Zeus, is suited to the nature of a dream; cf. the change from the form of Penelope's sister to a messenger of Athene, Od. 4.797, 829. Διὸς δέ: paratactic, instead of a causal clause, cf. 1.200. τοί: for thee, “you may know”; ethical dat. 27 = 24.174, whence Aristarchus thought that this was borrowed. σεῦ: depends on “κήδεται”, while “σέ” is implied as the obj. of “ἐλεαίρει”. See on 1.196. The care and sympathy of Zeus are motives to prompt Agamemnon to a speedy execution of the command. 28-32 = vs. 11-15, with slight change.
 ἐκ Διός: with pass., in the sense of “ὑπὸ Διός”, indicating Zeus as the source of the woe; cf. “φίληθεν ι ἐκ Διός” vs. 668. f. they were loved by Zeus, “τὰ μὲν δή τοι τετέλεσται ι ἐκ Διός Σ” 74 f. This use is freq. in tragedy, cf. Aesch. Prom. 224, 757, Soph. Ant. 63, 180, 207, 210, 293.ἔχε: hold it fast, followed by a negative form of the same command, cf. 1.363.