threatened the perpetuity of the Union
or our own liberties.
I think it is extremely important that they shall decide, and rightly decide, that question before entering upon that policy.
And now, my friends, having said the little I wish to say upon this head, whether I have occupied the whole of the remnant of my time or not, I believe I could not enter upon any new topics so as to treat it fully without transcending my time, which I would not for a moment think of doing, I give way to Judge Douglas
: The highest compliment you can pay me during the brief half hour that I have to conclude is by observing a strict silence.
I desire to be heard rather than to be applauded.
The first criticism that Mr. Lincoln
makes on my speech was that it was in substance what I have said every where else in the State
where I have addressed the people.
I wish I could say the same of his speech.
Why, the reason I complain of him is because he makes one speech north and another south.
Because he has one set of sentiments for the Abolition counties
and another set for the counties opposed to Abolitionism.
My point of complaint against him is that I cannot induce him to hold up the same standard, to carry the same flag in all parts of the State
He does not pretend, and no other man will, that I have one set of principles for Galesburgh
and another for Charleston
He does not pretend that I hold to one doctrine in Chicago
and an opposite one in Jonesboro
I have proved that lie has a different set of principles for each of these localities.
All I asked of him was that he should deliver the speech that he has made here to-day in Coles county
instead of in old Knox
It would have settled the question between us in that doubtful county.
Here I understand him to reaffirm the doctrine of negro equality, and to assert that by the Declaration of Independence
the negro is declared equal to the white man. He tells you to-day that the negro was included in the Declaration of Independence
when it asserted that all men were created equal. [ “We believe it.” ] Very well.
assorts to-day as he did at Chicago
, that the negro was included in that clause of the Declaration of Independence
which says that all men were created equal and endowed by the Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
If the negro was made his equal and mine, if that equality was established by Divine law, and was the negro's inalienable right, how came he to say at Charleston
to the Kentuckians residing in that section of our State, that the negro was physically inferior to the white man, belonged to an inferior race, and he was for keeping him always in that inferior condition.
I wish you to bear these things in mind.
he said that the negro belonged to an inferior race, and that he was for keeping him in that inferior condition.
There he gave the people to understand that there was no moral question involved, because the inferiority being established, it was only a question of degree and not a question of right; here, to day, instead of making it a question of degree, he makes it a moral question, says that it is a great crime to hold the negro in that inferior condition. [ “He's right.” ] Is he right now or was he right in Charleston
? [ “Both.” ] He is right then, sir, in your estimation, not because he is consistent, but because he can trim his principles any way in any section, so as to secure votes.
All I desire of him is that he will declare the same principles in the south that he does in the north.
But did you notice how he answered my position that a man should hold the same doctrines throughout the length and breadth of this Republic?
He said, “Would Judge Douglas
go to Russia
and proclaim the same principles he does here?”
I would remind him that Russia
is not under the American Constitution If Russia
was a part of the American Republic
, under our Federal Constitution, and I was