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All means to Crush

if one of our Northern newspapers — rebel at heart and half rebel in speech — should propose, here in New York, a loan to the Confederacy of the Traitors, is it not fair to suppose that the office of that journal would receive an early visit from the law-officers of the United States? And yet, morally considered, this offence is one of daily occurrence. When The Herald or other sheet of like sable tint vehemently urges that property in Negroes is something that should be sacredly safe from confiscation and from military meddling, we say that such protest is equivalent to a proposition to lend a certain amount of money to Davis's Secretary of the Treasury. We beg leave to quote, upon this point, the excellent authority of a Venetian Jew:

You take my house when you do take the prop
That doth sustain my house; you take my life,
When you do take the means whereby I live.

Immediately after the delivery of this indisputably correct observation, Shylock, we are told, left the [285] Court-House upon the plea that he felt very unwell — and no doubt he told the truth. There is a method which God, in the interests of His Eternal Justice, has put into our hands of making the Rebels a great deal sicker than Shylock was; and we hum and haw and split a whole head of hairs, and leave the Rebel to the use of “the means whereby he lives.” Wise — is it not?

Look at the money which the Confederacy now owes, and which it has given paper promises to pay! There are $45,000,000 due to its soldiers; $50,000,000 to banks; $65,000,000 for property seized; $45,000,000 for State aid to be reimbursed; $100,000,000 of Treasury notes; and War Loans to the amount of $65,000,000. What is the property which this indebtedness represents? We answer emphatically-Black Men! And what would these certificates of indebtedness be worth if the Black Mien ceased to be property? We answer with the same emphasis — Nothing! If the Government of the United States could, by some stroke of policy, make this rag-cash so utterly rotten that the hungriest Rebel would not touch it even with gloves on, would n't it be worth while to do it? Well, you can do it! This paper represents a debt. The debt must be paid by taxation. The property to be taxed is mostly in negroes. Of course, the most befuddled Secessionist must see the truth of the formula — No “Niggers,” no Taxes; No Taxes, no Pay!

The Confederate notes will be excellent for shaving paper; but where is the bearded bankrupt to find [286] soap? The United States Government has it in its power to utterly beggar the paper-shop at Richmond in a week. That swindling concern has no capital but slaves, because without slaves the Rebel planter, if we may credit his own testimony, will find his land worth nothing, and his four-legged stock very little except to eat. Take away his slaves and he cannot pay his taxes, and if he cannot pay his taxes,--the Confederacy will burst like a soap-bubble! But when you prepare to subject him to this highly salutary discipline, ye gods! what howling Take cows, bulls, sheep, oxen, lands, barns, crops — take anything but Blacks! There has been a great deal of foolish talk in this world from the time of its creation, but we do not believe that the world ever listened to such consummate folly before. It's like giving up to a highwayman his horse and his weapons, and taking from him, by way of forfeiture, his under-waistcoat! You meet a Rebel in the field, and you shoot him, or he shoots young. That Is all fair, and we understand it. But suppose, having his life in your power, he proposed to you to buy his life at the cost of his negroes. “Oh!” you must answer, “the public interest demands that I have nothing to do with your blacks! Keep them in the name of the Constitution!” --and so you pop at him, and down he goes, leaving the blacks to his executors! What a charmingly sensible piece of Unionism! Or suppose a Rebel prisoner in Fort Lafayette, dreaming of a halter, and waking up to write to the President: “Dear Sir, Take my life, but pray do not take my ‘niggers.’ ” How extremely [287] probable! What the Rebels want, doubtless, is their lives and their negroes both-together with their cash and their plantations and their pretty little Confederacy — but if they are not entitled to all, they are not entitled to either.

The rule of all war is not only to hit hard, but to hit where you can hit hardest. Now, when the Confederates at the South, and their allies and accomplices at the North, set up such an agonizing yell, if the emancipation of slaves is but mentioned, we see at once upon what particular part of the back of this Confederate steed the raw is established, and we call for a vigorous application of the lash in precisely that direction. We do not approve of sparing the beast, merely because basting him will please the Abolitionists. We are not afraid of pleasing them too well — they are not so easily satisfied.

More than anything else, we want a restoration of our territory of which we have been plundered, and of our peace which has been wickedly disturbed! Give us back our great, prosperous and happy American Union! Give back to these wives and mothers the dear ones who are now risking their lives in this struggle! Give back to the honest mechanic the labor of which this Crime of Crimes has defrauded him! Give back to us the respect which we once inspired abroad! Restore the supremacy of the Laws! If our National integrity and individual prosperity cannot be recovered without Emancipatio — then Emancipate! This is a War for the Enforcement of the Laws — Enforce them all

August, 28, 1862.

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