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Union for the Union.

who could have thought that Northern Doughfaces had so much life in them?--that they would survive the bombardment of Fort Sumter?--that they would at last turn upon the Constitution, which they had professed to adore, and be ready to surrender the Union which they had pretended to reverence? Brooks & Co. are like Garrison, without Garrison's virtues and good conscience. We thought the Senate chamber purged of plantation insolence, and the well-weaponed Saulsbury starts up to convince us of our mistake — Saulsbury the Disunionist.

We can imagine some rebellions Abraham — the Patriarch of Slavery, as Voltaire was the Patriarch of Infidelity — we see him reading his Northern newspaper, and grinning gloriously over his grog, as he peruses the Pro-Slavery journal! Nobody will mark more keenly than the Confederate observer, the opposition to the Administration which has been gathered by the concretion of all the dusty particles of a commercial self-interest. Why should n't he be chippery? He has newspapers printed for him without cost to his own flaccid purse — he has Union Governors plotting pretty things for his advantage — he has [352] Northern clergymen tearing out the heart of both Testaments to offer it upon the altar of Involuntary Servitude-he has hordes of white slaves who do his voting, his mobbing, his fighting, and his philosophizing in the Free States, so called — he wins here, over the graves of our murdered soldiers, political victories which strengthen him more than fortresses or captured fields — why should he not be in the best possible humor?

Nor can we think the merriment confined to the Master. Why should n't the Slave have his private jollity also? He has been told over and over again, that he was incapable of self-government; and why? Why, but because he was black! Because the wrong pigment colored his cuticle! But we Northern men, we White men, we Caucasians of the pure red and white — excepting, as will sometimes happen, when we are yellow by reason of excessive bile — cannot we govern ourselves? 'Tis a mysterious matter. Our hair is straight, and yet we are in difficulties! Our noses are prettily Grecian, or sublimely Roman--and yet we take care of ourselves but ill! We have no blubber lips to demonstrate our political incapacity — and yet, what, in spite of sacred suffrage, have we come to? We have shins of the most orthodox configuration — but what good do they do us? Sambo may well think, what with our botherations, factions, anarchies, Congressional squabbles, petty discussions, free and fraternal fights, Democratic victories, and other palpable swindles, that, after all, a white skin will not do everything for its possessor? [353]

Delays are proverbially dangerous; but delay in crushing the Rebellion, according to all human experience, is peculiarly so. Sedition is like a great snow-ball--crescit eundo. Three or four victories would have made the Forty Thieves respectable members of society. In war, the virtuous, honest, amiable and admired party is that which wins the greatest battles; and in this wicked world, while we still submit to the ordeal of arms, it will be thought, until we become better Christians, that Providence is on the side of the best bayonets. The Confederates have an advantage over us which only decided defeat can take away from them — they have actually held out against us for many more months than anybody, when the war began, anticipated. The world accepts the fact, and troubles its head little enough about the “why” and “wherefore.” We may manufacture small excuses for our present consolation, but they will be of no value to anybody but the owners. It is only the plain practical fact which, in public affairs, stamps itself upon policy and opinion. The cabinets of the world will not stop to inquire which side, in this war, has the majority of cardinal virtues, or which is the patriotic party; why should they? When was it resolved by nations, that right should be dominant in all negotiations? Why, if ever a people had plain, pure, abstract, naked justice upon their side, we are that people. There isn't a morality, however trite, or however rare, that does not attach to our cause. We have with us truth, justice, honor; but, alas! these do not prevent us from cutting [354] a very shabby figure in Paris or London when the news is against us. The Rebels have lied, stolen, perjured themselves, and have tens of thousands of murders to answer for, but bustling men of the Bourse, and the Bulls and Bears of the London Stock Exchange, have had dealings with desperate scamps before, and have made no end of money out of them. It is enough for the nonce, that the rogues are up and the honest men down in the world.

Union is strength. The remark is a simple one, nor is it brilliantly novel; but we venture to make it once more. That the Rebels are united, we do not venture to say; but they are strong in an oligarchy, the members of which are always ready, in times of public danger, to postpone personal differences. They are in earnest. If a man within their jurisdiction votes against them, they imprison him. If he is pertinacious, they hang him. If a woman exhibits signs of dissatisfaction, it is n't her sex that can save her from outrage. What they want they take — men, money, munitions, supplies — wherever they find them. Whoever is bold enough to imply, even by silence, his dissatisfaction, does so at his personal peril. For him the tar-pot seethes and the rope is already twisted. The masses submit to tyrannies which the mob of Paris would not endure for a day; and the Slave Power, when it ruled the Union, exercised a sway less imperious than it has now assumed.

No one, however hearty may be his detestation of despotism, can deny that it is sometimes terribly effective. Tyrants are successful and strong, because [355] they do their bad work well, and punish words and thoughts as lighter-handed rulers punish deeds. Against the usurpations of a handful of Slaveholders, who are simply formidable for their energetic audacity, we have to oppose a Democracy which is restive under the slightest restraint, and will not bear the least check upon public opinion.

But, if properly employed, this secures to us corresponding advantages. This was sufficiently evident upon the breaking out of the war, when there was a race of giving and a competition of munificence — when designing men had not begun to calculate the advantages of a dishonorable peace — when, by common consent, political differences were put in abeyance. Let us recall the spirit of those proud and memorable days, and that, too, speedily! There is no time to be wasted. “Now, or never!” should be written upon every loyal banner! We want Union, Energy, and Action, and we want them Now. Shall we have them?

February 3, 1863.

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