should, the generations — both North and South--that may then live, I have no doubt, will have both sagacity enough to perceive it, and benevolence enough to improve it to the mutual advantage of themselves and the African race.
But it is very evident that neither of these conditions has been fulfilled as yet. In this state of things, it cannot be supposed that the Southern
people are prepared for any enterprise of the kind.
I cannot imagine that any public movement, having for its object the instruction of the blacks in reading and writing, could be made without involving the most disastrous results.
Let us suppose that a majority in our legislative councils were in favor of such a measure, and were actually to tax the people to support a system of primary education for the blacks : any man would certainly be excessively stupid who would not allow that a minority would, at all times, (in the present state of public experience,) exist, who deemed the law sufficiently oppressive to justify repudiation and physical resistance.
If this object were sought to be accomplished by individual enterprise, the results could scarcely be less embarrassing.
This will readily appear; for it would have to be effected either in the common schools of the country, or by the establishment of separate schools for the Africans.
But I am not