aware that the former is allowed to any material extent even in the free States, where certainly, if the scheme were practicable, the free blacks might be educated in the same schools with the whites.
The usage of civilization, which denies them a social footing in so many other respects, must, of course, so far deny them this privilege as to render the scheme mainly ineffectual in the accomplishment of good, or the usage is singularly inconsistent with itself.
And can it be supposed that such a scheme would operate better in the South
, where the reasons against it are a thousand-fold stronger, growing out of the large number of the African population?
Certainly nothing could be more utopian than an enterprise of this kind.
Public opinion would scarcely be sufficiently divided to justify even the wildest schemer in making a serious attempt to effect it. The latter plan might perhaps be attempted, but, on account of the evils it would involve, it would still be subject to impassable objections.
Slaves, though not owned by the poor, are held for the most part by farmers and planters whose pecuniary circumstances are what is called moderate.
There are exceptions.
Occasionally, they are held by men of wealth; but in the older States particularly, (and of these I speak from