such a course as this is, that it would be a useless expenditure of time and labor.
But the reason is much stronger in the case of the African.
The civil offices are all
closed against him. No one
of the learned professions is open to him. The Law of caste which forbids his amalgamation bars him out from every thing of the kind.
He is doomed to occupy, so long as he remains in the midst of a white community, the position of an inferior.
God himself has so ordered it. The bold line of distinction he has drawn between the races, is fully declarative of his will.
He only can reverse the decree, “The Ethiopian
cannot change his skin,” any more than “the leopard can change his spots.”
In this state of facts, would not the public mind — whose decisions must be authoritative in the settlement of such a question — very naturally inquire for the good
that it was thought might result from so material a change in the circumstances of the institution?
And is it not obvious that no answer could be given that would insure satisfaction?
No power of eloquence with which it is competent to enforce the claims of education, could possibly move the public mind from the sober conviction that the advantages and privileges of education, so necessary to a state of civil liberty, and so appropriate in other respects to that state, could not, with any