to the House of Lords.
The colonial legislatures also would elect members to it; and thus we should be complying in the most simple and yet the most signal way possible with the present desire of both this country and the colonies for a closer union together, for some representation of the colonies in the Imperial Parliament.
Probably, it would be found expedient to transfer to the Second Chamber
the representatives of the universities.
But no scheme for a Second Chamber will at the present day be found solid unless it stands on a genuine basis of election and representation.
All schemes for forming a Second Chamber through nomination, whether by the Crown or by any other voice, of picked noblemen, great officials, leading merchants and bankers, eminent men of letters and science, are fantastic.
Probably, they would not give us by any means a good Second Chamber.
But, certainly, they would not satisfy the country or possess its confidence, and therefore they would be found futile and unworkable.
So we discover what would naturally appear the desirable way out of some of our worst confusions, to anybody who saw clear and thought straight.
But there is little likelihood, probably, of any such way being soon perceived and fold