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[169] half of the population of the Free States as to the evil and peril, the guilt and shame of extending and fortifying Slavery by the power and under the flag of our Union. No matter what the People meant by electing him President — they had voted with their eyes open; and he, while equivocating1 and dissembling on the Tariff question, had been frank and open on this. Nor had the ruling purpose with which the acquisition of Texas was pursued been disguised by its champions. “It will give a Gibraltar to the South,” said Gen. James Hamilton, jr., of S. C., an eminent disciple of Calhoun, who had migrated from South Carolina to Texas, and taken a leading part in her affairs, in furtherance of the project. Such was the drift of Southern inculcation on this subject; and the colonizing, the revolutionizing, and the annexing of the coveted region, were but three acts in the same drama, and all the work of “the South.” When a Tennessee slaveholder and unflinching devotee of the Slave Power, well known as an earnest and self-proclaimed Annexationist, had been chosen President, and thus invested with the Executive power and patronage of the Republic for the four years ensuing, the speedy and complete triumph of the measure was rendered inevitable.

Mr. Tyler was still President, with John C. Calhoun as Secretary of State, and would so remain until the 4th of March. On the first Monday in December, the Twenty-Eighth Congress reassembled, and the President laid before it, among others, a dispatch from Mr. Calhoun, dated August 12, 1844, to Hon. William R. King, our Minister at Paris, instructing him to represent to the French Government the advantages and the necessity of Annexation on many grounds, but especially on that of its tendency to uphold Slavery, primarily in Texas itself; but “ultimately in the United States, and throughout the whole of this continent.” Mr. Calhoun assumed that Great Britain was intent on Abolition generally; that she had destroyed her own West India Colonies in a futile attempt “to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism ;” and that she was now employing all her diplomacy and influence to drag down, first Texas, then the residue of this continent, to her own degraded level. Says Mr. Calhoun:

In order to regain her superiority, she not only seeks to revive and increase her

1 Witness the following letter:

Columbia, Tenn., June 19, 1844.
dear Sir:--I have recently received several letters in reference to my opinions on the subject of the Tariff, and among others yours of the 10th ultimo. My opinions on this subject have been often given to the public. They are to be found in my public acts, and in the public discussions in which I have participated.

I am in favor of a Tariff for revenue, such a one as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasury to defray the expenses of Government economically administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue Tariff, I have heretofore sanctioned such moderate discriminating duties, as would produce the amount of revenue needed and at the same time afford reasonable incidental protection to our home industry. I am opposed to a Tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue. * * * * * *

In my judgment, it is the duty of the Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so. by its revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing agriculture, manufactures, and the mechanic arts, commerce, and navigation. I heartily approve the resolutions upon this subject as passed by the Democratic National Convention, lately assembled at Baltimore.

I am with great respect,

Dear Sir, your ob't serv't,


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