beacons you at the end. Before deciding, consider well the ancient and sacred maxim--‘Stand upon the ancient way — see which is the right, good way, and walk in it.’
But the question now was, Would the South submit to a Black Republican President and a Black Republican Congress, which will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the country and administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the country, nor by the practices of those who administered seventy years ago, but by rules drawn from their own blind consciences and crazy brains.
They call us inferiors, semi-civilized barbarians, and claim the right to possess our lands, and give them to the destitute of the Old World and the profligates of this.
They claim the dogmas of the Declaration of Independence as part of the Constitution, and that it is their right and duty to so administer the Government as to give full effect to them.
The people now must choose whether they would be governed by enemies, or govern themselves.
For himself, he would unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and, with the spirit of a brave man, determine to live and die as became our glorious ancestors, and ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe. He then spoke of the undoubted right to withdraw their delegated powers, and it was their duty, in the event contemplated, to withdraw them.
It was their only safety.
Mr. C. favored separate State action; saying the rest would flock to our standard.
Hon. Wm. W. Boyce
--then, and for some years previously, a leading Representative in Congress from South Carolina
--was, in like manner, serenaded and called out by the enthusiastic crowd of Secessionists, at Columbia
, on the following evening.
He concluded a speech denunciatory of the Republicans, as follows:1
The question then is, What are we to do?
In my opinion, the South ought not to submit.
If you intend to resist, the way to resist in earnest is to act; the way to enact revolution is to stare it in the face.
I think the only policy for us is to arm as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of Lincoln.
It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the most direct means, to withdraw from the Union.
Then we will not submit, whether the other Southern States will act with us or with our enemies.
They cannot take sides with our enemies; they must take sides with us. When an ancient philosopher wished to inaugurate a great revolution, his motto was to dare!
Mr. Boyce was followed by Gen. M. E. Martin, Cols. Cunningham, Simpson, Richardson, and others, who contended that to submit to the election of Lincoln is to consent to a lingering death.
There was great joy in Charleston
, and wherever “Fire-Eaters” most did congregate, on the morning of November 7th.
Men rushed to shake hands and congratulate each other on the glad tidings of Lincoln
, it was felt, and exultingly proclaimed, the last obstacle to “Southern independence” has been removed, and the great experiment need no longer be postponed to await the pleasure of the weak, the faithless, the cowardly.
It was clear that the election had resulted precisely as the master-spirits had wished and hoped.
, the apathy, at least of the other Cotton States, must be overcome; now
, South Carolina
--that is, her slaveholding oligarchy — will be able to achieve her long-cherished purpose of breaking up the Union
, and founding a new confederacy on her own ideas, and on the “peculiar institution” of the South
Men thronged the streets, talking, laughing, cheering,2
like mariners long becalmed