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[341] all of you. She claims that, standing upon the same sound platform, you will sympathize with her, and stand by her, and not desert her in her exposed, perilous border position. She has a right to claim that her voice, and the voice of reason, and moderation, and patriotism, shall be heard and heeded by you. If you secede, your representatives will go out of Congress, and leave us at the mercy of a Black Republican Government. Mr. Lincoln will have no check. He can appoint his Cabinet, and have it confirmed. The Congress will then be Republican, and he will be able to pass such laws as he may suggest. The Supreme Court will be powerless to protect us. We implore you to stand by us, and by our friends in the Free States; and let us all, the bold. the true and just men in the Free and the Slave States, with a united front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution. I believe this is the only way to save it; and we can do it.

Gov. Elias N. Conway, of Arkansas, transmitted his Annual Message to the new Legislature of that State on the 19th of November, 1860, when nearly all the Slave States were alive with drumming and drilling,1 and frantic with telegraphing and haranguing in behalf of Secession; yet he said nothing on the subject. It is a fair presumption that he disapproved of the entire business. But his successor, Henry M. Rector, had been chosen2 the preceding August, and lie made haste to do the bidding of the conspirators.

In all the other Slave States south of Maryland, the Governors were heart and soul in the Disunion conspiracy, and called Legislatures to meet in extra session, issued vehement Proclamations, concocted and put forth incendiary Messages, or did whatever else the master-spirits of the conspiracy required. Their associates and subordinates in office were of like faith and purpose; and it may fairly be assumed that at least four-fifths of all those in office in the Slave States, whether under the National or any State Government, on the 6th of November, 1860, were ardent advocates of Secession.

In Missouri, Mr. Claiborne F. Jackson had been chosen Governor3 as a Douglas Democrat; but that designation was entirely delusive. Having achieved what he considered the regular Democratic nomination for Governor, he thought he could not

1 Extract from a letter in The New York Herald of Nov. 9, dated

Charleston, Nov. 5, 1860.
As a mark of the popular inclination toward resistance, it is a fact of some significance that the echoes of the word “coercion” had hardly reached our borders before the whole State was bristling with spontaneous organizations of Minute-Men — irregular forces, it is true, but, nevertheless, formidable, because armed to the teeth with weapons to which they have been accustomed from early youth, and animated with the idea that they are defending all that is near and dear to them. The elaborate disclaimers, on the part of some of the Lincoln papers, of any design to molest the State, even if she secedes, have no weight whatever here. People very justly argue that, if coercion should be attempted, the Minute-Men will be wanted; and, if the State should not be molested in her independence, it will be a great advantage to have such a body of men always at command.

At this time, it is impossible to describe the extent of the Minute-Men movement. There is not a hamlet in the State that has not its squad, either of mounted men or infantry. They are drilling every night, and have generally adopted Hardee's Tactics, which, because less monotonous, are preferred by our impetuous young men to the old, heavy infantry drill. Not a night passes that we do not hear in the streets of Charleston the tramp of large bodies of armed men, moving with the quick Zouave step, and with admirable discipline and precision.

This, it will be seen, was before Lincoln's election; and, of course, before any public steps had been taken toward Secession. As the movement extended to other States. its military manifestations were nearly everywhere such as are portrayed above.

2 As a stump candidate; by 30,577 votes to 28,618 for R. H. Johnson, regular Democrat.

3 Election of August, 1860: C. F. Jackson (Douglas) 74,446; Sam. Orr (Bell) 66,583; Hancock Jackson (Breck.) 11,416; Gardenhire (Lincoln) 6,135.

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