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[355] business, and expend their surplus philanthropy on the poor at their own doors, rather than on the happy and contented slaves!

The Slave Power, having resolved to destroy the Union--having taken decided steps to that end — several States having definitively seceded, or prepared to secede, from the Union, without giving the least intimation that they could be swerved from this purpose by any pledge or act whatever, on the part of the Free States--what was the North to do?

“Let us try the virtue of new protestations, new prostrations, more groveling abasements,” was the instinctive, urgent, unanimous response of that large portion of the politicians and traders of the Free States who had already reduced servility to a science. Without the least warrant, in defiance of the most explicit declarations, it was assumed that Secession was but a “strike” of the Slave Power for more complete, unresisted sway over the Union, rather than for utter and final escape from it.

Whoever has carefully considered the platforms and the action of the respective parties which confronted each other during the canvass and in the election of 1860, must realize that Secession could be met in but one of four ways:

1. By substantial acquiescence in the movement, and in its proposed result.

2. By proffering such new concessions and guarantees to Slavery as should induce the conspirators to desist from their purpose, and return to loyalty and the Union.

3. By treating it as Rebellion and Treason, and putting it down, if need be, by the strong arm.

4. By so acting and speaking as to induce a pause in the movement, and permit an appeal “to Philip sober” --from the South inflamed by passionate appeals and frenzied accusations,1 to the South, enlightened, calmed, and undeceived, by a few months of friendly, familiar discussion, and earnest expostulation.

The first of these alternatives had few open advocates in the Free States; but there were some who even went the length of declaring Secession a constitutional right,2 to be exercised by any State whenever her own convictions

1 At a great public meeting held at Mobile, Alabama, November 15, 1860, a “Declaration of causes,” twenty-two in number, was put forth; from which we select the following:

The following brief, but truthful history of the Republican party, its acts and purposes, affords an answer to these questions:

It claims to abolish Slavery in the districts, forts, arsenals, dockyards, and other places ceded to the United States. To abolish the inter-State Slave-Trade, and thus cut off the Northern Slave States from their profits of production, and deprive the Southern of their sources of supply of labor. * * *

It has denied the extradition of murderers, marauders, and other felons.

It has concealed and shielded the murderer of masters or owners, in pursuit of fugitive slaves. * * *

It has advocated negro equality, and made it the ground of positive legislation, hostile to the Southern States.

It opposes protection to Slave property on the high seas, and has justified piracy itself in the case of the Creole. * * *

It has invaded Virginia, and shed the blood of her citizens on her own soil. * * *

It has announced its purpose of total abolition in the States and everywhere, as well as in the territories, and districts, and other places ceded.

2 The New York Herald, of November 11, 1860, closes a glowing picture of the growth, condition, and prospects of the city of New York, as follows:

If, however, Northern fanaticism should triumph over us, and the Southern States should exercise their undeniable right to secede from the Union, then the city of New York, the river counties, the State of New Jersey, and, very likely, Connecticut, would separate from those New England and Western States, where the black man is put upon a pinnacle above the white. New York City is for the Union first, and the gallant and chivalrous South afterward.

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