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“ [416] or confederation.” ] The Federal Government is termed by him “the agent through whom they communicated with foreign nations,” which they have now “changed” --that is all. In short, the chief of the Confederacy talks as though his people had acted in a very natural and common-place manner in voting for President of the United States, and then, being beaten in the contest, seceding from the Union, framing a new Confederacy, and electing him President for the ensuing term, for which they had failed to elect Major Breckinridge. And, as they had cotton to sell, which the North, with nearly all other civilized countries, wished to buy, their policy was necessarily one of peace; and he argued that the old Union would inevitably and gladly, for cotton's sake, if for no other, cultivate peace with them.

There was an undertone in this Inaugural, however, which plainly evinced that the author expected nothing of the sort. “If we may not hope to avoid war,” says Mr. Davis, “we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it.” “We have entered upon a career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued through many years of controversy with our late associates of the Northern States.” Hence, he very properly called upon his Congress, in addition to the services of the Militia, to provide for a Navy, and “a well-instructed, disciplined Army, more numerous than would usually be required as a peace establishment” --which was putting quite as fine a point on it as the truth would warrant.

Mr. Davis carefully refrained from any other allusion to Slavery, or the causes of estrangement between the North and the South, than the following:

With a Constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so far as it is explanatory of their well-known intent, freed from sectional conflicts, which have interfered with the pursuit of the general welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that the States from which we have parted may seek to unite their fortunes to ours, under the Government which we have instituted. For this, your Constitution makes adequate provision; but beyond this, if I mistake not, the judgment and will of the people are, that union with the States from which they have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, develop the resources, and promote the happiness of the Confederacy, it is requisite there should be so much homogeneity that the welfare of every portion should be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antagonisms are engendered, which must and should result in separation.

Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the “ Confederacy,” proved far less reticent and more candid. On his return from the Convention or Congress whereby the “Confederacy” had been cemented, and he chosen its Vice-President, he was required to address a vast assemblage at Savannah,1 and did so in elaborate exposition and defense of the new Confederate Constitution. After claiming that it preserved all that was dear and desirable of the Federal Constitution, while it embodied very essential improvements on that document, in its prohibition of Protective Duties and Internal Improvements by Confederate authority; in its proffer to Cabinet Ministers of seats in either House of Congress, with the right of debate; and in forbidding the reelection of a President while in office, Mr. Stephens proceeded:

But, not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes for the better, allow

1 March 21, 1860.

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