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[510] to undoubting confidence — that they were to be largely aided by cooperation and diversion on the part of their Northern friends and allies. They did not, for a moment, suppose that the Free States were to be, even in appearance, a unit against their efforts.1 Doubtless, there was disappointment on both sides — the North believing that there could never fail to be an open and active Union party at the South; while the South counted on like aid from the North; but there was this material difference between the two cases: The Southern leaders had received innumerable assurances, through a series of years, of Northern sympathy and aid in the anticipated struggle for their “rights;” while probably no single Republican had received a letter or message from any Southron of note, urging that no concession be made, but that the Disunionists be crowded to the wall, and compelled to back square out or fight. On the contrary, almost every Southern plea for the Union had assumed as its basis that the North could, would, and should, be induced to recede from its position of resistance to Slavery Extension, or else-------. The alternative was not always plainly expressed; but the inference was irresistible, that Southern Unionism differed from Secessionism in that it proposed allowing the North a month or two longer wherein to back out of its chosen position before visiting its perverseness with the retribution of fire land sword. “Wait a little longer,” was the burden of Southern appeals for persistence in Unionism: “the North is preparing to recede: she will presently agree, rather than fight, to give us, at least, the Crittenden Compromise.” But suppose she should not--what then? This question was sometimes answered, sometimes not; but the logical inference was inevitable: “Then we will unite with you in a struggle for Disunion.” Here were the toils in which Virginia Unionism had immeshed itself before the bombardment of Sumter, and which foredoomed it to suicide directly thereafter.

The more earnest and resolute Southerners had been talking of their ‘rights’ and their “wrongs,” for a number of years, in such a definite, decisive way that they felt that no one could justifiably fail to comprehend them. Some of them were Disunionists outright — regarded separation as at all events desirable for the South, and certain to enhance her prosperity, wealth, and power. Others preferred to remain in the Union, if they could shape its policy and mold it to their will; but the

1 The New Orleans Picayune of February 21st, 1861, had a letter from its New York correspondent “Antelope,” dated the 13th, which, with reference to Mr. Lincoln's speech, two days earlier, at Indianapolis, said:

Lincoln even goes so far as to intimate that hostile armies will march across the seceded States to carry out the darling project of recapture, and the “enforcement of the laws,” but he surely could not have counted the dreadful and sickening result when such a course wandered through his hot and frenzied brain. March hostile armies through the Southern States! Why, where are the armies to come from that are to take up the march? Where are the loans of money to come from to carry on this diabolical and fiendish crime? An American army sufficiently powerful cannot be raised to do it; while, as regards the raising of moneys to prosecute the fratricidal strife, New York, the banking emporium of the Union, will refuse, point blank, to advance a dollar for so unholy a purpose. * * *

No! no! The South is too terribly in earnest for our bankers to furnish the sinews wherewith to whip it back to its “allegiance;” and, if the atrocious game should still be persisted in, instead of having the funds to work with. the new Government of Mr. Lincoln will find itself flat upon its back,

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