promise made when he submitted my nomination to the Senate.
If there ever had been any real ground for the widespread apprehension of criminal purpose on the part of President Johnson
, certainly all indication of any such purpose disappeared with the failure of his impeachment and the settlement of the long-standing controversy respecting the War Department.
The so-called reconstruction laws, which the President
so emphatically condemned as being unconstitutional, were carried out without further objection from him; the Presidential election in the Southern States
was conducted with perfect good order; a free ballot and a full count were secured under the supervision and protection of the army—a thing supposed to be so dangerous to the liberties of a free people.
This and many other examples in the history of this country, from the time when Washington
surrendered his commission to the Continental Congress down to the present time, show that a ‘free people’ have nothing to fear from their army, whether regular, volunteer, or militia; the soldiers are, in fact, among the most devoted and loyal citizens of the republic, and thoroughly imbued with the fundamental principle of subordination of the military to the civil power.
With General Grant
my relations while in the War Department were of the most satisfactory character.
As a candidate for the Presidency, and as President-elect
, he naturally desired to be as free as possible from the current duties of his office as general of the army, and he was absent from Washington
much of the time, his chief of staff, General Rawlins
, remaining there to promulgate orders in his name.
Thus it devolved upon me to exercise all the functions of ‘commander-in-chief
of the army’—functions which it is usually attempted to divide among three,—the President
, the Secretary