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informing him of my purpose, and informed General Thomas by telegraph.
But the latter disapproved my plan, and directed me to move to defend Caperton's Ferry.
This is what General Sherman refers to in his despatch of October 16: ‘Your first move on Trenton and Valley Head was right; the move to defend Caperton's Ferry is wrong.
Notify General Thomas of these, my views.’
But the difference between right and wrong proved immaterial, since Hood was left free to escape down the Chattanooga valley.
Why this was done, or why Sherman did not want to force the enemy east, by Spring Place, into the barren mountains, where Johnston would have been compelled to go if McPherson's move on Resaca in May had been successful, seems a mystery.
The explanation is probably to be found in Sherman's wish that Hood would go where he would not be compelled to follow, and thus would leave him (Sherman) a clear road for his march to the sea. Indeed the conviction seems irresistible that Sherman and Hood could hardly have acted in more perfect concert if they had been under the same commander.
The one did exactly what the other wanted, and the other took care not to interfere with his movement.
At the close of the Atlanta campaign, I promised General Sherman that I would, as soon as I should be able to do so, write a full critical history of that campaign as a text-book for military students.
I have not yet found time to fulfil that promise.
The foregoing pages were intended, when written, as only a very partial fulfilment of that task, and that almost entirely of one side of it—far the most difficult side.
The other side is so easy, comparatively, and is already so familiar to military students, that further elucidation now seems hardly necessary.
Yet I hope, as a labor of love, if for no other reason, to present my impressions of those grand tactical evolutions of a compact army of one hundred thousand men, as I
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