The seizure of the national capital, with the treasury and archives of the government, was a part of the plan of the
Confederates everywhere and of the government at
Montgomery.
Alexander H. Stephens, the
Vice-President of the
Confederacy, was sent by
Jefferson Davis to treat with
Virginia for its annexation to the league, and at various points on his journey, whenever he made speeches to the people, the burden was, “On to
Washington!”
That cry was already resounding throughout the
South.
It was an echo of the prophecy of the
Confederate Secretary of War. “Nothing is more probable,” said the Richmond
Inquirer, in 1861, “than that
President Davis will soon march an army through
North Carolina and
Virginia to
Washington” ; and it called upon
Virginians who wished to “join the
Southern army” to organize at once.
“The first fruits of
Virginia secession,” said the New Orleans
Picayune, on the 18th, “will be the removal of
Lincoln and his cabinet, and whatever he can carry away, to the safer neighborhood of
Harrisburg or
Cincinnati—perhaps to
Buffalo or
Cleveland.”
The
Vicksburg (Miss.) Whig of the 20th said: “
Maj. Ben McCulloch has organized a force of 5,000 men to seize the
Federal capital the instant the first blood is spilled.”
On the evening of the same day, when news of bloodshed in
Baltimore reached
Montgomery (see
Baltimore), bonfires were built in front of the
Exchange Hotel, and from its balcony
Roger A. Pryor, of
Virginia, in a speech to the multitude, said that he was in “favor of an immediate march on
Washington.”
[
23]
At the departure of the 2d Regiment of South Carolina Infantry for
Richmond, the colonel, as he handed the flag just presented to it to the colorsergeant, said: “To your particular charge is committed this noble gift.
Plant it where honor calls.
If opportunity offers, let it be the first to kiss the breezes of heaven from the dome of the
Capitol at
Washington.”
The Richmond
Examiner said, on April 23—the day when
Stephens arrived in that city: “The capture of
Washington City is perfectly within the power of
Virginia and
Maryland, if
Virginia will only make the proper effort by her constituted authorities.
There never was half the unanimity among the people before, nor a tithe of the zeal upon any subject that is now manifested to take
Washington and drive from it every Black Republican who is a dweller there.
From the mountain-tops and valleys to the shores of the sea there is one wild shout of fierce resolve to capture
Washington City at all and every human hazard.”
On the same day
Governor Ellis, of
North Carolina, ordered a regiment of State troops to march for
Washington; and the
Goldsboro (N. C.) Tribune of the 24th, speaking of the grand movement of
Virginia and a rumored one in
Maryland, said: “It makes good the words of
Secretary Walker, of
Montgomery, in regard to the
Federal metropolis.
It transfers the lines of battle from the
Potomac to the
Pennsylvania border.”
The Raleigh (N. C.)
Standard of the same date said: “Our streets are alive with soldiers” (
North Carolina was then a professedly loyal State); and added, “
Washington City will be too hot to hold
Abraham Lincoln and his government.
North Carolina has said it, and she will do all she can to make good her declaration.”
The
Eufaula (Ala.) Express said, on the 25th: “Our policy at this time should be to seize the old Federal capital, and take old
Lincoln and his cabinet prisoners of war.”
The
Milledgeville (Ga.) Southern recorder said: “The government of the
Confederate States must possess the city of
Washington.
It is folly to think it can be used any longer as the headquarters of the
Lincoln government, as no access can be had to it except by passing through
Virginia and
Maryland.
The District of Columbia cannot remain under the jurisdiction of the United States Congress without humiliating Southern pride and disputing Southern rights.
Both are essential to greatness of character, and both must cooperate in the destiny to be achieved.”
A correspondent of the Charleston
Courier, writing from
Montgomery, said: “The desire for taking
Washington, I believe, increases every hour; and all things, to my thinking, seem tending to this consummation.
We are in lively hope that before three months roll by the [Confederate] government—Congress, departments, and all—will have removed to the present Federal capital.”
Hundreds of similar expressions were uttered by Southern politicians and Southern newspapers; and
Alexander H. Stephens brought his logic to bear upon the matter in a speech at
Atlanta, Ga., April 30, 1861, in the following manner: “A general opinion prevails that
Washington City is soon to be attacked.
On this subject I can only say, our object is peace.
We wish no aggressions on any man's rights, and will make none.
But if
Maryland secedes, the District of Columbia will fall to her by reversionary right—the same as
Sumter to
South Carolina,
Pulaski to
Georgia, and
Pickens to
Florida.
When we have the right, we will demand the surrender of
Washington, just as we did in the other cases, and will enforce our demand at every hazard and at whatever cost.”
At the same time went forth from the free-labor States, “On to
Washington!”
for its preservation; and it was responded to effectually by hundreds of thousands of loyal citizens.
