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[564] cases of credits grew out of this section of the law: most of them being in regard to minors who lived in one town, and whose parents lived in another.

A circular was sent from the office of the Adjutant-General to the authorities of each city and town, directing that the evidence in respect to these contested cases should be in writing, and sworn to before a justice of the peace, and forwarded to the Adjutant-General, who should decide which of the places should have the credit. The papers, when received, were referred to Major Rogers, Assistant Adjutant-General; but before the cases could be considered, and credits given, an order was issued by the War Department, that the ‘muster-rolls should, in all cases, govern the credits.’ This seemed to preclude further action by the State authorities; but, on representing the matter to the Provost-Marshal-General of the United States, permission was given to Major Clarke, U. S. A., the military commander of Massachusetts, to arrange the credits, and he adopted the list, as reported by Major Rogers, from the written evidence which he had examined. This did not give entire satisfaction in all cases, but, nevertheless, was just.

The act of Congress, allowing the naval credits, afforded a means by which to satisfy the discontented cities and towns; as, by allowing these men to be credited, the quota of every place was filled, besides leaving a large balance to the credit of the State.

The act of Congress, passed July 4, allowing naval credits, also made it lawful for the executive of any of the loyal States to send recruiting agents into any of the States in rebellion, except Arkansas, Tennessee, and Louisiana, to recruit volunteers, who should be credited to the State procuring the enlistment. Governor Andrew had, long before the law passed, pressed upon the War Department the justice and importance of such a measure. He argued that it would relieve the loyal States from the necessity of furnishing so many men, and would take from the disloyal States a portion of their power; it would afford to the loyal people of the rebel States an opportunity to fight for the Union which they professed to

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William Rogers (2)
James Freeman Clarke (1)
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